^  LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
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SAN  D8EG0 

VJ J 


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3   1822  01266  6913 


10 


TWENTY-FIVE  YEARS  OF 

MASSACHUSETTS 

POLITICS 


FROM   RUSSELL  TO  McCALL 

1890-1915 


BY 

MICHAEL  E.    HENNESSY 


Foreword  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 


BOSTON,   MASS. 

PRACTICAL    POLITICS,    INC. 

1917 


COPYRIGHTED    1917 

By 

MICHAEL.   E.    HENNESSY 


PRINTED    BY    COMMERCIAL-FINANCIAL    PRINTING    CO. 
BOSTON.   MASS. 


TO 

JAMES  MORGAN 

WHO  HAS  HONORED  ME  WITH  HIS  FRIENDSHIP 
FOR  TWENTY-FIVE  YEARS 


FOREWORD 


There  is  a  common  saying  that  the  history  of  which  each  man 
knows  least  is  that  which  covers  the  period  immediately  preceding 
his  own  birth,  for  it  has  not  yet  been  written  and  he  can  learn 
nothing  about  it  except  from  the  memory  of  his  elders.  Those 
years,  indeed,  have  joined  the  long  procession  of  their  predecessors, 
but  the  time  has  not  arrived  to  recount  their  story  in  enduring  form 
and  so  there  is  a  gulf  between  the  point  at  which  our  history,  biog- 
raphy and  memoirs  cease  to  tell  us  of  the  past,  and  the  present 
which  is  actually  before  our  eyes. 

A  book  like  Mr.  Hennessy's,  therefore,  has  both  value  and  use- 
fulness, because  it  contains  a  great  array  of  facts,  carefully  verified 
and  clearly  arranged,  which  it  is  almost  impossible  for  any  man 
readily  to  find  without,  in  many  cases  at  least,  great  labor  and  re- 
search. But  Mr.  Hennessy's  book  is  much  more  than  this — far 
more  than  a  compilation  of  facts  and  figures.  It  gives  the  impres- 
sions made  upon  a  trained  observer  of  politics,  and  of  the  men  en- 
gaged in  them,  during  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

Although  it  professes  to  deal  only  with  Massachusetts,  in  fol- 
lowing the  fortunes  of  the  State  one  is  led  insensibly  and  necessarily 
into  the  wider  fields  of  national  elections  and  of  national  campaigns. 
Mr.  Hennessy  has  made  good  use  of  all  his  opportunities  and  with 
practiced  hand,  and  a  keen  interest  in  his  subject  gives  us  not  only 
a  picture  of  the  tirne  which  he  depicts,  and  which  will  always  be  of 
value  as  the  impression  of  one  who  was  both  chronicler  and  critic 
from  day  to  day,  but  he  also  offers  us  brief  and  well  drawn  sketches 
of  the  men  who  have  been  conspicuous  in  the  public  life  of  the 
State,  portraits  which  possess  all  the  vividness  that  springs  from 
personal  acquaintance  and  careful  observation. 

For  those  who  come  after  us  it  is  always  well  to  learn,  in 
Browning's  words,  "how  it  strikes  a  contemporary,''  and  when  the 
history  of  Massachusetts  during  the  last  twenty-five  years  shall  be 
written  by  some  historian  still  unborn  he  will  find  Mr.  Hennessy's 
book  not  only  one  of  his  best  authorities  but  the  attraction  of  the 
personal  note,  inseparate  from  the  man  who  describes  events  of 
which  he  was  a  part. 


AUTHOR'S    NOTE 


In  this  book  I  have  recorded  the  important  State  and  National 
political  events  of  the  past  25  years  in  Massachusetts  and  something 
of  the  men  who  had  to  do  with  those  events.  The  record  begins 
with  1890  when  Governor  John  Q.  A.  Brackett,  Republican,  was 
defeated  for  re-election  by  William  E.  Russell,  the  Democratic  can- 
didate; and  it  ends  with  the  gubernatorial  election  of  T915,  when 
Samuel  W.  McCall,  the  Republican  candidate,  defeated  for  re-election 
Governor  David  I.   Walsh,  the  Democratic  incumbent   of  the  office. 

I  was  tempted  to  undertake  this  work  because  of  my  long  and 
intimate  acquaintance,  as  political  reporter  on  the  Boston  Globe, 
with  the  men  and  events  of  this  interesting  period  of  Massachusetts 
politics. 

In  order  to  keep  the  work  within  reasonable  bounds  it  has  been 
necessary  to  outline  briefly  many  things  that  may  seem — and  un- 
doubtedly are — worthy  of  more  extensive  elucidation  and  comment. 
But  this  would  make  a  work  of  many  volumes  so  I  have  merely 
recorded  the  essential  facts  in  logical  and  chronological  order  with- 
out too  much  of  comment.  And,  such  as  it  is,  it  is  submitted  in  the 
hope  that  it  will  meet  a  necessity — the  necessity  of  those  who  take 
an  active  interest  in   Massachusetts  politics  and  in  her  public  men. 

The  founders  of  this  Commonwealth  were  noble  men  and  women. 
On  the  bleak  shores  of  Massachusetts  Bay  they  built  their  homes, 
erected  their  meeting  house  and  public  school.  Here  they 
worked  out  their  own  idea?  of  self-government,  encouraged  thrift, 
education,  respect  for  authority  and  that  love  of  freedom  which  they 
transmitted  to  future  generations  through  their  descendants  and  their 
cherished  institutions. 

It  is  a  thrilling  story,  filled  with  the  heroic  deeds  of  her  sons 
whose  service  to  humanity  the  world  over  is  unsurpassed  if  indeed 
it  is  equalled  by  any  other  Commonwealth  on  the  American  conti- 
nent. She  welcomes  to  her  borders  the  oppressed  of  every  land, 
clothes  them  with  the  beauty  and  majesty  of  her  SLatchood,  asking 
only  in  return  loyalty  and   devotion   to  her  ideals. 

Sometimes  in  the  strife  and  turmoil  of  politics  we  are  apt 
to  forget  this  splendid  heritage,  but  when  the  smoke  of  political 
battle  disappears  victor  and  vanquished  gladly  acknowledge  its  great- 
ness and  hasten  to  help  preserve  the  fair  name  of  a  Commonwealth 
whose  contributions  to  art,  science,  literature,  education,  freedom, 
charity  and  humanitarianism  challenge  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

Boston,  July,  1916.  M.  E.  H. 


CONTENTS 


Foreword  .  .  .  .  •  ... 

Author's   Note  ....  ... 

Chapter  I — Election  of  William  E.  Russell  Governor   . 

Chapter   II — Russell's    First   Term   as    Governor 

Chapter  III — Reelection  of  Gov   Russell    . 

Chapter  IV — National  and  State   Campaigns,   1892    . 

Chapter  V — Gov  Russell's  Third  Term 

Chapter  VI — Greenhalge's  First  Term  as  Governor  . 

Chapter  VII — Second  and  Third  Terms  of  Greenhalge 

Chapter  VIII — National  and  State  Campaigns,  1896  . 

Chapter  IX — Roger  Wolcott's  Administration   . 

Chapter  X — Gov  Crane's  First  Term 

Chapter  XI — National  and  State   Campaigns,   1900   . 

Chapter  XII — Crane's  Second  and  Third  Terms 

Chapter  XIII — Gov  Bates'  First  Term 

Chapter  XIV — Gov  Bates  Reelected 

Chapter  XV — National  and  State  Campaigns,  1904  . 

Chapter  XVI— Gov  Bates  Defeated   .... 

Chapter  XVII — 'Death  of  Senator  Hoar     . 

Chapter  XVIII — Douglas  and   His   Single  Term 

Chapter  XIX — State  Campaign  of  1905 

Chapter  XX — Guild  and  Draper's  First  Term   . 

Chapter  XXI — Moran's  Unsuccessful   Fight  for  Governo 

Chapter  XXII — Guild's    Second   Term 

Chapter  XXIII — Famous    "Pink    Ticket"    Convention 

Chapter  XXIV— Third  Term  of  Gov  Guild 

Chapter  XXV — ^National  Campaign  of   1908 

Chapter  XXVI — State  Campaign  of  1908  . 

Chapter  XXVII — 'Draper   and    Frothingham's    First  Term 

Chapter  XXVIII — Foss  Joins   Democrats 

Chapter  XXIX — Second  Term  of  Draper 

Chapter  XXX — Foss  Beats  Buchanan  for  Congress  . 

Chapter  XXXI — Foss  for   Governor 


Page 
Vll 

IX 
I 
10 
19 
29 
35 
45 
54 
63 

n 

86 

90 

95 

104 
112 
119 
128 
133 
138 
147 
154 
162 
170 
176 

185 
192 
201 
206 
211 
21S 
223 
227 


Chapter  XXXII — State  and  Congressional  Campaigns,  1910 

Chapter  XXXIII— Foss  Fails  to  Defeat  Senator  Lodge   . 

Chapter  XXXIV — Speakership    Contest,    191 1    . 

Chapter  XXXV — Foss'  First  Term  as  Governor 

Chapter  XXXVI — State   Campaign,   191 1    . 

Chapter  XXXVII — Foss'  Second  Term     .... 

Chapter  XXXVIII — Massachusetts'  Part  in  National  Campaign 
1912  ......... 

Chapter  XXXIX — National   Convention,   1912   . 
Chapter  XL— Birth   of   Bull   Moose   Party- 
Chapter  XLI — National  and  State  Campaigns,  1912  . 
Chapter  XLII— John  W.  Weeks  Elected  U  S  Senator     . 
Chapter  XLIII— Gov  Foss'  Third  Term   .... 

Chapter  XLIV — Leading  Up  to  State   Campaign,  1913 
Chapter  XLV — State   Campaign,  1913         .... 

Chapter  XLVI — lAftermath   State   Campaign,,   1913    . 
Chapter  XLVII— Gov  Walsh's    First  Term 
Chapter  XLVIII — Second    Administration  of  Gov  Walsh 
Chapter  XLIX — Contest  for   Republican   Gubernatorial   Nomi 
nation,    1915  ........ 

Chapter  L— Samuel  W.  McCall  Defeats  Walsh 

Chapter  LI — The  Passing  of  Walsh — State  "Redeemed"   . 


Page 

235 
241 

251 
256 
267 
273 

281 

287 
296 

303 
313 
324 
335 

341 
351 
356 

365 

378 
384 
392 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Allen,  Charles  H 40     Ames,   Butler 


Page 


B 


Barry,   Edward  J 340 

Bartlett,  Charles  W.,  Gen.   .   152 

Bates,  John  L.,  Gov 104 

Baxter,   Charles   S 278 

Belmont,    August    268 

Benton,  Everett  C 340 

Bigney,    Sidney    0 366 

Billings,   Edmund    366 


Bird,    Charles    Sumner    274 

Boutwell,   George   S 204 

Boynton,  Thomas  J 348 

Brackett,  John   Q.   A 10 

Brooks,  William  H 320 

Buckley,    Daniel    F 182 

Burnett,  Robert   M 172 

Butler,   William   M 60 


Callahan,  Christopher  T.    . . .  66 

Carter,  William  H 352 

Cassidy,  Thomas  F 254 

Champlin,  Edgar  R 278 

Cleveland,   Grover,   Pres.    ...  29 

Coakley,   Daniel   H 366 

Cole,    Charles   H.,   Gen 144 

Cole,  John  N 222 

Collins,  Patrick  A.,  Gen 14 

Conry,    Joseph    A 182 

Coolidge,    Calvin     228 

Coolidge,   Frederick  S 14 

Coolidge,    Louis   A 268 

Coolidge,  V/illiam   H 278 

D 

Dallinger,    Frederick   W,    .  . .  216 

Doherty,   Daniel    F 182 

Donahoe,    Frank   J 348 

Donovan,  James    36 


Corcoran,  John  W.,  Gen.   ...      14 
Cortelyou,  George  B.,  giving 
out   bulletins   at    Buffalo    . .   96 

Cosgrove,    Daniel    274 

Coughlin,   John   W 66 

Crane,  Winthrop  M,  Sen.   . . .    136 

Crapo,   William   W 40 

Crowley,    Robert  J 246 

Cummings,  John  W 82 

Curley,    James    M 284 

Currier,   Guy  W 340 

Curtis,    Edwin   U 50 

Gushing,   Grafton   D 268 


D'ouglas,  William  L  138 

Draper,   Eben   S.,   Gov 211 

Draper,  Wm.  F.,  Gen.,  Statue  288 


Feeney,  John  P 172 

Fitzgerald,  John   F 82 

Foss,  Eugene  N.,  Gov 235 


Foss,  Taft  and  Mayor  Fitz- 
gerald at  Evacuation  Day 
Parade     292 

Frothingham,  Louis  A 198 


Gallivan,  James  A 352 

Galvin,   J.    Mitchel    204 

Gardner,  Augustus  P 222 

Gaston,  William  A.,  Col.    ...  112 

Gillett,    Frederick    H 332 


Gove,  Jesse   M 50 

Greenhalge,    Fred'k  T.,    Gov.     45 

Greenwood  Levi  H 260 

Guild,   Curtis,  Jr.,  Gov 162 

Guild's,  Curtis  Funeral  Scenes  374 


H 


Hale,    Matthew    274 

Hamlin,    Charles   S 112 

Hammond,    John    Hays    ....  198 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  Pres.   • .  20 

Hart,  Thomas   N 40 

Hatfield,  Charles  E 320 

Hayes,  William  P 246 


Page 

Hitchcock,    Frank    H 222 

Hoar,   George   Frisbie   Statue  132 

Hoar,    Roger   Sherman    260 

Holmes,       Oliver       Wendell, 

Judge     100 

Houghton,  Albert  C 36 

Howland,    Willard    82 


Innes,  Charles  H 2c8 


Kieth,  Eben  S.  S. 
Keliher,  John  A. 


K 

260      Kimball,  James  W 60 

182      Knowlton,   Hosea   M.,   Judge  100 


Langtry,    Albert    P 320 

Lawrence,    George    P 60 

Lodge,   Henry   Cabot,    Sen,..   241 


Lodge,  Taft  and  Mayor  Far- 

rell  at  Maiden   Celebration  292 

Lomasney,    Martin    M 254 

Lucej    Robert    198 


M 


Malley,   John   F 268 

Macleod,  Frederick  J 246 

Malone,  Dana   56 

Mansfield,    Frederick  W.    . .  .   348 

Maynard,  Joseph   A 246 

McCall,  Samuel  W.,  Gov.   . .  .   392 
McCall    on    his    way    to    the 

Polls     380 

McCall  and  Legislative  Com- 
mittee,    1892      384 

McGregor,    Alexander     260 


M'cKinley,  William,   Pres.    . 
McLaughlin,  Edward  F.    . .  . 

McNary,    William    S 

Meany,  John  F 

Meyer,  George  von  L 

Miles,  Nelson  A.,  Gen 

Moody,   William   H.,  Judge 

Moran,  John  B 

Murray,   Michael  J.,  Judge 
Murray,  William  F 


90 

60 

66 

352 

SO 

144 

100 

172 

100 

284 


O'Connell,   Joseph    F 204 

Olney,    Richard    14 


Olney,   Richard,   2nd    352 

O'Neil,   Joseph   H 6 


Paige,  Calvin  D 332 

Paine,   Robert  Treat,  Jr.    ...  82 

Pearson,  Gardner  L,  Gen.    . .  144 

Pelletier,  Joseph  C 332 

Peters,    Andrew    J 112 


Pillsbury,  Albert  E 40 

Pinkerton,   Alfred   S 50 

Plunkett,    William    B 320 

Pov.'ers,    Samuel    L 152 

Progressive  Party  Certificate  296 


Qnincy,  Josiah  ' 6 


Roberts,  Ernest  W 216 

Rogers,  John  J 216 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  Pres.    .    119 
Roosevelt  Being  Interviewed 
by   Reporters    96 


Roosevelt   at    Harvard    220 

Roosevelt  and  Taft  in  Inaug- 
ural Parade 296 

Russell,  John   E 36 

Russell,  William  E r 


Shaw,  William    366 

Stopf ord,  William,  Gen 144 

Stratton,  Charles  S 112 

Sullivan,  John  A. 204 


Page 

Supreme  Court  of  Massachu- 
setts   in    Session    396 

Swift,  James   AI 228 


Taft  Greeting  Wilson  at 
White   House    326 

Taft  Shaking  Hands  with 
Charles    E.    Hatfield    306 

Taft,  Vv'illiam  H.  Pres 192 


Tague,  Peter  F 216 

Thacher,    Thomas    C 152 

Tinkham,  George  Holden  . .  .  278 

Treadway,  Allen  T 254 

Trefry,  William   D.  T 6 


Vahey,  James   H 172 


W 

Walker,  Joseph    274 

Walsh, David    1 356 

Walsh,    Joseph     340 

Wardwell,   J.    Otis    348 

Warren,   Bently  W 36 

Washburn,    Charles    G 222 

Washburn,    Robert    M 254 

Weeks,  John   W.   Senator    . .   313 
Weeks,      Senator,      Entering 
the    Capitol    380 


Whipple,  Sherman  L 284 

White,  John   E 228 

White,   Norman    Ji 284 

Whitney,  Henry  M 152 

Williams,    George    Fred    ....       6 
Wilson,  Woodrow,  President  360 

Winslow,   Samuel  E 332 

Wolcott,  Roger,   Gov "ji 


ERRATA 


Page  30,  nth  line  should  read:  John  W.  Corcoran  instead  of 
John  W.    Cockran. 

Page  50,  line  under  cut  of  Pinkerton  should  read  Alfred  S. 
Pinkerton. 

Page  S6,  5th  line  should  read  47  instead  of  37  years  old. 

Page  269,  15th  line  should  read  United  Shoe  Machinery  Co  in- 
stead  of   United   States    Machinery    Co. 


Governor  Russell 


\N^^    Nfw.S..V\. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CAMPAIGN   OF    1890  —  DEFEAT    OF    GOVERNOR    BRACKETT  —  ELEC- 
TION  OF   WILLIAM    E.    RUSSELL,    GOVERNOR. 

THE  State  campaign  of  1890  was  one  of  the  most  spirited 
since  the  Butler  contests  a  few  years  before,  but  unlike 
the  Butler  political  fights  it  was  free  from  personalities. 
It  was  fought  on  National  and  State  issues — tariff  reform  and 
local  questions  then  agitating  the  public  mind. 

The  Prohibitionists,  chafing  under  the  procrastinating  pol- 
icy of  the  Republicans  relating  to  temperance  legislation 
and  encouraged  by  a  vote  of  15,000  for  the  head  of  their 
State  ticket  the  year  before,  started  the  political  ball  rolling 
by  holding  their  State  convention  at  Worcester,  September 
loth,  nominating  William  Blackmer,  of  Springfield,  for  Gov- 
ernor. In  Boston,  September  17th,  the  Republicans  met  in 
convention,  reaffirmed  their  "fidelity  to  the  principles  of  tem- 
perance," pledged  their  support  to  legislation  to  "suppress  the 
dram  shop  and  the  saloon"  and  condemned  ''the  evils  of  the 
blighting  curse  of  drink."     Gov.  Brackett  was  renominated. 

The  following  day,  at  Worcester,  the  Democratic  State 
convention  assembled,  renominated  William  E.  Russell,  of 
Cambridge,  for  Governor,  declared  for  an  eight-hour  day  for 
State  and  municipal  employees  engaged  in  manual  labor,  de- 
manded the  lessening  of  the  hours  of  work  of  women  and 
children  in  mercantile  and  industrial  establishments,  advo- 
cated the  broadening  of  education  in  general  and  especially 
demanded  vocational  training  for  children.  Home  rule  for 
cities  and  the  condemnation  of  the  State's  interference  with 
Boston's  city  government  were  among  the  local  issues  raised. 

The  gubernatorial  contest  resulted  in  the  election  of  Rus- 
sell, by  a  plurality  of  9000,  the  vote  being:  Russell,  140,557; 
Brackett,  131,454;  Blackmer,  1.3,554. 

William  D.  T.  Trefry,  of  Marblehead,  Democratic  candi- 
date for  Auditor,  was  elected  by  a  plurality  of  about  8000  over 

1 


Charles  R.  Ladd,  Republican,  of  Springfield.  The  Democrats 
increased  their  representation  in  both  branches  of  the  Legis- 
lature, electing  20  of  the  40  senators  and  98  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

Two  amendments  to  the  Constitution  were  voted  on  at 
the  election — one  to  prevent  the  disfranchisement  of  voters  by 
reason  of  change  of  residence  within  the  Commonwealth  and 
the  other  relative  to  the  exercise  of  the  franchise  by  soldiers 
and  sailors.  Both  were  adopted  by  large  majorities,  the  for- 
mer by  a  vote  of  97,177  to  44,686  and  the  other  by  a  vote  of 
100,109  to  27,621. 

In  the  congressional  elections  that  year,  the  Den)ocrats 
carried  seven  of  the  12  congressional  districts  of  the  State, 
electing  their  candidates  in  the  3rd,  4th,  5th,  8th,  9th,  11th  and 
12th  districts.  Up  to  that  time  only  one  district  in  the  State 
was  regarded  safely  Democratic — the  4th,  made  up  of  Demo- 
cratic wards  in  Boston  and  represented  by  Joseph  H.  O'Neil. 
The  third  district  was  also  represented  by  a  Democrat,  John 
F.  Andrew,  v/ho  two  years  before  had  beaten  an  Old  Guard 
Republican,  Alanson  W.  Beard,  ex-collector  of  the  port  and  a 
prominent  politician.  This  district  consisted  almost  wholly 
of  Boston  Republican  wards  and  the  town  of  Milton. 

The  Democrats  were  elated  over  the  results  of  the  election 
and  they  had  a  right  to  be.  They  had  not  elected  a  Governor 
since  Butler  in  1883  and  for  the  first  time  since  the  Republican 
party  came  into  power,  they  had  succeeded  in  smashing  the 
Republican  State  slate  below  the  head  of  the  ticket,  in  the 
election  of  their  candidate  for  State  Auditor.  Never  before 
had  they  elected  so  many  congressmen. 

The  result  of  the  Massachusetts  election  in  1890  attracted 
nation-wide  attention.  A  high  place  at  the  party  council  table 
was  reserved  for  their  successful  candidate  for  Governor.  He 
was  hailed  and  welcomed  b})-  the  leaders  of  his  party  as  a 
promising  young  man  in  the  politics  of  the  country.  It  was 
Russell's  third  campaign  for  the  governorship.  He  had  been 
mayor  of  his  native  city  of  Cambridge,  as  his  father  had.  He 
had  administered  the  duties  of  the  office  of  chief  executive  of 
the  University  City  in  a  manner  that  v/on  praise  from  men 
of  all  political  parties.  He  possessed  many  attractive  personal 
qualities — youth,  oratory  of  the  convincing  kind,  high  charac- 
ter, lofty  ideals  in  public  affairs  and  a  democratic  manner  of 
meeting  and  mingling  with  his  fellow  citizens  that  made  him 

2 


one  of  the  most  popular  public  figures  in  the  State.  He  was 
not  only  the  idol  of  his  own  political  party,  but  he  had  many 
admirers  and  supporters  in  the  opposition  party. 

Until  "Billy"  Russell,  as  his  personal  friends  affectionate- 
ly called  him,  assumed  the  leadership  of  the  Massachusetts 
Democracy,  the  party  had  been  drifting  backwards.  Some  of 
its  leaders  were  disappointed  with  the  way  in  which  Grover 
Cleveland  had  distributed  the  Federal  loaves  and  fishes. 
Others  professed  not  to  be  pleased  with  Mr.  Cleveland's  free 
trade  tendencies.  William  E.  Russell's  Democracy  was  In- 
herited. He  came  from  a  distinguished  Democratic  family. 
He  was  a  Democrat  also  by  conviction. 

He  thoroughly  believed  in  the  principles  of  his  party  and 
he  was  ready  to  fight  for  them.  He  was  an  enthusiastic  Cleve- 
land man.  After  his  first  nomination  for  Governor,  in  1888, 
he  went  all  over  the  State,  preaching  the  Democratic  gospel. 
In  all,  he  made  50  speeches  and  breathed  new  life  into  his 
party.  His  Republican  opponent  that  year  was  Governor 
Oliver  Ames.  The  Republicans  were  successful,  being  a  presi- 
dential year,  the  reserve  vote  coming  out.  Russell  repeated 
his  stumping  feat  the  following  year  and  reduced  the  Repub- 
lican lead  to  the  danger  point,  encouraging  the  Democrats 
who  entered  the  next  campaign  with  great  enthusiasm. 

This  year,  the  Republicans,  following  their  party  custom 
nominated  Lieutenant  Governor  John  Q.  A.  Brackett  for  Gov- 
ernor, Governor  Ames  having  had  the  customary  three  terms. 
Ml.  Brackett  was  elected.  He  was  one  of  the  most  popular 
and  militant  of  the  younger  Republicans  of  the  State.  He  and 
his  friends  had  opposed  the  Old  Guard  of  the  party  and  he 
had  more  than  once  walked  into  public  ofifice  over  their  pros- 
trate forms.  He  was  not  a  rich  man.  He  came  from  the  ranks 
of  the  party.  He  was  what  they  call  now-a-days  a  Progressive, 
had  been  a  member  of  the  Common  Council  of  Boston — then, 
the  training  field  for  young  politicians.  He  had  been  a  mem- 
bet  of  the  Legislature  and  had  served  as  Speaker  of  the  House. 
He  had  graduated  from  Harvard  with  high  honors  and  was 
his  class  orator. 

In  his  inaugural  address  to  the  Legiekture,  Gov.  Flrackett 
recommended,  among  other  things,  a  law  for  the  abolition  of 
grade  crossings  and  another  exempting  the  capital  stock  of 
Co-operative  banks  from  taxation,  both  of  which  were  enacted 
at  the  session  of  1890.    He  also  recommended  a  law  conferring 


upon  the  Superior  Court  jurisdiction  in  capital  cases,  and  an- 
other taxing  inheritances,  both  of  which  were  enacted  by  sub- 
sequent Legislatures. 

The  liquor  question  played  an  important  part  in  the  guber- 
natorial campaign  of  1890.  For  some-time  the  Prohibitionists 
had  been  demanding  a  prohibitory  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  Republican  leaders  felt  that  it  would  not  do  to  put 
them  oflf  longer  and  in  1889  the  amendment  was  passed  by  the 
Legislature.  A.  special  election  was  ordered  April  22,  when 
the  question  was  voted  on.  The  day  was  made  a  holiday.  Gov. 
Ames  signed  the  act  March  2L  The  special  election  was  set 
a  whole  month  ahead  in  order  to  give  both  sides  a  chance  to 
discuss  the  issue.  The  Drys  and  the  Wets  worked  hard 
When  the  ballots  were  counted  the  amendment  was  defeated 
by  a  two  to  one  vote,  the  poll  being  43,820  for  and  85,242 
against. 

The  Prohibitionists  were  angry.  They  felt  that  they  had 
been  tricked  by  those  who  professed  to  be  their  friends  in  the 
cause  of  total  abstinence.  With  an  idea  of  proving  to  the 
temperance  people  his  sincerity  in  their  cause  Gov.  Erackett 
took  the  matter  up  in  his  inaugural.  He  discussed  the  tem- 
perance issue  and  it  proved  more  than  any  other  his  undoing. 
It  was  one  of  those  cases  where  "The  evil  that  men  do  lives 
after  them.  The  good  is  oft  interred  with  their  bones,"  as 
Shakespeare  says. 

"Every  license  to  sell  liquor  to  be  drunk  on  the  premises  is  sub- 
ject to  the  condition  that  the  licensee  shall  not  keep  a  public  bar." 
said  the  Governor  in  his  address  to  the  Legislature,  quoting  the  license 
law  of  the  State,  "and  shall  hold  a  license  as  an  innholder  or  common 
victualler;  and  this  latter  he  is  not  entitled  to  hold  unless  actually 
carrying  on  the  business  specified.  The  meaning  of  the  law  clearly 
is  that,  while  liquor  may  be  sold  by  a  licensed  dealer,  like  other 
merchandise,  to  be  carried  away,  it  shall  not  be  sold  to  be  drunk  on 
the  premises  except  in  hotels  and  restaurants.  The  obvious  intent 
is  to  do  away  with  the  dram  shop  and  the  public  bar,  and  only  to 
allow  the  licensed  proprietors  of  hotels  and  restaurants,  as  inci- 
dental to  their  principal  business  as  such,  to  furnish  liquor  to  their 
bona   fide  guests. 

"If  therefore,  the  present  law,  prohibitory  as  it  is  in  over  82  per 
cent  of  our  towns  and  cities,  and  thus  restrictive  in  all  the  others, 
is  thoroughly  enforced,  as  it  should  be,  it  will  confine  liquor  selling 
in  Massachusetts  within  comparatively  narrow  limits.  If  further 
laws  are  needed  to  prevent  evasions  of  its  letter  and  spirit,  and  more 
effectually  to  carry  out  its  intent,  I  trust  that  you  will  enact  them." 

The  Police  Commissioners  of  Boston,  a  State  iboard,  ap- 


pointed  by  the  Governor,  enforced  Mr.  Brackctt's  suggestion 
and  not  an  open  bar  was  permitted  in  the  capital  city  of  the 
State.  Every  bar  was  ordered  screened  and  patrons  were 
obliged  to  sit  at  a  table  before  they  were  served  with  liquor. 
In  order  to  live  up  to  the  Brackett  interpretation  of  the  law, 
free  lunches  were  set  before  customers.  The  new  order  of 
things  aroused  indignation  among  those  who  frequented  pub- 
lic bars.  Most  people  preferred  the  perpendicular  drinking 
and  they  voted  against  the  Governor  as  a  protest  against  his 
interpretation  of  the  laAv. 

During  the  session  of  the  Legislature  Gov.  Brackett  vetoed 
the  bill  entitled  "An  Act  to  authorize  the  consolidation  of  gas 
and  electric  light  companies."  J.  Edward  Addicks  of  Dela- 
ware, then  at  the  height  of  his  power  as  a  m.anipulator  of  gas 
stocks,  had  secured  the  passage  of  this  bill.  The  Governor 
vetoed  it  on  the  ground  that  it  would  allow  unlimited  stock 
watering  and  thereby  impose  new  and  unjust  burdens  Lpon 
the  people.  In  his  message  returning  the  bill  with  his  objec- 
tions to  the  Senate,  in  which  it  originated,  he  closed  by  re- 
ferring to  the  injustice  done  to  the  gas  consumers  of  Incw 
York  city  under  a  similar  act  of  the  Legislature  of  that  State. 

That  the  McKinley  tariff,  which  went  into  efifect  30  days 
before  the  State  election,  also  had  much  to  do  wnth  the  defeat 
of  Governor  Brackett,  is  demonstrated  by  the  results  in  the 
congressional  elections  that  year.  The  McKinley  tariff  had 
raised  the  duties  on  many  necessaries  of  life.  Tariff  reform 
was  at  the  height  of  its  popularity  as  a  political  issue.  The 
Democrats  made  the  most  of  their  opportunities  and  fanned 
the  flame  of  public  protest. 

Then,  too,  the  Democrats  had  gathered  together  a  bril- 
liant array  of  young  campaigners  who  could  talk  well  and  fight 
hard.  They  demonstrated  that  they  knew  something  about 
political  strategy.  They  had  organized  the  Young  Men's  Demo- 
cratic Club,  officered  by  able,  energetic,  ambitious  men  as  an 
adjunct  to  the  Democratic  State  Committee.  Nathan  Mat- 
thews Jr.,  then  35  years  old,  was  chairman  of  the  executive 
committee  of  the  State  Committee  and  Josiah  Ouincv  was  its 
secretary.  They  made  an  effective  campaign  team,  working 
early  and  late,  and  putting  more  life  into  the  State  Committee 
than  that  body  had  experienced  in  years.  There  were,  it  is 
true,  Democratic  factional  fights  in  Bo.ston,  where  the  two 
prominent  machine  leaders,  Patrick  Maguire  and  Michael  M. 


Cunniff  had  split  the  party  in  two  in  a  personal  quarrel,  but 
they  and  their  followers  were  loyal  to  Russell.  The  old  say- 
ing, "The  more  fights  the  more  cats",  was  true  that  year  m 
Boston,  for  Gov.  Russell  received  a  plurality  of  13,348  votes. 
Matthews  was  nominated  and  elected  by  the  Democrats  mayor 
of  Boston  after  the  State  campaign,  defeating  Mayor  Hart,  the 
Republican  nominee. 

Several  of  the  bright  lights  in  the  Republican  party  oi 
that  period  had  gone  over  to  the  Democracy  in  the  Blaine- 
Cleveland  presidential  campaign  in  1884.  They  were  bitterly 
opposed  to  Blaine  for  President  and  were  known  as  Mug- 
wumps. Some  of  them,  like  Sherman  Hoar,  nephew  of  Senator 
Hoar.  John  F.  Andrew,  son  of  the  famous  war  Governor,  and 
Josiah  Quincy,  of  the  historic  Quincy  family,  were  among 
them.  George  Fred  Williams,  of  Dedham,  was  another  one  of 
the  anti-Blaine  Republicans  who  went  over  to  the  Democracy. 
William.s,  Andrew  and  Hoar  were  elected  to  Congress  this 
year,  the  former  over  John  W.  Candler  of  Brookline,  by  a  slim 
margin.  Dr.  William  Everett,  whom  Harvard  students  used 
to  call  "Piggy"  Everett,  was  a  Mugwump  of  Mugwumps.  The 
Doctor  hailed  from  Quincy,  but  the  Democrats  of  the  Lynn 
district  nominated  him  against  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  in  1890. 
He  made  a  picturesque  campaign,  but  Mr.  Lodge  was  success- 
ful by  1000  votes.  The  Democrats  made  Mr.  Lodge  their 
special  target  because  of  his  "Force  Bill"  which  he  had  intro- 
duced in  Congress  for  an  honest  Federal  control  of  national 
elections. 

John  F.  Andrew  defeated  Edward  L.  Pierce,  brother  of 
Henry  L.  Pierce,  the  latter  a  former  Republican  whose  defec- 
tion dated  from  the  Hayes-Tilden  presidential  campaign  and 
his  failure  to  receive,  his  critics  claim,  the  Republican  guber- 
natorial nomination.  Henry  L.  Pierce  was  one  of  Boston's 
public  spirited  citizens  and  was  twice  mayor  of  the  city.  His 
liberal  contributions  to  the  Democratic  campaign  chest  in  the 
Russell  years  made  him  welcome  at  all  party  gatherings  of 
the  Democracy.  His  brother  Edward  was  the  biographer  of 
Charles  Sumner,  but  the  magic  name  of  Andrew,  coupled  with 
the  pleasing  personality  of  the  Democratic  congressional  can- 
didate, proved  too  much  to  overcome  in  a  tidal  wave  year 
which  engulfed  the  Republicans. 

Sherman  Hoar,  who  lived  in  Waltham  then,  defeated 
James  A.  Fox,  of  Cambridge,  by  more  than  3500  votes.     Fox 


Joseph    H.    O'Neil. 


William    D.    T.    Trefrv. 


George     Fred    Williams 


Josiah   Quincy. 


was  not  attractive  to  the  independent  voter  and  in  the  contest 
he  showed  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  issues  of  the  campaign. 
Hoar,  on  the  contrary,  Avas  popular  with  all  classes.  His  fam- 
ily and  college  connections  were  a  great  asset  to  him.  He 
was  a  pleasing  public  speaker  and  the  family  trait  of  independ- 
ence which  he  typified  won  him  many  votes. 

By  a  slim  margin,  Moses  T.  Stevens,  of  >Jorth  A.ndover, 
a  Democrat  of  the  old  school,  defeated  for  reelection  his  Re- 
publican opponent,  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge,  of  Lowell,  con- 
gressman from  the  eighth  district.  The  defeat  of  Greenhalge 
only  served  to  open  to  him  a  wider  sphere  of  public  and  party 
usefulness.  He  was  elected  the  successor  of  Russell  in  the 
gubernatorial  chair,  three  years  later,  after  another  Lowell 
man.  Charles  H.  Allen,  had  tried  unsuccessfully  to  do  it. 

In  the  other  two  congressional  districts,  the  11th  md  12th, 
two  Democrats  were  elected — Frederick  S.  Coolidge,  of  Ash- 
burnham  in  the  former  and  John  C.  Crosby  in  the  latter.  Mr. 
Crosby  was  defeated  in  the  next  election,  but  he  continued  m 
politics  for  many  years.  He  was  the  candidate  for  second 
place  on  the  state  ticket  with  William  L.  Douglas,  when  the 
latter  was  chosen  Governor  in  1904.  Gov.  Douglas  appointed 
him  a  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  and  Gov.  Foss  named  him 
a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court.  Congressman  Francis 
W.  Rockwell  of  Pittsfield  was  his  opponent  in  1890.  Timothy 
G.  Spaulding  of  Northampton  was  Mr.  Coolidge's  Republican 
opponent.  Mr.  Coolidge  suffered  the  same  fate  as  Mr.  Crosby 
at  the  following  election. 

In  addition  to  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  the  Republicans 
elected  to  congress  that  year  Congressman  Charles  S.  Randall, 
of  New  Bedford,  in  the  first  district,  Congressman  Elijah  A. 
Morse  of  Canton  in  the  second  district,  and  Congressman 
William  Cogswell  of  Salem  in  the  seventh.  Congressman 
Randall's  Democratic  opponent  was  Col.  Charles  R.  Codman, 
another  prominent  MugAvump  who  continued  to  act  with  the 
Democrats.  Bushrod  Morse  of  Sharon  was  Elijah  Morse's 
Democratic  opponent. 

Joseph  Walker  of  Worcester,  who  was  one  of  the  leading 
Mugv^'umps  of  the  country  in  1884,  but  who  had  returned  to 
the  party  of  his  first  love  and  had  been  elected  to  Congress, 
was  reelected,  but  his  plurality  was  considerably  reduced  by 
his  Democratic  opponent,  Charles  B.  Pratt,  a  rich  Democrat 
from  the  same  city.    Mr.  Walker  was  an  impulsive  man.    He 


could  and  did  say  many  sharp  things  about  his  political  oppo- 
nents, remarking  on  the  result  of  the  election  of  1890,  that  it 
had  been  brought  about  by  a  "combination  of  Harvard  College 
and  the  slums  of  Boston."  Mr.  Walker  was  the  father  of 
Joseph  Walker,  the  unsuccessful  Republican  gubernatorial 
standard  bearer  in  1913  and  the  Progressive  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor in  1914. 

The  Republican  candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  in 
1890,  William  H.  Haile,  of  Springfield,  was  reelected  over 
John  W.  Corcoran,  of  Clinton,  the  Democratic  candidate,  who, 
by  the  Avay,  was  a  cousin  of  David  I.  Walsh,  Democratic  Gov- 
ernor 1914  and  '15.  The  vote  for  second  place  that  year  was 
Haile,  13.7,160,  Corcoran,  130,030.  John  W.  Corcoran,  Rus- 
sell's running  mate  in  all  but  one  of  his  campaigns  for  Gov- 
ernor, was  an  able,  popular  young  lawyer  who  hailed  from 
Clinton,  Worcester  County.  He  was  an  attractive  campaigner, 
a  man  of  probity  and  honorable  in  his  dealings  with  his  fellow 
men.  Gov.  Russell  appointed  him  a  judge  of  the  Superior 
Court,  but  he  remained  on  the  bench  only  a  short  time,  resign- 
ing to  reenter  the  practice  of  his  profession.  The  salary  of  a 
judge  of  the  Superior  Court  at  that  time  was  only  $5500  a  year 
and  Judge  Corcoran  felt  that  this  salary  was  not  adequate  for 
the  support  of  his  family.  His  resignation  was  regretted  by 
Democrats  all  over  the  State,  particularly  by  the  Catholic 
population,  as  he  was  the  only  one  of  their  religion  on  the 
bench  of  the  higher  courts. 

Political  troubles  never  come  singly.  Besides  their  other 
troubles  this  year,  the  Republicans  had  a  spirited  contest  for 
Auditor  on  their  State  ticket.  The  incumbent  of  that  office, 
Charles  R.  Ladd,  of  Springfield,  had  held  the  oflfice  for  11 
years  and  Republican  politicians  had  begun  to  ask  if  he  had  a 
mortgage  on  the  place.  Major  J.  Henry  Gould,  of  Medfield, 
led  the  opposition  to  the  renomination  of  Auditor  Ladd.  Major 
Gould  was  prominent  and  popular  in  Grand  Arm/  circles  and 
defeated  Ladd  for  a  renomination,  but  the  Major's  victory 
was  short  lived.  His  opponents  charged  him  with  being  a 
corrupt  carpet  bagger  in  the  South,  where  it  was  alleged  he 
was  mixed  up  in  some  questionable  financial  transactions 
while  a  government  official  after  the  Civil  War.  His  oppo- 
nents threatened  to  expose  him  and  laid  their  charges  bef:)re 
the  Republican  State  leaders.  There  was  a  hurried  night  ses- 
sion of  the  officers  of  the  State  Committee  and  some  of  the 

8 


•Republican  campaign  managers.  Major  Gould  was  forced  off 
the  State  ticket.  It  was  claimed  at  the  time  that  somebody 
in  authority  promised  to  take  care  of  the  Major  if  he  would 
retire,  but  the  promise,  if  made,  was  never  kept.  Later  the 
Major  was  able  to  disprove  the  charges  made  against  him, 
but  he  was  off  the  State  ticket  and  he  and  his  friends  declined 
to  support  Ladd.  When  the  vote  was  counted  it  was  found 
that  the  Democratic  nominee,  William  D.  T.  Trefry,  of 
Marblehead,  Avas  elected.  Mr.  Trefry  was  defeated  the  next 
year  for  reelection  by  Gen.  John  W.  Kimball,  of  Fitchburg, 
but  he  was  continued  in  the  service  of  the  State,  receiving  an 
appointment  from  Gov.  Russell,  and  he  has  been  retained  in 
office  by  every  succeeding  Governor  and  is  now  Tax  Commis- 
sioner of  the  Commonwealth. 

Gov.  Brackett  accepted  the  verdict  of  the  voters  grace- 
fully, cordially  congratulated  his  successor  and  extended  him 
the  courtesies  usually  proffered  the  outgoing  chief  executive 
of  the  State  to  the  incoming  Governor.  That  John  Q.  A. 
Brackett  was  a  good  Governor  cannot  be  denied.  He  was  free 
from  entangling  corporation  alliances — freer,  perhaps,  than 
most  of  his  Republican  predecessors  in  years.  He  was  a  man 
of  the  people,  moved  among  them  freely,  sympathized  with 
their  aims  and  needs  and  was  one  of  the  most  Democratic  of 
men.  A  man  of  broad  sympathies  and  a  kindly  nature,  he 
gave  much  attention  to  the  problems  of  State  affecting  the 
welfare  of  those  less  fortunate  than  himself. 

He  had  no  personal  regrets  in  leaving  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor and  on  his  departure  from  the  State  House  carried  with 
him  the  respect  not  only  of  his  friends  and  supporters,  but  of 
those  who  opposed  him.  politically. 


CHAPTER  II. 

RUSSELL'S   FIRST   TERM   AS   GOVERNOR   AND   HIS    RE-ELECTION- 
REPEAL    OF    POLL    TAX    LAW — LICENSE    LAW    AMENDED — 
CHARLES    H.    ALLEN,    OP    LOWELL;    RUSSELL'S    RE- 
PUBLICAN   OPPONENT    IN    CAMPAIGN   OF    1891. 

WILLIAM  E.  Russell  was  inaugurated  Governor  Jan.  8, 
1891 — Jackson  Day,  in  the  Democratic  political  cal- 
endar— the  -anniversary  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans, 
when  "Old  Hickory"  routed  the  British  forces  under  Packen- 
ham.  There  was  a  great  outpouring  of  the  faithful  and  a 
distinguished  gathering  of  public  men  of  all  political  parties 
assembled  to  hear  the  new  and  vouthful  Chief  Executive  de 
liver  his  first  inaugural  address  to  the  members  of  the  Legis- 
lature. 

With  the  exception  of  George  S.  Eoutwell,  Russell  was 
the  youngest  man  ever  inaugurated  Governor.  Bcutvxell,  like 
Russell,  was  a  Democrat  when  he  was  sworn  in  40  years  be- 
fore. Gov.  Russell's  party  followers  celebrated  the  dual  event 
with  a  banquet  in  the  evening  and  speeches  by  distinguished 
Democrats. 

The  Legislature  had  met  the  day  before  and  organized 
with  Henry  B.  Sprague,  of  Boston,  President  of  the  Senate  and 
William  E.  Barrett,  of  Melrose,  Speaker  of  the  House.  There 
was  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  Democratic  Sena- 
tors to  make  trouble  over  the  organization  of  the  Senate,  but 
wiser  counsels  prevailed  and  Mr.  Sprague  divided  the  Senate 
committee  chairmanships  as  evenly  as  possible. 

In  his  inaugural,  Gov.  Russell  devoted  much  space  to  a 
discussion  of  the  restriction  upon  the  suffrage,  pointing  out 
that  Massachusetts  almost  alone  required  the  payment  of  a 
tax  as  a  qualification  for  voting,  and  said  that  the  tax  quali- 
fication "either  disfranchises  many  thousands  of  men  or  tends 
to  subject  their  votes  to  the  control  of  another's  will. ' 

"It  leads,"  he  added,  "to  the  debasement  of  our  politics,  to  the 
collection  and  expenditure  of  large  sums  of  money  at  elections; 
it  tends  to  make  wealth  a  necessary  qualification  for  candidates,  be- 
cause poverty  is  a  disqualification  for  voters.     In  important  exciting 

10 


Governor   Brackett. 


contests  it  is  of  no  effect  except  to  degrade  the  voter,  to  burden  the 
candidates,   and   to  suggest   and   encourage   corruption. 

"Upon  such  grounds  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1H53  voted 
more  than  three  to  one  against  it.  Democrats,  Whigs,  and  the  fouri- 
ders  of  the  Republican  party,  stood  side  by  side  demanding  its  aboli- 
tion, amongst  them,  such  distinguished  jurists  and  statesmen  as 
Marcus  Morton,  Charles  Sumner,  Joel  Parker,  Henry  Wi;son,  Charles 
Allen,  Francis  W.  Bird  Otis  P.  Lord,  Richard  H.  Dana  Jr.,  George  S. 
Boutwell,  Amasa  Walker,  Anson  Burlingame,  Nathaniel  P.  Banks, 
Robert    Rantoul    and    William    Schouler." 

In  conclusion,  Gov.  Russell  declared : 

"There  is  now  the  same  demand  just  as  strong  and  non-partisan. 
Recognizing  it,  your  predecessors  of  last  year,  by  a  large  majority, 
adopted  a  resolution  to  amend  the  Constitution  by  annulling  so 
much  ot  it  as  requires  the  payment  of  a  tax  as  a  qualification  for 
voting.  This  resolution  now  comes  up  for  your  consideration. 
I  strongly  recommend  immediate  and  favorable  action  upon  it,  and 
its  submission  to  the  people,  as  required  by  the  Constitution,  at 
an  early  day, — to  the  end  that  the  suffrage  may  as  soon  as  possible 
be  made  broader,  safer  and  purer,  by  removing  the  injustice,  danger 
and   evil  that  now  surround  it." 

Beth  parties  were  glad  enough  to  repeal  the  provision,  as 
the  law  worked  a  great  hardship  on  candidates  for  political 
office.  It  was  a  dram  on  the  treasury  of  political  parties  and 
candidates  for  public  office,  especially  in  the  large  cities  where 
many  voters  neglected  to  pay  their  poll  tax,  depending  on  their 
party  candidates  or  political  leader  to  do  it  for  them.  Hence, 
it  often  happened  that  a  rich  man  had  an  advantage  over  a 
poor  man,  who  could  not  afford  to  pay  the  necessary  assess- 
ment for  the  payment  of  poll  taxes.  In  some  districts  it  used 
to  be  said  that  candidates  were  expected  to  spend  at  least 
from  $10,000  to  $15,000  for  this  purpose  alone. 

The  corrupting  influence  and  activities  of  the  lobby  were 
discussed  by  the  Governor.  "Criticisms  of  the  Third  House," 
he  declared,  "are  not  based  upon  rumor  or  conjecture,  but 
upon  facts  reported  after  a  most  thorough  investigation  by 
your  predecesors".  Referring  to  the  recent  legislative  inves- 
tigation of  the  work  of  the  lobby  in  connection  with  the  pas- 
sage of  the  West  End  Street  Railway  bill,  permitting  the 
consolidation  of  all  the  street  railways  in  the  City  of  Boston 
and  some  of  the  surrounding  cities  and  towns,  brought  on  by 
charges  made  by  Representative  George  Fred  Williams  of 
Dedham,  who  alleged  that  corrupt  means  had  been  employed 
to  procure  the  passage  of  the  bill.  Gov.  Russell  quoted  from 
the  report  of  the  investigating  committee  this  paragraph  : 

11 


"  'It  is  a  fact  beyond  denial  that  a  body  of  professional  lobbyists 
has  for  years  formed  part  of  the  machinery  of  legislation,  .  .  . 
and  has  been  grc^wing-  in  number  and  influence.'  " 

"The  evils  of  the  lobby  have  become  so  flagrant  and  disgraceful," 
he  added,  "that  for  the  purity  of  legislation,  the  protection  of  our 
Commonwealth,  they  demand  your  serious  consideration,  and  some 
stringent  and  radical  remedy,"  and  he  recommended  amending  the 
lobby  act,  compelling  sworn  statements  of  expenses  incurred  by 
interested  persons  before  a  measure  became  a  law. 

Referring"  to  railroad  passes  he  observed : 

"The  pay  now  allowed  to  a  member  nf  the  I-egislature  for  his 
services  makes  it  unjust  to  put  upon  him  any  further  expense.  I  be- 
lieve the  giving  of  such  passes  ought  either  to  be  forbidden  or  com- 
pelled b}-^  law,  and  that  any  expense  involved  should  be  borne  by  the 
State.  This  may  be  done  by  a  fair  and  proper  mileage  system,  which 
seems,  however,  to  require  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  mileage 
being  by  it  limited  to  'travelling  to  the  General  Assembly  and  return- 
ing home  once  in  every  session,  and  no  more.'  Or  you  may  deem  it 
wise  for  the  State  to  purchase  and  give  such  passes;  or  if  within  its 
power,  to  require  the  railroad  corporations  to  give  them.  They  could 
hardly  object  to  a  law  which  should  compel  them  to  do  only  what 
they   now   do    voluntarily." 

Under  the  heading  of  "Liquor  Legislation"  Gov.  Russell 
said: 

"I  call  to  your  attention  the  well  known  variety  of  opinion  as  to 
the  meaning  of  the  statute  provision  which  forbids  the  keeping  of  a 
public  bar,  and  the  utter  lack  of  agreement  in  its  construction  and 
enforcement.  It  is  inconsistent  with  sound  public  policy  that  a  pro- 
vision of  law  which  is  the  same  for  the  whole  Commonwealth  should 
'be  open  to  these  objections.  In  my  judgment,  this  provision  as 
construed  and  enforced  in  the  city  of  Boston,  does  not  tend  to  pro- 
mote temperance,  is  not  sustained  by  public  opinion,  and  ought  to  be 
corrected  " 

In  urging  a  corrupt  practices  act,  calling  for  the  publica- 
tion of  campaign  expenses,  he  said : 

"The  people  have  a  right  to  know  the  amount  of  such  expenses, 
for  what  and  to  whom  incurred,  and  to  limit  their  amount  and  define 
their  proper  objects.  Expenditures  which  cannot  bear  the  light  of 
day  ought   not   to   be   made." 

After  Russell's  election  as  Governor,  it  was  discovered 
that  the  State  Constitution  required  that  the  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  must  be  possessed  of  a  freehold  of  at  least 
$5000  and  it  was  currently  reported  at  the  time  that  the  Gov- 
ernor-elect and  his  friends  were  obliged  to  use  their  wits  in 
order  to  comply  with  this  archaic  provision  of  the  Constitution. 

12 


He  called  attention  to  this  provision  of  the  Constitution  in  his 
address  to  the  Legislature  and  urged  its  repeal.  Very  few  of 
his  auditors  on  the  occasion  were  aware  of  the  law  and  the 
Legislature  very  properly  and  promptly  proceeded  to  strike  it 
from  the  Constitution. 

The  Legislature  having  organized,  the  Governor  having 
been  sworn  in  and  his  inaugural  address  having  been  deliv- 
ered, the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  the  State  gov- 
ernment settled  down  to  business.  Gov.  Russell  appointed 
as  his  secretary.  Col.  Jeremiah  W.  Coveney,  of  Cambridge, 
a  well  known  Democratic  politician,  who  had  a  good  war 
record  as  a  soldier  and  ofTicer  in  the  old  28th  Massachusetts 
Regiment,  a  part  of  the  Irish  Brigade  of  the  Union  Army  in 
the  Civil  War.  Col.  Coveney  had  been  Surveyor  of  the  Port 
in  the  first  Cleveland  administration  and  took  a  prominent 
part  in  Gov.  Russell's  last  campaign.  Gov.  Russell  n?.med  a 
military  staff  embracing  all  elements  of  his  party. 

The  length  of  the  legislative  session  of  1891  was  156 
days.  It  was  prorogued  at  12.50  A.  M.  June  11,  after  having 
passed  481  acts  and  118  resolves,  which  had  become  law.  It 
redistricted  the  State  into  13  congressional  districts,  an  extra 
congressman  being  assigned  the  State  by  the  congressional 
reapportionment  under  the  last  census.  Among  the  important 
lav/s  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  1891  were  the  oleomargarine 
and  imitation  butter  bills  for  the  protection  of  the  dairy  inter- 
ests of  the  State.  It  abolished  the  Gypsy  Moth  Commission 
which  had  fallen  into  disrepute  and  turned  the  work  of  exter- 
mination of  the  pest  over  to  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture. 

The  clause  in  the  license  law  forbidding  the  sale  of  liquor 
over  a  public  bar  was  stricken  out  and  a  provision  was  intro- 
duced prohibiting  the  sale  of  liquor  at  tables  in  any  room 
where  liquor  selling  was  the  exclusive  or  principal  business. 

A  new  drunk  law,  permitting  arresting  officers  to  dis- 
charge without  court  proceedings  first  offenders  was  passed. 
The  weavers  fine  bill  was  enacted,  but  was  subsequently  de- 
clared unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  the 
State.  Another  act  passed  that  year  permitted  cities  and 
towns  to  engage  in  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  gas  and 
electricity.  A  collateral  inheritance  law  was  enacted  putting 
a  tax  of  5%  on  inheritances  when  the  estate  was  valued  at 
more  than  $10,000. 

13 


The  first  sweat  shop  bill  v/as  passed  by  the  General  C-^urt 
this  year,  prohibiting  the  sale  of  clothing  and  garments  made 
outside  the  State  in  tenements  and  imsanitary  shops.  A  rapid 
transit  bill  was  passed  for  Boston  authorizing  the  investiga- 
tion of  the  subject  and  ordering  the  commission  to  report  Its 
findings  to  the  next   Legislature. 

Restrictive  legislation  was  proposed  affecting  fraternal  and 
beneficiary  organizations  which  had  sprung  up  like  mush- 
rooms all  over  the  land.  The  public  had  gone  mad  over  this 
form  of  insurance.  Many  sharpers  reaped  a  harvest  in  the 
formation  and  manipulation  of  these  societies  at  the  expense 
of  a  credulous  public.  There  was  a  general  demand  that  the 
State  impose  strict  regulation  on  these  organizations  through 
its  insurance  department,  but  those  who  had  made  money 
out  of  the  business  employed  very  able  counsel  and  success- 
fully fought  off  action  by  this  Legislature,  which  referred  the 
subject  to  the  next  General  Court, 

An  initiatory  appropriation  of  $75,000  was  made  for  the 
Massachusetts  exhibit  at  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition 
to  be  held  in  Chicago,  the  following  year  commemorating  the 
400th  anniversary  of  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus. 

John  W.  Corcoran,  the  Governor's  loyal  and  devoted 
friend  and  political  associate,  was  made  chairman  of  the  com- 
mission by  His  Excellency.  Gen.  Corcoran  discharged  his 
duty  with  that  fidelity  and  ability,  characteristic  of  him  in  all 
public  matters.  The  Massachusetts  building  at  the  Fair  was 
a  reproduction  of  John  Hancock's  house — a  compliment  to  the 
first  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  under  the  Constitution. 

Tavo  constitutional  amendments  were  passed  by  the  Leg- 
islature and  submitted  to  the  people  at  the  November  election 
for  their  approval — one  favoring  the  abolition  of  the  poll  tax 
as  a  prerequisite  to  voting  and  another  constituting  a  majority 
for  a  quorum  of  either  branch  of  the  Legislature.  Both  were 
adopted  by  big  majorities,  the  first  receiving  a  vote  of  144,931 
for  and  53,554  against,  and  the  other  Yes,  152,688,  No,  29,590. 
Amendments  providing  for  biennial  elections  and  abolishing 
the  property  qualifications  for  the  Governor  were  also  passed 
by  the  Legislature. 

The  proroguing  of  the  Legislature  early  in  June  gave  the 
politicians  a  short  breathing  spell,  but  they  were  not  idle. 
The  Republican  State  committee  and  organization  Republicans 
generally,  smarting  under  the  defeat  of  the  Fall  before,  busied 

14 


Richard   Olnev. 


Gen.  lohn  W.  Corcoran 


Frederick   S.  Coolidge. 


Gen     Patrick  A.   Collins. 


themselves  in  preparing  for  the  coming  campaign.  Patching 
up  personal  differences,  repairing  their  "fences"  and  putting 
their  house  in  order  for  the  next  campaign,  occupied  most  of 
their  time.  They  were  very  anxious  to  present  a  united  front 
to  the  enemy  in  the  coming  State  election. 

If  imitation  is  the  sincerest  flattery,  then  the  Republicans 
flattered  the  Democrats  in  at  least  one  respect.  They  had 
observed  the  good  work  the  Young  Men's  Democratic  Club 
had  done  in  recent  campaigns  and  they  resolved  to  have  a 
similar  organization  in  the  Republican  party.  They  called  it 
the  Republican  Club  of  Massachusetts  and  it  has  continued 
ever  since,  doing  good  work,  cooperating  with  the  Republican 
state  committee.  Roger  Wolcott,  of  Boston,  was  chosen 
President,  Elihu  B.  Hayes  of  Lynn,  Secretary,  and  Arthur  L. 
Devens,  Boston,  Treasurer.  The  late  Gov.  Guild  was  made 
chairman  of  the  membership  committee.  Mr.  Guild  had  not 
held  any  public  elective  office  up  to  that  time  and  few  of  his 
associates  dreamed  that  he  would  before  many  years  be  Gov- 
ernor, an  ambassador  and  a  soldier  in  a  foreign  war,  winning 
high  place  among  the  noted  public  men  of  the  country.  Mr. 
Wolcott  had  been  a  member  of  the  Legislature  and  had  just 
begun  to  be  considered  by  the  political  manipulators  as  a  good 
man  to  have  up  their  sleeve  in  case  of  an  emergency.  Mr. 
Hayes  had  been  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  and  was  one  of 
the  most  active  and  practical  politicians  in  Essex  county. 
Mr.  Devens  was  a  banker.  He  has  held  the  office  of  treasurer 
continuously  ever  since. 

At  first  the  Old  Guard  Republicans  resented  the  meddling 
of  the  new  Republican  political  organization,  whose  members 
felt  that  others  besides  the  bosses  were  entitled  to  something 
to  say  in  making  political  slates.  After  awhile  the  misunder- 
standings were  amicably  settled  and  the  club  took  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  campaign,  devoting  itself  to  such  work 
assigned  it  by  the  chairman  of  the  State  committee  and  the 
candidates  on  the  State  ticket. 

While  the  Republicans  were  planning  and  building  to 
"redeem"  the  governorship,  several  candidates  appeared  to 
plague  them.  There  was  some  talk  of  a  vindication  for  Gov. 
Brackett,  but  he  declined  to  enter  the  contest.  Mr,  Lodge 
who  was,  perhaps,  the  most  unpopular  Republican  with 
the  Democrats  was  suggested  but  he  preferred  Congress.  Ex- 
Congressman  Greenhalge,  Gen.  William  F.  Draper  and  William 

15 


Whiting  were  among  those  suggested.  Two  booms  were 
under  way  by  early  summer,  one  for  ex-Congressman  William 
W.  Crapo  of  New  Bedford  and  the  other  for  ex-Congressman 
Charles  H.  Allen  of  Lowell.  Allen,  the  younger  of  the  two, 
made  the  most  aggressive  campaign  for  the  nomination.  The 
Boston  end  of  the  campaign  was  looked  after  by  Albert  C. 
Burrage,  then  a  young  struggling  lawyer,  who  later  amassed 
a  fortune  in  the  stock  market.  He  was  assisted  by  Edwin  U. 
Curtis  and  William  Power  Wilson.  Mr.  Burrage  went  into 
city  politics,  became  a  member  of  the  Common  Council  and  was 
the  author  of  the  old  "Burrage  ordinance"  aimed  at  the  Demo- 
crats, which  prohibited  city  employees  from  going  as  dele- 
gates to  political  conventions.  Mr.  Allen  had  the  support  of 
Mr.  Whiting,  Curtis  Guild  Jr.,  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge, 
George  von  L.  Meyer,  Collector  Beard,  Jesse  M.  Gove,  Mr. 
Lodge  and  Col.  Fairchild,  of  Lee,  Higginson  &  Co.,  an  active 
and  important  personage  for  many  years  in  Republican  poli- 
tics in  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Crapo  had  the  support  of  the  older  and  more  con- 
servative members  of  the  party,  including  ex-Gov.  Long,  Gen. 
Draper,  Everett  W.  Burdett,  David  Hall  Rice,  John  Hope- 
well Jr.,  ex-^Congressman  Bowman,  Col  Albert  Clarke,  and  a 
sprinkling  of  the  middle  aged  politicians  like  Willard  How- 
land,  of  Chelsea  and  Howes  Norris,  of  the  Cape. 

Mr.  Crapo  had  figured  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  in  two 
other  State  conventions,  but  he  was  doomed  to  defeat  again. 
He  had  old  fashioned  notions  about  politics,  believing  that  the 
office  should  seek  the  man,  and  he  declined  to  get  into  a  rough 
and  tumble  fight  with  his  younger  antagonist  for  the  honor. 
Allen  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot. 

The  Peoples  Party  fired  the  first  gun  in  the  campaign  of 
this  year  holding  their  convention  or  rather  mass  meeting  in 
Boston,  nominating  Maj  Henry  Winn  of  Maiden  for  Gov- 
ernor. Maj  Winn  was  well  known  to  the  members  of  the 
Legislature  where  for  years  he  had  appeared  in  behalf  of  many 
political  reforms,  notably  on  taxation  questions.  He  was  a 
disciple  of  Henry  George  and  an  advocate  of  the  latter's  single 
tax  ideas.  The  platform  of  this  party  contained  many  of  the 
tenets  of  the  Farmers  Alliance  v\^bose  greatest  strength  was 
among  the  Western  farmers  of  the  country  and  also  embodied 

16 


some  of  the  ideas  of  the  Nationalist  Party.     At  the  election 
the  ticket  polled  but  a  handful  of  votes — 1772. 

The  Prohibitionists  followed  on  Sept.  9,  nominating 
Charles  E.  Kimball,  of  Lynn,  who  received  8908  votes  in  No- 
vember. The  Socialist  Labor  party  appeared  for  the  first  time 
this  year,  naming  Harry  W.  Robinson,  of  Lynn,  as  its  candi- 
date for  Governor,  polling  1429  votes  election  day. 

The  Repubhcans  met  in  Boston  Sept.  16th.  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge  was  the  presiding  oflficer.  He  made  a  ringing  speech 
in  which  he  outlined  the  work  of  the  Republican  administra- 
tion and  Congress.  The  platform  was  written  by  ex-Congress- 
man Greenhalge  of  Lowell. 

It  approved  the  National  Administration,  denied  'the 
Democratic  charges  of  extravagance  by  Congress  in  enacting 
new  pension  laws,  favored  the  further  restriction  of  emigra- 
tion, declared  for  the  purity  of  elections  (The  Lodge  Force 
Bill  so  called  by  the  Democrats)  came  out  strongly  for  sound 
money,  roundly  condemning  the  Democrats  for  their  leanings 
toward  free  silver,  affirming  its  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  pro- 
tective system,  favored  the  further  restriction  of  and  suppres- 
sion of  the  evils  arising  from  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors 
and  contained  a  labor  and  educational  clause  calculated  to 
please  those  interested  in  such  questions. 

There  was  only  one  ballot  for  the  nominee  for  Governor 
resulting  in  the  nomination  of  Charles  H.  Allen,  of  Lowell, 
and  was  as  follows : 

Allen,  713;  Crapo,  514;  Greenhalge,  3;  Lodge,  1. 

Lieut  Gov  Haile  was  renominated  without  a  contest. 

The  Democrats  had  a  fondness  for  Worcester  as  a  con- 
vention city  and  there  on  Sept.  29,  renominated  Russell  and 
Corcoran  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor  respectively. 

Their  platform  condemned  the  Republican  attitude  to- 
wards State  boards  and  commissions,  claiming  that  they  were 
beyond  the  control  of  the  Governor  and  responsible  to  nobody. 
It  declared  for  free  text  books  for  public  schools  and  reaft'irmed 
its  former  position  demanding  an  efficient  system  of  manual 
training  and  the  increase  of  the  school  age. 

It  demanded  the  repeal  of  the  McKinley  tariff  bill,  de- 
nounced the  recent  silver  legislation  by  Congress  and  opposed 
the  free  coinage  of  silver  in  the  absence  of  any  international 
agreement. 

The  State  campaign  that  year  was  spirited.    The  Repub- 

17 


licans  felt  that  in  Mr.  Allen  they  had  a  man  who  could  match 
the  eloquent  and  popular  Russell,  but  in  this  they  were  mis- 
taken. Mr.  Allen  opened  his  campaign  with  a  big  meeting  in 
Boston  at  which  he  made  the  mistake  of  telling  a  dialect  story 
regarding  a  Mr.  Casey  who  sucked  his  torch,  likening  Casey 
to  the  Democratic  party.  In  introducing  him  that  same  even- 
ing ex-Gov  Long,  the  presiding  officer,  who  had  served  in 
Congress  with  Mr.  Allen  and  was  very  fond  of  him,  remarked 
that  the  Republicans  were  not  in  the  habit  of  putting  all  their 
big  apples  on  the  top  of  the  barrel.  The  Democrats  seized 
this  playful  remark  of  Mr.  Long  and  fastened  the  title  of 
"Little  Apples"  on  the  Republican  candidate. 

Mr.  Allen  was  unable  to  stand  the  strain  of  a  hard  cam- 
paign. His  throat  gave  out  and  he  was  obliged  to  cancel  sev- 
eral important  speaking  engagements.  There  was  a  joint 
debate  in  Boston  between  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  and  John  E. 
Russell  on  the  issues  of  the  campaign.  Two  better  speakers 
would  be  hard  to  find.  Mr.  Lodge  was  the  idol  of  the  younger 
and  militant  element  in  his  party  and  John  E.  Russell,  "the 
Gentle  Shepherd  of  Leicester,"  as  he  was  affectionately  known 
by  his  friends — a  title  by  the  way,  conferred  on  him  by  Wil- 
liam McKinley  of  Ohio,  a  member  of  Congress  when  John  E. 
Russell  represented  the  Worcester  district  at  Washington  and 
was  debating  the  wool  schedule  in  the  tariff  bill.  Mr.  Russell 
ran  as  a  free  trader  and  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1886.  He 
was  a  man  of  means  and  lived  the  life  of  a  gentleman  farmer  on 
the  famed  hills  of  Worcester  county.  As  an  orator  he  had 
few  equals  in  the  State  and  he  presented  the  case  of  his 
namesake.  Gov  Russell,  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  Democrat 
present.  Mr.  Lodge  did  the  same  for  Mr.  Allen.  The  debate 
was  the  talk  of  political  circles  before  and  after  it  took  place. 
Probably  very  few  votes  were  changed  by  the  oratorical  battle 
of  the  two  political  giants,  but  it  added  zest  and  gaiety  to  the 
campaign  and  gave  both  sides  a  chance  to  present  their  side 
to  the  voters  through  two  able  political  debaters. 

The  vote  for  Governor  was:  Russell,  157.982;  Allen, 
151,515;  Kimball.  8908;  Winn.  1772;  Robinson,  1429. 

The  political  complexion  of  the  Legislature  elected  that 
year  was:  Senate,  24  Rep.,  16  Dem. ;  House,  149  Rep.,  90 
Dem.,  1  Prohib. 


18 


CHAPTER  III. 

RUSSELL'S   SECOND  ADMINISTRATION — PROMINENT   MEN   IN   LEQ- 
ISLATURE — RUSSELL     BOOMED     FOR    PRESIDENT — FIRST     AP- 
PEARANCE  IN  MASSACHUSETTS   POLITICS   OF  W.    MURRAY 
CRANE— RUSSELL    DEFEATS    PIAILE    FOR    GOVERNOR— 
WOLCOTT      BEATS      CARROLL      FOR      LIEUTENANT- 
GOVERNOR— REPUBLICANS    ELECT    TEN    OF 
THIRTEEN    CONGRESSMEN. 

POLITICAL  prophets  who  predicted  that  Gov  Russell 
would  be  a  yearling  were  all  at  sea  when  the  election  re- 
turns showed  that  he  had  defeated  his  Republican  oppo- 
nent, ex-Congressman  Charles  H.  Allen,  of  Lowell.  Not  in  the 
memory  of  his  contemporaries  had  a  Democratic  Governor 
succeeded  himself  on  Beacon  Hill.  Gaston  and  Butler,  his 
two  Democratic  predecessors  in  office,  were  unable  to  secure  a 
leelection.  Gov  Russell  received  17,000  more  votes  in  his 
candidacy  for  reelection  than  he  did  the  year  before,  when  he 
was  elected  over  Brackett  and  Mr.  Allen,  his  Republican  op- 
ponent, got  20,000  more  votes  than  Gov  Brackett.  The  Gov- 
ernor was  the  only  Democratic  candidate  on  the  State  ticket 
elected. 

The  Legislature  met  Jan.  6.  Alfred  S.  Pinkerton  of 
V/orcester  was  chosen  president  of  the  Senate  and  William 
E.  Barrett  was  again  reelected  Speaker  of  the  House.  Gov 
Russell  began  his  second  term  profoundly  grateful  to  the 
people  of  the  Commonwealth  for  the  renewed  confidence  which 
had  again  entrusted  him  with  important  public  duties  as  he 
expressed  it  in  his  inaugural  address  to  the  Legislature. 
One  year  in  office  had  convinced  him  more  than  ever  that 
the  time  had  come  when  the  Legislature  should  make  a 
thorough  examination  of  the  methods  of  executive  adminis- 
tration work  "and  the  adoption  of  such  changes  as  will  bring 
into  complete  responsibility  to  the  people,  and  will  simplify 
machinery  at  present  complex,  without  s^'-stem  or  uniformity". 
He  briefly  sketched  the  gradual  but  large  growth  of  execu- 
tive work  and  executive  offices  in  the  more  tlian  100  years 
that  had  elapsed  since  the  institution  of  constitutional  gov- 


19 


ernmcnt  in  the  State.  "There  are  over  25  State  commissions 
and  more  than  100  trustees  of  public  institutions.  Whether 
this  number  can  be  reduced  by  abolition  or  consolidation  of 
offices  has  been  considered  by  a  special  committee  of  the  last 
Legislature,  who  will  submit  to  you  the  result  of  its  investi- 
gation," said  he.  Only  eight  officers,  the  Governor  pointed 
out,  could  be  removed  by  the  Governor  alone  upon  his  own 
responsibility.  This,  he  complained,  was  the  extent  of  his 
responsible  executive  control. 

"Suppose,"  he  argued,  "that  some  administrative  board,  within 
its  limited  authority  in  part  to  administer  the  people's  government, 
should  knowingly  adopt  a  policy  against  the  wish  of  the  people,  or 
against  their  will  as  deliberately  expressed  through  their  Legisla- 
ture,— are  the  people  to  have  no  control  over  such  board  or  its 
action?     Is  their  government  to  this  extent  to  be  beyond  their  reach? 

"All  must  agree  that  the  safe  and  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment is  to  make  these  administrative  officers  in  some  way  responsible 
to  the  people.  The  power  of  removal,  as  a  necessity  for  responsible 
control,  must  then  be  vested  in  the  executive  department;  and  T  sub- 
mit that  it  can  best  be  vested  in  the  head  of  that  department." 

The  Executive  Council  was  not  disposed  to  give  the  Gov- 
ernor a  free  rein  in  removals  and  appointments,  composed  as  it 
was  of  eight  Republicans  and  one  Democrat.  The  Governor 
in  his  first  term  had  removed  from  office  Police  Commissioner 
Osborne  of  Boston  for  political  activities.  Mr.  Osborne  was  a 
Republican,  had  been  president  of  the  Common  Council  of 
Boston  and  a  factor  in  local  politics.  He  was  a  cousin  of  Con- 
gressman William  McKinley  of  Ohio,  who  afterwards  became 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Osborne  had  powerful 
friends  at  court  and  the  Council  refused  to  oppose  his  removal. 
Mr.  Osborne  was  made  a  political  issue  in  the  campaign  just 
closed  and  Democrats  charged  that  he  used  his  influence  ps  a 
police  commissioner  to  get  votes  among  liquor  dealers  for  the 
Republican  candidate  for  Governor.  But  this  was  not  the  only 
difference  the  Governor  had  had  about  appointments  and  re- 
movals with  the  Executive  Board.  Many  Democrats  advo- 
cated the  abolition  of  the  Council,  but  the  Governor  did  not  go 
as  far  as  that  in  his  inaugural.  The  Constitution,  he  said, 
created  it  "for  advising  the  Governor,  not  for  tieing  his  hands, 
not  for  dictating  his  appointments,  not  for  exercising  co- 
ordinate and  equal  power  with  him."  He  believed  that  there 
should  be  a  confirming  power  in  appointments  to  office. 

The  real  question  at  issue,  he  said,  was : 

20 


President  Harrison. 


"Whether  power  to  remove  shall  be  shared  by  the  Council.  This 
power  is  necessary  for  proper  executive  control.  If  npt  entrusted 
to  one  alone,  either  its  efficiency  is  lost,  or  greatly  impaired  by 
divided  responsibility.  Such  divided  responsibility,  or  no  responsi- 
bility, is  the  system  of  executive  management  established  in  this 
Commonwealth  wholly  by  statute  law,  mostly  of  recent  enactment. 
Experience  has  shown  as  practical  results  of  such  a  system: 

"First.  That  neither  the  Governor  nor  the  people  through  him 
have  any  adequate  power  over  the  executive  departments,  of  which 
he  is  the  head,  but  his  power  is  practically  limited  to  suggestions, 
advice    and    appointments    to    fill    vacancies. 

"Second.  That  over  many  of  the  departments  and  executive 
offices  there  is  no  power  of  control  in  any  one. 

"Third.  That  the  power  of  removal  and  so  of  control  usually 
requires  for  its  exercise  a  formal  trial  upon  specific  charges,  and 
proof  of  absolute  malfeasance   in  office. 

"Fourth.  That  an  officer  of  an  important  public  department, 
accused  of  oflficial  misconduct  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Governor, 
requires  his  removal,  may  remain  in  office  without  the  confidence 
and  against  the  will  of  his  executive  chief. 

"Fifth.  That  a  mem'ber  of  an  important  commission  may  hold 
his  office  indefinitely  after  his  term  has  expired,  without  appointment 
and  without  the  approval  of  the  Governor. 

"Sixth.  That  nominees  of  the  Governor,  beyond  criticism  and 
objection,  may  be  refused  confirmation  for  the  sole  and  declared 
purpose  of  holding  in  office  men  when  term  of  office  had  expired. 

"Seventh.  That  with  present  limitations  upon  the  power  of  re- 
moval, the  power  to  confirm  can  always  be  used  for  this  purpose  and 
successfully  in  every  case  of  an  expired  term." 

After  further  argument  and  quotations  from  eminent 
public  authorities  endorsing-  his  views,  the  Governor  asked  that 
legislation  be  passed  giving  the  Chief  Executive  power  to  re- 
move all  administrative  officers  for  cause,  leaving  to  the 
Council  the  power  of  confirmation  of  appointments.  But  noth- 
ing came  of  the  suggestion. 

In  his  same  inaugural  Gov  Russell  reviewed  the  creation 
of  the  State  Board  of  Police  for  the  city  of  Boston  in  1887, 
always  a  favorite  topic  with  Democratic  politicians  who  have 
never  ceased  to  condemn  the  act  as  destructive  of  the  principle 
of  local  self-government.  Since  then  the  city  government  of 
Boston  has  had  no  power  over  the  police  department. 

"The  declared  reason  for  such  legislation  was  mistrust  of  her 
citizens,''  observed  the  Governor.  "I  do  not  share  that  sentiment. 
On  the  contrary,  I  have  not  only  a  firm  belief  in  their  right  to  govern 
themselves,  but  full  confidence  in  their  capacity  and  ability  to  do  so. 
The  jurisdiction  of  this  State  Board  over  both  licenses  and  police 
IS  a  union  of  two  distinct  powers,  which,  in  my  judgment,  it  is  not 
for  the  public  interest  to  have  united  in  any  one  board.  The  power 
of  granting  or  revoking  licenses  is  judicial  in  its  character,  the  other 
is   purely  executive.     The  first  should  be  vested  in  a  board   of  such 

21 


appointment  and  tenure  as  to  be  judicial  in  its  action;  the  other  is  a 
board  responsible  to  the  community  over  which  it  exercises  executive 
control.  I  earnestly  recommend  a  separation  of  these  powers;  that 
the  control  of  her  police  be  restored  to  the  city  of  Boston;  and 
that  you  then  consider  whether  the  control  of  licenses  should  be  left 
in  the  present  board,  or  placed  in  another  board  'jf  such  character, 
appointment  and  tenure  that  it  will  be  above  all  political,  personal 
or  selfish  influences,  and  will  command  the  confidence  of  the  people." 

The  Legislature  was  not  responsive  to  the  demands  of  the 
Governor  for  the  restoration  of  the  control  and  management 
of  its  police  force  to  the  municipal  authorities,  but  the  Execu- 
tive Council  did  consent  to  the  confirmation  of  the  appointment 
of  a  successor  to  Commissioner  Osborne  when  the  latter's 
term  expired. 

Gov  Russell  congratulated  the  Legislature  on  the  ratifica- 
tion and  adoption  by  the  people  of  the  constitutional  amend- 
ment abolishing  the  tax  qualification  for  voting.  There  re- 
mained, however,  one  more  step  to  be  taken  by  the  Legisla- 
ture to  complete  the  work  of  making  the  suffrage  absolutely 
and   completely  free   from   all   tax   qualifications. 

"As  the  people  have,  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  abolished 
the  tax  qualification  so  far  as  it  was  directly  in  their  power,  and  as 
in  the  past  suftrage  has  been  uniform  for  all  elections,  with  the 
single  exception  of  a  franchise  for  women,  it  is  now  necessary  thai 
this  tax  qualification  should  be  abolished  also  in  town  and  city  elec- 
tions," said  he. 

On  this  subject  the  Legislature  showed  commendable 
promptness  in  acting  as  requested.  He  again  recommended 
the  passage  of  a  comprehensive  and  stringent  law  to  secure 
the  publication  of  election  expenses.  He  further  urged  an 
amendment  of  the  ballot  law,  so  that  a  single  mark  might  con- 
stitute a  vote  for  all  the  presidential  electors  of  a  political 
party,  which  suggestion  was  enacted  into  law  during  the 
session. 

The  Governor  renewed  several  suggestions  made  in  his 
first  inaugural  and  in  special  messages  to  the  General  Court  as 
the  last  Legislature  had  not  acted  favorably  on  them,  namely: 

"First.  Further  legislation  of  a  stringent  and  radical  character 
to  remedy  the  activities  of  the  lobby. 

"Second.  The  passage  of  several  laws  to  relieve  the  Legislature 
and  the  public  of  the  burden  of  constantly  increasing  special  legisla- 
tion. 

"Third:      Extension    of   the   powers    of   cities   and   towns    and    of 

22 


local  self-g-overnment,  especially  in  matters  of  taxation,  control  and 
sale  of  franchises,  and  extending  the  limits  of  municipal  work  and  of 
municipal  ownership. 

"Fourth:  The  passage  of  a  general  municipal  law  for  the  In- 
corporation and  government  of  cities,  with  the  limitations  heretofore 
suggested.  This  subject  has  been  investigated  by  a  special  committee 
of  the  last  Legislature,  who  will  report  to  you  the  results  of  its 
investigation. 

"Filth.  Legislation  to  prevent  railroad  corporations  from  giving 
free  parses  to  members  of  the  Legislature,  or  to  other  officials  before 
whom  come  matters  in  which  these  corporations  are  interested. 

"Sixth.  A  thorough  reform  in  our  system  of  land  transfer  and 
registration,  upon  the  plan  of  the  Australian  or  Torrens  system, 
so  called,  to  bring  about  greater  freedom,  security  and  cheapness  in 
the  transfer  of  real  estate.  You  will  have,  in  considering  this  sub- 
ject, the  benefit  of  the  investigation  made  by  a  special  committee  of 
the  last  Legislature. 

"Seventh.  Further  consideration  of  legislation  asked  for  in  the 
interest  of  labor,  especially  the  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  of 
women  and  children  employed  in  factories  and  workshops;  amend- 
ment of  the  employer's  liability  act,  to  broaden  its  scope  and  make  it 
more  efficient  and  beneficent  in  its  results;  and  further  action  for  the 
proper  protection  of  railroad  employees  against  the  dangers  to  which 
they  are  exposed.  The  appalling  fact  that  in  the  United  States,  dur- 
ing the  year  ending  June  30,  i8go,  369  employees  were  killed  in 
coupling  or  uncoupling  cars,  and  7,841  were  ii  ju'td,  makes  legislation 
for  the  adoption  of  safety  appliances  which  will  prevent  such  acci- 
dents imperative.  National  legislation  is  necessary  as  the  only 
effective  remedy.  I  recommend  that,  following  the  precedent  of  the 
Legislature  of  last  3''ear,  you  petition  Congress  to  take  action,  and 
that  you  use  every  means  possible  to  hasten  a  remedy." 

He  asked  that  a  new  weaver's  fine  bill  be  passed  to  take 
the  place  of  the  one  declared  by  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court 
to  be  unconstitutional. 

The  legislative  session  of  1892  was  an  interesting  one. 
Senate  and  House  contained  several  able  men,  some  of  whom 
have  since  acquired  national  fame  in  public  affairs.  In  the 
House  the  foremost  figure  on  the  Republican  side  wjs  Samuel 
W.  McCall,  who  was  elected  that  Fall  a  member  of  Congress 
and  was  destined  to  occupy  a  prominent  place  in  the  party 
councils  at  the  national  capital  for  the  following  20  years, 
when  he  retired  from  congress.  Returning  to  political  life 
after  a  brief  absence  of  one  year,  he  was  elected  Governor  in 
1915,  the  first  Republican  in  six  years  to  ibe  chosen.  Mr.  Mc- 
Call was  chairman  of  the  committee  on  elections  in  the  Legis- 
lature of  1892  and  also  head  of  the  special  committee  on  ad- 
ministrative boards  and  commissions  which  considered  the 
Governor's  recommendations  relative  to  consolidating  some 
of  them  and  making  them  more  responsible  to  the  executive 

23 


head  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  the  committee  recommended 
"No  legislation  necessary"  and  the  report  was  accepted  by 
the  Legislature. 

Frank  P.  Bennett  of  Everett  was  among  the  most  inde- 
pendent Republicans  of  the  House.  He  cherished  the  hope  of 
being  Speaker.  The  stumbling  block  in  his  path  to  the 
Speaker's  chair  was  William  E.  Barrett,  but  if  Mr.  Barrett  was 
his  stumbling  block  Bennett  was  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the 
Speaker  and  the  two  were  seldom  in  unison  on  legislative 
questions.  At  that  time  Mr.  Barrett  was  suspected  of  harbor- 
ing senatorial  ambitions  to  succeed  the  venerable  U.  S.  Sena- 
tor Henry  L.  Dawes  of  Pittsfield,  whose  term  was  to  expire 
in  March,  1893. 

Other  prominent  members  of  this  Legislature  were  Henry 
W.  Ashley,  of  Westfield,  one  of  the  leading  Democrats  of  the 
Western  part  of  the  State;  Gen.  Francis  H.  Appleton  of  Pea- 
body,  Benjamin  Butler  Barney  of  New  Bedford,  then  n  leading 
young  Democrat ;  Col.  Richard  F.  Barrett  of  Concord,  a  des- 
cendant of  one  of  the  Minutemen  of  that  town ;  Lewis  H.  Bart- 
Ictt  of  Lynn,  afterward  a  member  of  the  Executive  Council. 

The  late  Adjt.  Gen.  Brigham  sat  in  the  House  from  Hud- 
son, William  Pitt  Buckley  from  Holyoke,  Salem  D.  Charles, 
afterwards  Street  Commissioner  of  Boston  for  many  years, 
was  a  member;  the  late  Judge  Louis  M.  Clark  represented 
ward  24;  Daniel  H.  Coakley,  the  prominent  trial  lawyer, 
represented  one  of  the  Cambridge  wards ;  Perlie  A.  Dyar,  for 
many  years  a  prominent  Republican  figure  in  local  politics, 
represented  ward  IL 

The  late  "Judge"  Fallon  sat  from  ward  6.  Frederick  H. 
Gillett,  who  was  in  the  House  from  Springfield,  was  elected 
the  same  year  to  Congress  and  has  been  reelected  every  elec- 
tion since.  John  R.  Graham,  who  died  recentl}'  in  Bangor, 
represented  Quincy ;  Dennis  E.  Halley,  who  afterwards  went 
to  the  Senate,  was  a  Lawrence  Representative;  John  Hope- 
well Jr.  of  Cambridge  was  a  member. 

George  von  L.  Meyer,  late  ambassador  and  cabinet  mem- 
ber, sat  in  the  second  division,  representing  ward  9.  The  vet- 
eran Democrat  "Jim"  Parker  sat  for  Methuen,  Wellington  E. 
Parkhurst  of  Clinton,  brother  of  Dr.  Parkhurst  of  New  York 
was  one  of  the  fighting  Republicans  of  the  House  of  1892.  Al- 
fred S.  Roe  was  a  member  of  the  Worcester  delegation. 
Bentley  W.  Warren,  legislative  counsel  for  street  railway  cor- 

24 


porations,  was  a  Democratic  member,  representing  Ward  25, 
Boston. 

George  Fox  Tucker  of  New  Bedford  was  one  of  the  best 
debaters  of  the  House.  Of  late  years  Mr.  Tucker  hasn't 
trained  with  the  Republicans.  Arthur  H.  Wellman  was  one 
of  the  ablest  members  of  that  year. 

The  Legislature  was  prorogued  at  12.30  on  June  17. 
Among  the  important  laws  passed  were:  An  act  prohibiting 
railroads  issuing  passes  to  the  Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor, 
Councilors,  Judges  and  members  of  the  Legislature.  Such  per- 
sons were  forbidden  to  solicit  or  to  accept  passes  in  any  form. 
Mileage  was  fixed  for  the  legislative  session  at  $2  per  mile 
in  lieu  of  passes  on  which  so  many  of  the  members  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court  travelled. 

Championed  by  Samuel  W.  McCall,  head  of  the  commit- 
tee on  Election  Laws,  an  act  was  passed  forbidding  corrupt 
practices  at  elections,  defined  the  purposes  for  which  candi- 
dates might  expend  money  to  secure  an. election  and  set  forth 
the  manner  returns  should  be  made.  It  forbade  committees 
to  solicit  campaign  contributions,  but  of  course  contributions 
could  still  be  made  voluntarily. 

It  was  made  a  crime  pimishable  by  a  fine  of  $100  to  com- 
pel an  employe  to  agree  not  to  join  a  labor  organization  by 
another  act.  Another  law  in  behalf  of  organized  labor  fixed 
the  hours  of  employment  of  women  and  minors  in  manu- 
facturing establishments  at  58  hours  a  week.  The  Weavers 
fine  bill  was  repealed  and  a  substitute  was  enacted  which  pro- 
vided that: 


"The  system  now  or  at  any  time  hereafter  employed  by  manu- 
facturers of  grading  their  M'ork  shall  in. no  way  affect  or  lessen  the 
wages  of  a  weaver  except  for  imperfections  in  his  or  her  own  work, 
and  in  no  case  shall  the  wages  of  those  engaged  in  weaving  be  affected 
by  fines  or  otherwise,  unless  the  imperfections  complained  of  are 
at  first  exhibited  and  pointed  out  to  the  person  or  persons  whose 
wages  are  to  be  affected,  and  no  fine  shall  be  imposed  upon  any 
persor  for  imperfect  weaving  unless  the  provisions  of  this  section 
are  first  applied  and  the  amount  of  the  fines  are  agreed  upon  by 
both   oarties." 


Lotteries  were  prohibited  and  the  appointment  of  persons 
not  residents  of  the  State  as  special  police  was  prohibited. 
The  latter  was  at  the  behest  of  the  labor  peoj-le  also. 

The  registration  laws  were  amended  and  codified  and  a 

25 


committee  was  named  to  arrange  and  codify  the  laws  relative 
to  elections  and  ordered  to  report  to  the  next  general  court. 

Medford  and  Everett  were  incorporated  as  cities  and  a 
general  law  was  passed  under  which  towns  of  12,000  might 
become  incorporated  as  cities.  West  Tisbury  was  set  ofT  as  a 
separate  town  from  Tisbury. 

The  state  tax  was  fixed  at  $1,750,000,  $500,000  was  appro- 
priated for  buildings  for  the  chronic  insane  to  be  erected  at 
Medfield  and  an  additional  $75,000  was  voted  for  the  World's 
Fair  at  Chicago. 

The  salary  of  the  Governor  was  raised  from  $5000  to 
$8000  and  $10,000  was  set  aside  for  the  State  Firemen's  Fund 
for  the  relief  of  firemen's  widows  and  families.  A  law  was 
p.^ssed  regulating  the  organization  and  conduct  of  fraternal 
beneficiary  societies. 

The  Naval  Brigade  was  established  and  a  law  was  passed 
punishing  the  fraudulent  marking  of  ballots. 

After  the  legislative  session  the  Governor  was  busy  taking 
in  the  commencements  and  the  cattle  shows.  His  popularity 
was  as  great  as  ever  and  he  decided  to  run  again.  The  Repub- 
licans figured  that  in  a  Presidential  year  they  would  probably 
elect  their  candidate  for  Governor.  By  common  consent  the 
nomination  was  accorded  Lieut  Gov  William  H.  Haile  of 
Springfield. 

The  name  of  Gov  Russell  had  often  been  mentioned  as  a 
possible  candidate  for  President.  His  own  State  stood  ready 
to  present  his  name  if  the  opportunity  presented  itself.  He 
and  most  of  his  friends  believed  that  the  wisest  course  would 
be  to  renominate  Grover  Cleveland. 

There  was  an  attempt  at  the  Convention  which  elected 
the  delegates-at-large  that  year  to  start  a  demonstration  for 
Gov  David  Bennett  Hill  of  New  York,  but  Gen  Collins 
promptly  objected  to  being  hitched  to  the  tail  of  Hill's  kite, 
informed  the  convention  that  he  wore  no  man's  collar  and 
would  go  to  the  Convention  free  to  do  what  he  believed  to  be 
the  best  thing  for  the  party. 

The  Republicans  held  their  convention  at  Minneapolis 
that  year.  Their  Delegates-at-Large  were:  William  W.  Crapo, 
J.  O.  A.  Brackett,  William  Cogswell  and  W.  Murray  Crane. 
Mr.  Crane  was  a  new  Lochinvar  from  the  West.  Gen  Cogs- 
well stood  well  in  Congress,  was  close  to  President  Harrison, 
served  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  a  posi- 

26 


tion  requiring  hard  work  and  long-  hours.  WiUiam  jMcKinley 
of  Ohio  was  permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention.  The 
Massachusetts  delegation  cast  on  the  first  formal  ballot  18 
votes  for  Harrison's  renomination,  11  for  McKinley  and  one 
for  Blaine.  Mr.  Crane  was  chosen  for  National  Committeeman 
and  began  his  long  and  useful  career  as  a  member  of  that 
body. 

The  Prohibitionists  were  the  first  to  hold  their  State  Con- 
vention, meeting  at  Worcester  June  2  and  nominating  Wol- 
cott  Hamlin  of  Springfield  for  Governor,  adopted  their  usual 
platform  on  the  liquor  question  and  putting  in  a  strong  plank 
on  the  public  schools,  intended  to  catch  some  A.  P.  A.  votes. 
The  A.  P.  A.,  the  so-called  American  Protective  Association, 
had  begun  to  make  itself  felt  and  all  the  political  parties  ex- 
cept the  Democrats  began  to  cater  to  them  by  incorporating 
high  sounding  phrases  about  church  and  State,  the  public 
school  and  Americanism,  designed  to  please  those  who  pro- 
fessed to  believe  that  the  country  and  its  institutions  were  in 
danger  of  foreign  control.  Like  the  predecessor  of  a  genera- 
tion before,  the  Knownothings,  it  found  men  high  in  party 
councils  willing  to  agree  with  them  and  encourage  them  In 
their  pleadings. 

The  Republicans  met  in  Boston  Sept  14  and  nominated 
Lieut  Gov  Haile  for  first  place  and  Roger  Wolcott  of  Boston 
for  Lieutenant  Governor. 

Gov  Russell  was  nominated  by  acclamation  by  the  Demo- 
crats, who  met  in  Boston.  He  appeared  before  the  Convention 
and  accepted  his  sixth  nomination,  making  one  of  his  charac- 
teristic, eloquent,  energetic  speeches  that  fired  with  renewed 
enthusiasm  those  who  heard  it.  James  B.  Carroll  of  Spring- 
field was  nominated  without  opposition  for  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor. 

The  People's  Party  renominated  Winn.  The  campaign 
was  waged  with  unusual  vigor  on  both  sides.  The  Republicans 
pushed  national  issues  to  the  front.  The  Republican  electoral 
ticket  swept  the  State  by  a  vote  of  202,874  against  176,813  for 
the  Democratic  electors.  Russell  received  10,000  more  votes 
than  the  Democratic  electors  and  Mr.  Haile  19,000  less  than 
the  Harrison  electors.  Massachusetts  voters  again  preferred 
Russell  for  Governor  to  his  opponent  and  he  added  another 
laurel  to  his  brow.    Politicians  could  conceive  of  him  carrying 

27 


the  state  in  an  off  year,  but  that  he  would  do  so  in  a  presiden- 
tial year  was  beyond  their  calculations. 

The  vote  for  Governor  was :  Russell,  186,377 ;  Haile, 
183,843. 

Roger  Wolcott  was  an  easy  winner  over  James  B.  Carroll 
of  Springfield,  the  vote  for  Lieutenant  Governor  was :  Wol- 
cott, 180,358;  Carroll,  170,121. 

The  Republicans  elected  10  Congressmen  this  year,  the 
Democrats  three,  although  one  of  the  latter,  Michael  J.  Mc- 
Ettrick,  was  classed  as  an  Independent.  This  was  a  gain  of 
five  seats  for  the  Republicans. 

The  State  Senate  chosen  was  made  up  of  30  Republicans 
and  10  Democrats.  The  House  election  resulted  in  165  Repub- 
licans, 74  Democrats  and  one  tie.  On  the  question  of  striking 
out  of  the  Constitution  the  property  qualification  of  the  Gov- 
ernor the  vote  was  Yes  141,321,  No  68,045. 

By  this  time  Gov  Russell  had  come  to  be  regarded  by 
his  opponents  as  unbeatable.  They  had  tried  three  different 
types  of  candidates  and  all  had  failed  to  defeat  him.  Every 
time  he  ran  he  increased  his  vote.  The  presidency  and  gov- 
ernorship had  been  captured  by  Democrats,  but  the  Republi- 
cans found  some  consolation  in  the  notable  gains  they  made 
in  congressional   seats  and  in  the  Legislature. 


28 


President   Cleveland. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MASSACHUSETTS'      PART      IN      NATIONAL      CAMPAIGN      OF      1892— 
DEMOCRATS      WITH      CLEVELAND — REPUBLICANS      LACK     EN- 
THUSIASM FOR   HARRISON — BAY   STATE   MEN   FARE   WELL 
UNDER     SECOND     CLEVELAND     ADMINISTRATION. 

THE  Democrats  held  their  National  Convention  this  year 
at  Chicago,  the  Republicans  at  Minneapolis.  The  latter 
renominated  President  Harrison.  The  Democrats  nom- 
inated Grover  Cleveland  for  the  third  time.  Five  of  the  30 
Massachusetts  delegates  declined  to  vote  for  Cleveland's  nomi- 
nation. Four  of  them  voted  for  David  B.  Hill,  of  New  York. 
The  other  voted  for  Gov.  Russell.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  an  easy- 
winner,  receiving  616  votes  to  114  for  Hill.  There  was  a 
bitter  feeling  between  the  Hill  and  Cleveland  factions  in 
the  Democratic  party  in  New  York.  The  feud  spread  among 
the  Democrats  far  and  wide.  New  York  went  to  the  con- 
\ention  violently  and  unalterably  opposed  to  the  selection  of 
Cleveland.  Mr.  Cleveland  had  offended  many  Democratic 
leaders  in  his  own  State  by  his  appointments  and  treatment 
of  them.  Gov  Hill  had  been  out  of  favor  with  the  Cleveland 
element  of  the  party,  because  of  his  open  opposition  to  Mr. 
Cleveland.  Hill  was  the  center  of  the  opposition  to  Cleve- 
land's nomination.  The  Empire  state  cast  its  72  votes  for 
Hill.  Bourke  Cockran,  then  in  the  good  graces  of  the  Wigwam, 
made  the  nominating  speech  for  Hill.  Gov  Abbett  of  New 
Jersey  named  Cleveland.  Gov  Boies  of  Iowa  was  placed  in 
nomination  and  received  103  votes. 

In  the  preliminary  Democratic  Convention  talk,  Gov.  Rus- 
sell's name  was  frequently  and  favorably  mentioned,  but  his 
geographical  location  militated  against  him.  Nobodv  ever 
seriously  believed  that  the  Democrats  would  come  to  Massa- 
chusetts for  their  presidential  candidate.  Gov  Russell  had  no 
such  illusion  and  he  made  it  pretty  plain  that  he  desired  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  with  whom  he  was  on  intimate 
terms.  Mr.  Cleveland  had  established  his  summer  home  at 
Buzzard's  Bay  on  the  Cape  and  always  lent  a  helping  hand  to 

29 


Russell  in  his  State  campaigns.  In  the  previous  State  cam- 
paign he  had  come  up  from  the  Cape  and  made  a  speech  at  the 
Democratic  ratification  meeting  in  Boston.  On  other  occa- 
sions when  Russell  was  a  candidate  he  wrote  letters  com- 
mending him  and  urging  his  election. 

Gov  Russell  was  Mr.  Cleveland's  guest  at  Buzzard's  Bay 
during  the  sessions  of  the  Chicago  Convention  and  was  one 
of  the  first  to  congratulate  him  on  the  morning  of  his  nomina- 
tion. The  Massachusetts  Delegates-at-Large  to  the  Democratic 
National  Convention  Avere  Gen  sCollins,  John  E.  Russell,  John 
H.  Sullivan  and  Albert  C.  Houghton.  Gen  John  W.  Cockran 
was  elected  as  one  of  the  delegates-at-large,  but  having  been 
appointed  by  Gov  Russell  a  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  he 
named  Mr.  Sullivan  to  act  for  him.  Mr.  Sullivan  was  one  of 
the  alternates. 

Mr.  Houghton  was  a  prominent  manufacturer  of  North 
Adamo  and  won  a  place  on  the  delegation  after  as  lively  a  con- 
test as  had  ever  been  waged  in  the  State.  His  opponent  was 
Col  Walter  Cutting  of  Pittsfield.  Col  Cutting  was  a  member 
of  Gov  Russell's  stafif.  He  had  long  been  identified  with  the 
party  and  was  a  man  of  means.  The  night  before  the  conven- 
tion which  was  to  elect  the  four  delegates-at-large  and  the 
four  alternates,  Cutting  and  Houghton  opened  headquarters 
at  the  old  Tremont  House.  Both  men  had  many  friends  in 
the  party,  but  they  must  have  been  surprised  at  their  exten- 
sive acquaintance  that  night.  Their  headquarters  swarmed 
with  men  cheering  and  shouting  for  one  or  the  other  and 
sometimes  both. 

The  landlord  of  the  hotel  was  given  orders  to  spare  no 
expense.  Wine  flowed  like  water.  The  freer  it  flowed  the 
freer  the  talk  of  the  delegates  and  visitors.  Everybody  ate, 
drank  and  was  merry.  Houghton  began  entertaining  earlier 
than  Cutting  and  kept  it  up  longer.  The  delegates  thought 
well  of  Houghton  as  an  entertainer  evidently.  He  got  the 
most  votes  and  won  a  place  on  the  delegation. 

No  man  in  New  England  was  better  known  in  a  Demo- 
cratic national  gathering  than  Gen  Collins.  He  was  permanent 
chairman  of  the  St.  Louis  Democratic  convention  four  years 
before.  As  soon  as  the  Massachusetts  delegation  arrived  in 
the  convention  city  Gen  Collins  and  John  E.  Russell,  who  was 
also  well  and  favorably  known  by  the  leading  Democrats  of 
the  country,  were  invited  into  a  conference  of  the  friends  of 

30 


Cleveland.  Committees  were  named  to  meet  incoming  dele- 
gations and  impress  upon  them  the  value  of  Mr.  Cleveland's 
name  and  record  to  the  party  in  the  coming  campaign. 

Mr.  Cleveland's  friends  worked  hard  and  systematically. 
His  personal  representative  on  the  scene  was  William  C. 
Whitney  of  New  York,  who  directed  the  fight  for  the  ex-Presi- 
dent. The  opposition  was  noisy  and  the  New  York  situation 
naturally  gave  them  considerable  uneasiness,  but  Tammany 
has  never  cut  much  of  a  figure  in  national  conventions  in 
recent  years  and  Tammany  was  Cleveland's  bitterest  foe.  'i'he 
anti-Cleveland  forces  contested  every  inch  of  grotmd,  but  they 
were  up  against  it.  Mr.  Cleveland's  friends  decided  to  force 
the  fighting  once  the  contest  opened.  They  planned  to  nomi- 
nate him  on  the  first  ballot,  and  they  succeeded.  The  opposi- 
tion fought  hard  and  then  demanded  adjournment.  Mr. 
Whitney  shook  his  head  and  said  vote.  I't  was  early  in  the 
morning.  The  dawn  was  breaking  as  the  tabulators  announced 
the  result. 

Gen  Collins  made  one  of  the  seconding  speeches  for  Cleve- 
land. It  was  short  but  effective  and  made  a  profound  im- 
pression on  the  convention.     Said  he: 

"I  belong  to  that  class  of  'D'emocrats,  fortunately  large,  who 
are  for  and  not  against  some  other  Democrat.  I  am  a  construc- 
tionist not  a  destroyer.  I  believe  that  every  state  in  the  Union 
contains  at  least  one  Democrat  fit  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  I  deplore  the  malignity  with  which  certain  eminent 
gentlemen,  not  very  far  from  the  state  of  New  York,  have  been 
hounded  and  misrepresented  by  the  fool  friends  of  other  people. 
As  I  say,  I  believe  that  every  state  has  at  least  one  man  large 
enough — including  my  own  state  (cheers  and  cries  of  "Russell") — 
large  enough  to  be  President  of  the  United  States,  but  there  stands 
forward  one  man,  taller  than  all  the  rest.  (Great  cheering.)  You 
may  examine  the  sentiment  and  analyze  the  reason,  and  reject  it 
because  you  cannot  solve  it,  because  it  eludes  analysis;  and  yet 
stronger  than  any  other  man  in  this  or  any  preceding  generation, 
and  in  the  hearts  of  the  Democracy  of  this  country,  is  the  name 
and  the  fame   of  Grover  Cleveland." 

William  W.  Crapo  of  New  Bedford  was  the  chairman  of 
the  Massachusetts  delegation  to  the  1892  Republican  Conven- 
tion. He  was  one  of  the  four  delegates-at-Iarge  and  he  had 
as  his  associates  ex-Gov  Brackett,  Congressman  Cogswell  and 
Vv^.  Murray  Crane,  the  latter  a  nev/  name  and  face  in  the 
councils  of  the  party,  destined  to  play  a  large  and  important 
part  in  the  politics  of  the  State  and  Nation  in  a  few  years. 

31 


Massachusetts'  part  in  the  convention  of  1892  was  not  im- 
portant. Gen.  Cogswell  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  and  ex-Gov,  Brackett  was  placed  on  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions.  Gen.  Cogswell  was  Gen.  Harrison's  personal 
friend.  Harrison  was  not  what  might  be  called  a  popular 
President.  Some  of  his  party  associates  said  some  mean 
things  of  him.  Thomas  B.  Reed  was  quoted  as  referring  to 
him  as  "the  ice  man."  There  was  quite  a  sentiment  running 
among  Republicans  in  behalf  of  William  McKinley  of  Ohio 
for  the  nomination.  Mr.  McKinley,  author  of  the  McKinley 
tariff  bill  which  was  repudiated  at  the  polls  in  1900  and  its 
sponsor  went  down  to  defeat,  but  the  Republican  leaders 
decided  to  renew  the  battle  on  tariff  lines  in  1892  and  defiantly 
put  Major  McKinley  into  the  presiding  officer's  chair  of  the 
Minneapolis  convention.  Instead  of  apologizing  for  McKin- 
leyism  the  Republicans  glorified  it. 

On  the  question  of  nominating  a  presidential  candidate 
Massachusetts  voted  as  follows:  Harrison,  18;  McKinley,  11  ; 
Blaine,  1.  Mr.  Blaine  received  182  votes  in  the  convention, 
showing  that  a  few  Republicans  still  clung  to  the  "Plumed 
Knight."  Blaine  had  resigned  in  a  huff  as  Secretary  of 
State  in  Harrison's  cabinet  and  his  friends  in  this  and  other 
ways  manifested  their  disapproval  of  Harrison's  treatment  of 
him.  There  were  many  rumors  regarding  the  reason  for 
Blaine's  sudden  resignation  from  the  cabinet.  One  of  the 
stories  that  would  not  down  was  that  President  Harrison 
refused  to  jump  Col  Coppinger,  Blaine's  son-in-law,  over  the 
heads  of  several  other  army  officers  who  outranked  him  for 
brigadier  general.  Whatever  the  cause  was  Mr.  Blaine's  in- 
timate friends  knew  at  the  time  that  he  was  far  from  being 
a  well  man.     He  died  the  January  following. 

Major  McKinley's  vote  was  the  same  as  Mr.  Blaine's, 
showing  that  a  substantial  element  in  the  convention  had  not 
been  reconciled  to  Gen  Harrison.  Gen  Cogswell  was  placed 
on  the  committee  to  notify  the  President  of  his  renomination. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  nominate  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine 
as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President.  In  view  of  Mr.  Reed's 
personal  opinion  of  Gen  Harrison  as  President,  such  a  move 
would  have  been  ridiculous  if  carried  out.  Mr.  Littlefield  of 
Maine  appealed  to  the  delegates  not  to  nominate  Reed  as  no- 
body had  any  authority  to  present  Mr.  Reed's  name  to  the 
convention  as  a  candidate.     Mr.  Reed's  name  was  withdrawn 

32 


and  VVhitelaw  Reid  of  New  York,  editor  of  the  Tribune,  was 
nominated  for  second  place  by  acclamation. 

There  was  no  heart  in  the  Republican  campaign  that  year. 
Hence  little  enthusiasm.  The  Democrats  kept  up  their  fight 
on  the  tariff  and  Cleveland  landed  back  in  the  White  House, 
with  a  Democratic  congress. 

The  vote  for  the  national  ticket  in  Massachusetts  was: 
Harrison,  202,815  ;  Cleveland,  176,813  ;  a  plurality  of  26,000  for 
Harrison. 

The  Republicans  elected  10  of  the  13  congressmen. 

Massachusetts  was  not  forgotten  by  Mr.  Cleveland  in 
his  distribution  of  the  plums.  He  selected  Richard  Olney  of 
Boston,  a  well  known  Democrat  and  corporation  lawyer,  for 
Attorney  General  in  his  cabinet.  Later  Mr.  Olney  became 
Secretary  of  State.  Very  few  of  the  Democratic  rank  and  file 
knew  Mr.  Olney,  but  the  older  men  of  the  party  knew  him 
well  and  enthusiastically  endorsed  his  selection.  Mr.  Olney's 
iegal  talents  had  been  employed  many  years  by  public  service 
corporations.  He  was  recognized  as  a  sound  la\vyer  and  an 
able  advocate.  He  was  the  kind  of  man  who  would  appeal 
to  Mr.  Cleveland — conservative,  well  balanced  and  tenacious. 
As  Secretary  of  State  he  twisted  the  British  lion's  tail  when  it 
attempted  to  place  its  paw  on  Venezuelan  territory.  The 
Anglomaniacs  of  the  country  stood  aghast  when  they  read 
the  virile  letters  that  were  exchanged  between  the  American 
Secretary  of  State  and  the  British  foreign  office.  Such  impu- 
dence !  What  if  the  British  lion  should  take  a  notion  to  make 
a  meal  of  the  American  eagle?  "The  idea  of  Uncle  Sam.  perk- 
ing up  and  talking  back  to  'Cousin'  John  Bull!  Wouldn't  it 
be  awful  if  the  'Mother  Country'  sent  over  a  fleet  of  dread- 
naughts  and  cleared  South  American  waters  of  American 
man'o'wars  men !"  they  exclaimed. 

Mr.  Olney  did  not  share  the  feelings  of  his  timid  fellow 
citizens.  John  Bull  must  let  go  of  what  she  thought  she  had 
and  arbitrate  the  question.  After  a  lot  of  blustering  England 
consented  to  arbitrate  and  the  Monroe  doctrine  was  again 
made  a  living  American  political  principle. 

The  next  big  plum  which  Mr.  Cleveland  handed  out  to  a 
Massachusetts  man  was  the  Consul  generalship  at  London, 
England,  which  went  to  Gen  Patrick  A.  Collins.  Among  Gen 
Collins'  friends  there  was  a  feeling  that  Mr.  Cleveland  had 
made  a  great  mistake  in  his  first  administration  in  not  tender- 

33 


ing  a  place  in  his  cabinet  to  the  Bostonian.  No  Democrat  in 
New  England  had  the  following  Gen  Collins  had.  The  New 
England  member  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  first  cabinet  was  William 
Endicott  of  Massachusetts,  who  was  Secretary  of  War.  A  day 
or  two  after  the  election  of  1892  Gen  Collins,  accompanied  by 
his  law  partner,  Gen  Corcoran,  went  to  New  York.  Gen  Col- 
lins was  a  dinner  guest  of  William  C.  Whitney.  At  the  same 
dinner  was  Col  Dan  Lamont,  who  had  been  Mr.  Cleveland's 
private  secretary.  The  question  of  patronage  was  freely  dis- 
cussed at  this  dinner.  The  feeling  was  that  Gen  Collins  might 
be  invited  into  the  second  Cleveland  cabinet,  but  this  he  did 
not  care  for.  He  could  not  afford  it.  A  foreign  ambassador- 
ship was  suggested  to  him  at  another  conference. 

Gen  Collins  intimated  that  if  Mr.  Cleveland  was  disposed 
to  honor  him  he  would  consider  the  consul  generalship  at 
London.  That  was  then  the  juciest  plum  within  the  gift  of 
the  President.  Collins'  selection  for  this  post  was  finally 
scmi-ofificially  announced.  The  question  was  raised  in  the 
press :  Will  the  appointment  of  an  old  Fenian,  Land  Leaguer, 
and  Nationalist  like  Gen  Collins  be  satisfactory  to  England? 
Assurances  were  received  from  the  Gladstone  ministry  that 
there  was  no  disposition  to  object  to  Gen  Collins'  appoint- 
ment. That  question  having  been  settled,  Mr.  Cleveland 
formally  tendered  Gen  ColHns  the  position  and  the  latter 
accepted.  On  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  London,  Gen  ColHns 
was  given  a  complimentary  banquet  by  100  leading  Bostonians 
representing  v-arious  races  and  religious  views. 

Josiah  Quincy  was  made  an  Assistant  Secretary  of  State 
to  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  but  did  not  remain  long.  Mr.  Quincy 
was  regarded  as  the  headsman  of  the  department.  He  had 
served  on  the  Democratic  National  Committee  in  the  cam- 
paign and  w^as  one  of  the  managers  of  the  contest.  By  reason 
of  his  activities  in  the  campaign  he  was  in  a  position  to  know 
the  deserving  men  of  his  party.  Charles  S.  Hamlin,  a  young 
tariflF  reformer  who  impressed  Mr.  Cleveland  as  a  desirable 
man  in  his  official  political  family,  was  made  Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  under  John  G.  Carlisle. 


34 


CHAPTER  V. 

GOV        RUSSELL'S       THIRD       TERM — RETIREMENT       OF       SENATOR 
DAWES— HENRY    CABOT    LODGE,    HIS    SUCCESSOR— DR.    EVER- 
ETT    ELECTED     IN     LODGE'S     CONGRESSIONAL   DISTRICT — 
REPUBLICANS  TURN  TO  GREENHALGE  AS  THEIR  POLI- 
CAL    MOSES— DEMOCRATS     TO     JOHN     E.     RUSSELL. 

DEEPLY  grateful  to  the  people  of  Mas^-Hchusett?  for 
their  thrice  expressed  confidence  in  him.  Gov  Russell 
was  inaugurated  for  the  third  time  Jan.  4,  1893.  The 
novelty  of  inaugurating  a  Democratic  Governor  in  rock  ribbed 
Republican  Massachusetts  had  by  no  means  worn  off,  jtidging 
from  the  number  of  people  present.  When  the  Governor 
stood  up  to  deliver  his  inaugural  he  was  greeted  by  a  crowd 
that  filled  the  chamber  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  its 
fullest  capacity.  The  inaugural  address  took  the  form  of  a 
valedictory,  the  Governor  observing  that  he  construed  the 
duty  of  the  Legislature  and  the  Executive 

"To  deal  with  broader  matters  than  the  specific  recommenda- 
tions of  departments — and  to  suggest  principles  of  legislation  and 
necessary  reforms,  rather  than  to  perfunctorily  indorse  or  transmit 
details  of  administration." 

He  felt  that  as  he  had  made  his  last  two  campaigns  largely 
on  the  issue  of  more  power  over  administrative  boards  and 
commissions  by  the  chief  executive  that  he  was  justified  in 
again  urging  the  passage  of  laws  widening  the  sphere  of 
gubernatorial  authority  over  such  boards  and  commissions 
and  in  demanding  that  the  council  be  shorn  of  its  power  to 
prevent  the  removal  of  State  executive  officials  in  whom  the 
Governor  had  lost  confidence. 

"It  was  my  privilege  in  addressing  the  Legislature  of  1891  to 
recommend  important  and  fundamental  reforms  in  reference  to 
qualifications  for  the  suffrage,  protection  of  elections  and  legislation 
from  improper  influences,  relief  from  special  legislation,  greater 
system  and  responsibility  in  administration  and  other  matters, — 
ail  to  the  end  that  law  might  ever  be  the  free,  true  expression  of 
the  people's  will,  and  its  administration  just,  pure  and  honest," 
said  he.  "In  1892  in  my  inaugural  address  and  in  special  messages, 
I   directed   the  attention   of  the   Legislature   to   the  executive  branch 

35 


of  our  government,  to  the  great  increase  of  its  duties,  the  lack  of 
uniformity  or  system  in  its  organization,  and  its  entire  absence  of 
responsibility;  and  I  urged  such  changes  as  would  create  complete 
responsibility   to    the   people   and   would   remedy   these    evils." 

Some  of  these  recommendations  of  the  past  two  years 
had  become  law.  He  again  urged  the  enactment  of  a  strm- 
gent  corrupt  practices  act.  The  House  under  the  leadership 
of  Samuel  W.  McCall  the  year  before  had  passed  such  an  act 
but  the  Senate  killed  it. 

On  the  mooted  question — the  abolition  of  the  Executive 
Council — he  had  this  to  say  : 

"The  question  of  continuing  in  our  executive  system  an  elected 
council,  which  exists  in  but  three  of  our  forty-four  states,  and  here 
has  become  the  subject  of  serious  criticism  and  opposition,  I  sub- 
mit to  your  consideration.  Its  constitutional  power  is  not  impor- 
tant., and  could  well  be  exercised  by  other  existing  bodies.  The 
power  given  it  by  legislation  to  control,  concurrently  with  the 
Governor,  some  executive  boards  and  departments,  is,  in  its  exercise, 
either  perfunctory,  and  so  unimportant,  or,  if  dependent,  necessari- 
ly divides  responsibility  and  so  becomes  inconsistent  with  any 
sound  system  of  executive  management.  There  are  no  such  peculiar 
conditions  of  executive  work  in  this  Commonwealth  as  to  require 
the  continued  existence  of  this  now  anomalous  institution.  If  how- 
ever, its  power  were  properly  limited  to  its  constitutional  duties, 
it  might  perhaps  remain  as  a  harmless  concession  to  a  conservative, 
antiquarian    sentiment." 

Under  the  head  of  the  executive  control  of  State  commis- 
sions, he  said : 

"I  again  renew  the  suggestions  and  recommendations  I  have 
heretofore  made  upon  this  general  subject;  first,  that  certain  un- 
necessary offices  and  commissions  be  abolished;  second,  that  proper 
steps  be  taken  to  simplify  and  systematize  the  machinery  for  ad- 
ministrative work;  third,  that  administration  be  placed  upon  a  'basis 
of  full  responsiblity  to  the  people,  by  vesting  in  the  Governor  alone 
the  power  to  remove,  for  cause  stated,  any  executive  officer  ap- 
pointed by  him." 

"I  also  renew  the  recommendation  thrice  made  by  my  experi- 
enced predecessor.  Governor  I.ong,  that  the  people  be  given  an 
opportunity  to  express  their  opinion  upon  the  need  of  an  elected 
executive  council,  by  submission  to  them  of  a  constitutional  amend- 
ment providing   for   its   abolition." 

The  Governor  again  referred  to  the  growing  tendency  of 
the  Legislature  to  exercise  its  paternal  power  over  the  cities 
and  towns  of  the  Commonwealth  which  he  deprecated  as  a 
violation  of  the  principle  of  home  rule  and  local  self-govern- 
ment. 

36 


Benlley  W.  Warren. 


John    E.    Russell. 


Albert  C.   Houghton. 


James   Donovan. 


"A  law,  said  he,  "founded  on  a  mistrust  of  the  people,  remov- 
ing government  beyond  their  reach  and  officials  beyond  their  con- 
trol, is  certain  to  lead  to  grave  abuses.  Such  has  been  our  experi- 
ence with  state  control  of  the  police  of  Boston.  The  Board  of 
Police  by  its  acts  has  deservedly  lost  the  confidence  of  the  citizens 
of  Boston  and  of  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth.  I  again  earn- 
estly recommend  the  separation  of  the  powers  of  this  board;  that 
the  control  of  her  police,  which  is  a  purely  administrative  function, 
be  restored  to  the  city  of  Boston;  that  the  control  of  licenses, 
which  is  judicial  in  its  nature,  be  placed  in  a  board  of  such  charac- 
ter, appointment  and  tenure  as  to  be  judicial  in  its  action.  It  is 
within  your  power  thus  to  correct  a  serious  evil,  do  justice  to  the 
city  of  Boston,  and  a  service  to  the  whole  community.  I  shall 
endeavor  by  executive  action  to  lift  this  board  out  of  politics,  and 
to  give  assurances  to  the  public  that  the  administration  of  the 
important  interests  under  its  control  shall  be  efficient,  upright,  and 
free   from  partisan    perversion." 

It  was  not  until  some  years  later  in  the  administration 
of  Curtis  Guild  Jr.  that  the  Legislature  consented  to  do  in  part 
what  Gov  Russell  asked  it  to  do  in  his  time.  In  Gov  Guild's 
term,  the  power  of  gfranting-  the  licenses  was  transferred  to 
another  commission, — the  licensing  board,  being  created  for 
this  purpose,  but  the  Legislature  steadfastly  refused  to  give 
back  to  Boston  the  control  of  its  police  force  and  of  late 
years  Democratic  State  platforms  ceased  to  demand  it. 
The  police  board  of  Boston  was  put  under  a  one  man  commis- 
sion. Gov  Guild  appointed  as  police  commissioner  Stephen 
O'Meara,  a  retired  journalist.  Mr.  O'Meara  was  traveling 
abroad  at  the  time  and  his  appointment  was  a  genuine  sur- 
prise to  the  public  and  the  politicians.  So  well  did  he  dis- 
charge the  duties  of  the  office  that  he  was  reappointed  by 
Gov  Foss  at  the  expiration  of  his  last  term. 

The  incorporation  of  safe  deposit  and  trust  companies, 
like  savings  and  co-operative  banks,  under  the  scrutiny  and 
authority  of  the  Savings  Bank  Commissioner,  instead  of 
being,  as  then,  a  matter  of  special  legislation  was  recom- 
mended and  a  general  law  passed.  He  asked  the  Legislature 
to  consider  the  expediency  of  providing  a  general  law  for  the 
sale  of  new  railroad  stock  by  auction,  or  other  disposition  of  it 
at  its  market  value  where  such  value  is  in  excess  of  par,  in- 
stead of  its  distribution  to  its  stockholders  at  par  as  then 
permitted. 

The  important  questions  affecting  Metropolitan  Boston, 
relating  to  sewerage,  rapid  transit,  parks,  and  water  supply 
were  called  to  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  and  showed  an 

37 


intelligent,  comprehensive  grasp  of  these  vital  and  important 
problems  of  interest  to  the  residents  of  this  densely  populated 
section  of  the  State.  Gov  Russell  was  an  advocate  of  good 
roads  and  touched  on  this  subject  in  his  inaugural.  In  a 
special  message  to  the  Legislature  of  1891  he  pleaded  for  a 
reform  in  the  system  of  land  registration  and  suggested  the 
introduction  of  the  Torrens  system,  but  the  Legislature  pro- 
crastinated and  in  this  his  last  inaugural  he  again  urged  it. 

Fast  Day,  an  old  institution  of  the  Commonwealth,  haxi 
become  little  more  than  a  holiday.  In  its  place,  April  19th 
was  suggested  as  a  substitute  and  is  now  known  as  Patriots 
Day,  commemorating  as  it  does  the  first  armed  resistance  to 
British  rule  in  the  13  colonies,  but  action  was  deferred. 

One  of  Gov  Russell's  Democratic  successors,  Eugene  N. 
Foss,  used  to  insist  on  making  Canadian  reciprocity  his  para- 
mount issue  in  his  political  activities  as  a  Republican  and 
later  as  a  Democrat,  but  to  William  E.  Russell  must  be  given 
credit  as  the  pioneer  advocate  of  this  political  dogma,  which, 
when  submitted  to  the  Canadians  they  rejected  with  contempt 
and  turned  out  of  office  Sir  Wilfred  Laurier  and  his  Liberal 
Cabinet,  when  President  Taft  20  years  later  offered  to  the 
Canadian  government  his  reciprocity  scheme.  In  his  message 
in  1893  Gov  Russell  said  on  Canadian  reciprocity  : 

"The  establishment  of  closer  trade  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada  is  a  matter  for  much  importance 
to  this  Commonwealth.  On  few  subjects  is  there  a  stronger  interest 
or  greater  unanimity  of  sentiment  among  our  citizens.  To  our  man- 
ufacturers and  merchants  it  will  give  the  opportunity  for  a  large 
extension  of  trade,  by  opening  to  them  an  important  and  profitable 
market,  and  an  abundant  supply  of  the  raw  materials  necessary  for 
our  various  industries.  A  broad  measure  of  reciprocity  with  Canada 
would  make  Mas,sachusetts,  and  especially  Boston,  the  industrial 
and  commercial  center  of  a  greatly  enlarged  territory,  add  to  our 
prosperity  and  wealth,  and  to  the  welfare  of  our  people.  While 
the  settlement  of  the  question  is  beyond  your  power,  I  believe  it 
would  be  both  proper  and  wise  to  express  to  Congress  by  resolu- 
tion this  opinion   of  Massachusetts  upon  it." 

President  Pinkerton  was  reelected  presiding  officer  of  the 
Senate  and  Speaker  Barrett  was  again  chosen  for  the  same 
position  in  the  House. 

By  far  the  most  important  political  happening  in  the 
legislature  of  1893  was  the  election  of  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
U.  S.  Senator  to  succeed  Henry  L.  Dawes.    Mr.  Dawes  was  in 

38 


his  77th  year  and  had  indicated  his  desire  to  retire  and  spend 
his  declining  years  among  the  hills  of  Berkshire  where  he 
was  born.  He  had  served  in  the  Senate  since  1875.  He  had 
been  a  member  of  Congress  from  1857  until  his  election  as 
Senator. 

Prior  to  his  service  at  Washington  he  had  served  in  both 
branches  of  the  Legislature.  He  was  an  experienced  legislator 
at  the  time  of  the  Constitutional  convention  of  1853  and  was 
regarded  as  one  of  the  able  lawyers  of  that  distinguished  body. 
After  the  Constitutional  convention  he  was  elected  district 
attorney  for  the  western  district  of  the  State,  serving  in  that 
capacity  four  years.  From  the  office  of  district  attorney  he 
went  to  congress.  In  all  he  had  spent  45  years  in  public  life 
and  felt  that  he  had  earned  a  rest  from  official  cares.  He  was 
as  poor  at  the  end  of  his  senatorial  career  as  he  was  when  he 
entered  public  life.  He  had  seen  associates  in  Washington 
grow  rich  in  the  public  service,  but  to  him  a  good  name  was 
to  be  preferred  to  great  riches.  A  position  was  provided  for 
him  by  his  friends  at  Washington  as  chairman  of  the  Commis- 
sion to  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes  of  the  Indian  Territory, 
which  he  held  until  his  death  in  1903. 

Mr.  Dawes'  friends  at  home  also  saw  to  it  that  he  did  not 
want  in  his  old  age.  They  tendered  him  a  banquet  in  Boston 
on  his  retirement  and  presented  him  a  purse  of  gold, — ample 
for  his  simple  life  and  he  spent  the  next  ten  years  of  his  event- 
ful career  with  his  books  at  his  modest  home  in  Pittsfield, 
occasionally  journeying  to  Washington  in  connection  with 
his  official  duties  as  Commissioner  to  the  Civilized  Tribes 
of  Indians. 

For  upwards  of  two  years  the  political  gossips  had  it 
that  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  wanted  to  be  Senator.  When  Mr. 
Dawes'  retirement  was  decided  upon,  Mr.  Lodge  and  his 
friends  lost  no  time  in  getting  into  the  senatorial  canvass. 
There  was  some  talk  of  William  W.  Crapo  of  New  Bedford, 
but  when  the  Republican  caucus  was  held  Mr.  Crapo  received 
but  30  votes.  The  rest  were  cast  for  Lodge.  When  the  Legis- 
lature balloted,  Mr.  Lodge  had  every  Republican  vote  cast. 
Patrick  A.  Collins  received  the  Democratic  vote,  the  ballot  in 
the  House  being:  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Nahant,  161;  Patrick 
A.  Collins,  Boston,  71 ;  absent  or  not  voting,  7. 

In  the  Senate  the  vote  was :  Henry  Cabot  Lodge, 
Nahant,  29;  Patrick  A.  Collins,  Boston,  10;  absent,  1. 

39 


Mr.  Lodge  was  admirably  equipped  for  his  duties  as 
Senator.  He  was  in  the  prime  of  Ufe.  Possessed  of  ample 
means,  with  a  liiberal  education,  broadened  by  foreign  travel 
and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  leading  men  at  home 
and  abroad,  a  student  of  American  history,  a  man  of  letters, 
a  polished  speaker  who  could  hit  out  from  the  shoulder 
if  necessary,  a  strong  party  man  and  with  a  full  appreciation 
of  the  great  honor  paid  him  by  the  Republicans  of  the  State, 
Mr.  Lodge  took  his  seat  March  4,  1893,  under  a  Democratic 
President,  Grover  Cleveland,  his  certificate  of  election  signed 
by  a  Democratic  Governor  of  Massachusetts. 

From  a  party  standpoint  he  had  earned  the  right  to 
aspire  to  fill  the  seat  formerly  occupied  by  Webster  and  Sum- 
ner. In  his  early  manhood  the  temptation  to  bolt  hi?  party 
more  than  once  beset  him  as  it  did  every  other  young  man 
of  those  days.  The  Tilden  campaign  for  the  Presidency  lured 
many  Republicans  from  their  party.  The  nomination  of  Blaine 
in  1884  was  distasteful  to  large  numbers  of  young  Republi- 
cans. Mr.  Lodge  preferred  another  candidate,  but  as  one  who 
believes  that  this  is  "a  government  of  laws  not  of  men," 
a  Republican  by  conviction  he  remained  loyal  to  the  nominee 
of  his  party.  To  him  as  much  as  any  one  Republican  in  the 
State  was  due  the  victory  of  the  party  in  1883,  when,  as  the 
tireless,  energetic  resourceful  chairman  of  the  State  committee 
he  directed  the  Robinson  campaign  and  defeated  Gov  Butler 
for  reelection. 

He  had  served  in  the  Legislature  and  had  been  elected 
to  the  50th,  51st  and  52nd  congresses.  His  voice  had  been 
heard  in  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  State  for  years  in  behalf 
of  his  party  and  its  candidates.  A  hard  hitter  with  a  sharp 
tongue  capable  of  lashing  a  political  opponent  into  fury,  the 
Democrats  and  not  a  few  of  his  own  party  had  made  him  a 
favorite  political  target  for  years.  He  struck  back  and  asked 
no  favors  of  his  opponents.  In  party  councils  he  was  always 
positive.  Although  often  called  "the  scholar  in  politics"  he 
was  always  practical.  Fine  spun  theories  are  all  right  in  their 
time  and  place,  but  Mr.  Lodge  believed  that  in  politics  votes 
counted  and  told  the  result.  His  unanimous  election  by  his 
part}-^  as  senator  Jan.  17,  1893,  was  a  matter  of  great  personal 
satisfaction  to  him  as  it  was  a  formal  approval  of  his  political 
course  in  the  decade  just  passed. 

The   election   of  Mr.    Lodge   as   Senator  made  it   neces- 

40 


All)erl   E.   Pillsbury. 


Charles   H.   Allen. 


Thomas   N.    Hart. 


William  W.   Crapo. 


sary  to  hold  a  special  election  in  the  seventh  congressional 
district.  The  election  was  held  April  25.  William  E  Barrett, 
Speaker  of  the  House,  was  the  Republican  candidate  and  Dr. 
William  Everett  of  Quincy  was  the  Democratic  nominee.  The 
People's  party  nominated  George  H.  Gary  and  the  Prohibi- 
tionists Rev  Louis  A.  Banks. 

Mr.  Barrett  was  not  personally  popular.  The  vote  was 
much  smaller  than  usual  and  Dr.  Everett  was  finally  success- 
ful in  "depositing  one  Republican  in  a  cavity."  He  was  elected 
by  a  small  plurality,  the  vote  being:  Everett.  9763;  Barrett, 
9699;  Gary,  1001;  Banks,  602.  That  made  the  delegation  to 
congress  nine  Republicans  and  four  Democrats. 

Gen  Benjamin  F.  Butler  died  Jan.  11,  1893,  at  the  age 
of  75.  For  a  half  century  he  had  been  a  prominent  figure  in 
the  political,  militar}'-  and  legal  life  of  Massachusetts.  Like 
all  men  of  strong  character  he  had  many  enemies.  He  had 
changed  his  politics  often.  He  was  regarded  by  his  friends 
as  a  statesman.  His  opponents  looked  upon  him  as  a  tricky 
politician.  He  had  been  a  Democrat  and  Republican,  then  a 
Democrat  and  then  a  Republican.  Those  who  care  to  revive 
the  controversy  whether  he  was  a  great  man  or  a  person  of 
average  ability  as  a  lawyer,  soldier,  congressman  and  Governor 
will  find  plenty  of  literature  pro  and  con  on  that  question. 

A  disinterested  observer,  however,  would  not  be  likely  to 
accept  for  example  Senator  Hoar's  estimate  of  Gen  Butler's 
character,  nor  would  one  care  to  accept  Gen  Butler's  estimate 
of  himself  as  set  forth  in  his  own  story  of  his  career  entitled 
"Butler's  Book."  It  must  be  admitted  that  Gen  Butler  did 
many  good  things  in  his  public  career.  He  was  generally 
with  the  under  dog.  He  turned  some  pretty  sharp  comers  in 
his  busy  life,  but  on  the  whole  it  must  be  said  that  when  his 
account  with  the  public  is  balanced  it  will  be  found  that  the 
good  that  he  did  will  outweigh  the  bad  that  he  is  charged 
with  by  his  enemies. 

The  State  paid  its  mark  of  respect  by  sending  to  his 
funeral  a  large  delegation  from  the  Legislature  and  Gov  Rus- 
sell attended  with  his  stafF.  Almost  annually  the  friends  of 
Gen  Butler  have  tried  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  resolve 
through  the  Legislature  authorizing  the  erection  of  a  statue 
of  him  on  the  State  House  grounds,  but  just  as  regularly 
Butler's  opponents  have  lieen  on  hand  to  oppose  it  and  thus 
far  have  succeeded  in  preventing  its  passage. 

41 


This  year  witnessed  in  the  Legislature  the  authorization 
of  the  Boston  Transit  Commission.  The  charter  of  the  Cape 
Cod  Canal  Co.  lapsed  because  of  the  failure  of  the  company 
to  undertake  the  building-  and  a  new  company  was  chartered 
called  the  Old  Colony  and  Interior  Canal  Co.  The  affairs  of 
the  Bay  State  Gas  Co.  were  investigated  this  session  and  the 
Legislature  decided  that  it  had  violated  the  law  by  issuing 
obligations  of  $4,500,000  and  an  act  was  passed  annulling  the 
charter  unless  the  company  cancelled  them,  which  it  did  later, 
thus  saving  its  charter. 

A  law  was  enacted,  providing  that  all  new  issues  of  rail- 
road corporation  stock  must  first  be  offered  to  the  stock- 
holders at  the  market  price  thereof  and  all  stock  not  so  taken 
must  be  sold  at  public  auction. 

A  lav/  was  passed  to  wind  up  the  affairs  of  Endowment 
Orders  so-called  doing  business  under  the  act  of  1888  and 
further  operations  by  them  prohibited.  The  Metropolitan 
Park  Commission  was  created  this  year.  The  State  tax  this 
year  had  risen  to  $2,500,000;  $100,000  was  appropriated  for 
the  extermination  of  the  gypsy  moth.  Nine  hours  a  day  was 
established  for  manual  labor  on  State  work,  another  concession 
to  organized  labor. 

Three  constitutional  amendments  were  acted  on  this  year, 
viz.,  that  relative  to  the  mileage  of  the  members  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court  proposed  by  the  session  of  1892  was  approved  and 
provisions  made  for  its  submission  to  the  people  at  the  No- 
vember election.  Another  amendment  proposed  was  the 
abolishing  the  requirement  that  commissioners  of  insolvency 
be  elected  by  the  people. 

The  length  of  the  legislative  session  was  157  days. 

Gov  Russell  was  one  of  the  Democratic  Governors  who 
participated  in  the  second  inaugural  ceremonies  of  Grover 
Cleveland  as  President  of  the  United  States  and  was  easily 
one  of  the  favorites  in  the  imposing  inaugur.il  parade.  It  be- 
came known  early  in  his  third  term  that  he  would  not  seek 
another  reelection  and  his  determination  to  retire  from  the 
governorship  caused  a  fluriy  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy. 
Almost  every  Democrat  turned  confidently  and  hopefully  to 
his  namesake,  John  E.  Russell  of  Leicester,  who  consented 
to  make  the  run  if  nominated.  When  the  convention  met 
John  E.  Russell  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Democracy. 

On  the  Republican  side  there  was  considerable  rivalry 

42 


for  the  gubernatorial  nomination.  Lieut  Gov  Wolcott  was 
pressed  to  enter  the  contest  for  the  nomination,  but  he  de- 
clined to  enter  into  an  unseemly  scramble  for  the  honor. 

Ex-Mayor  Thomas  N.  Hart  and  Atty  Gen  Albert  E. 
Pillsbury  were  active  candidates,  but  ex-Congressman  Green- 
halge  of  Lowell  had  the  call  on  the  nomination  and  Avas  an 
easy  winner  in  the  convention.  The  names  of  Hart  or  Pills- 
bury  were  not  presented  to  the  State  convention,  and  Mr. 
Greenhalge  was  the  only  candidate.  The  nomination  speech 
was  made  by  Mr.  Pillsbury,  whose  gracious  and  generous  act 
paved  the  way  for  Republican  reconciliation. 

The  Prohibitionists  led  off  in  the  political  contest  that 
Fall,  holding  their  convention  m  Worcester,  Sept.  6th  nominat- 
ing Louis  A.  Banks,  a  well  known  clergyman.  They  were 
followed  by  the  People's  Party,  who  nominated  George  H. 
Gary. 

The  Democrats  held  their  vState  convention  in  Boston 
Sept.  27.  John  E.  Russell  of  Leicester  was  nominated  for 
Governor  and  James  B.  Carroll  was  again  named  for  Lieuten- 
ant Governor.  The  platform  favored  the  direct  election  of 
United  States  Senators  by  the  people,  declared  that  the  Execu- 
tive Council  should  be  abolished  and  endorsed  the  demands 
made  by  Gov  Russell  in  his  last  inaugural  for  authority  to 
remove  State  officials  without  advice  or  consent  of  the  council. 
It  denounced  the  "subserviency"  of  the  Republican  Senate  to 
corporate  influence,  in  preventing  the  passage  of  the  anti- 
stock  watering  law.  It  also  demanded  that  important  matters 
of  legislation  be  referred  to  the  people  for  their  approval  and 
it  went  on  record  for  substantial  taxes  on  legacies  and  suc- 
cessions direct  and  collateral. 

On  Oct.  7th  Republicans  met  in  Boston  and,  as  stated, 
unanimously  nominated  Greenhalge  for  Governor  and  renom- 
inated Wolcott  for  second  place. 

On  State  issues  the  platform  eulogized  the  free  school  as 
the  buhvark  of  freedom.  "We  shall  stand  by  it  no  matter 
who  shall  assail  it."  declared  the  platform.  It  set  forth  that 
"The  Republican  party  will  have  no  common  interest  with 
the  saloon  or  the  groggery"  and  called  for  vigorous  laws 
against  "every  offender  against  purity  and  honesty  in  elec- 
tions." 

It  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  expediency  of  levy- 
ing a  tax  en  legacies  and  successions  was  first  commended 

43 


by  a  Republican  Governor  and  favored  a  law  that  would 
reach  all  bequests  and  inheritances,  direct  and  collateral.  It 
met  the  Democratic  demand  for  preventing  stock  manipula- 
tion by  corpQrations  by  declaring  in  favor  of  drastx  laws 
against  such  practices.  It  favored  the  referendum  on  local 
matters  under  reasonable  restrictions. 

Gov  Russell  made  several  speeches  for  the  ticket,  as  did 
several  prominent  Democrats  from  outside  the  State.  Some  of 
John  E.  Russell's  old  congressional  friends  came  into  the  State 
and  spoke  for  him,  but  the  breach  in  the  Republican  ranks 
had  been  healed.  Republicans  wanted  to  get  back  into  the 
executive  department  and  Mr.  Greenhalge  entered  the  caLvass 
with  a  reunited  Republican  party.  The  election  proved  a 
Republican  sweep.  The  Democratic  vote  dropped  to  its  nor- 
mal size  and  the  Republicans  swelled  th'Mr  totals,  swamping 
the  Democrats  by  a  plurality  of  36.000.  The  vote  for  Gov- 
ernor was : 

Greenhalge,  Republican,  192,613;  Russell,  Democrat,  156,- 
910;  Banks,  Prohibitionist,  8556;  Gary,  Socialist,  4885;  O'Neill, 
Socialist  Labor,  2033. 

The  Legislature  was  more  Republican  than  the  year  be- 
fore, the  Senate  standing  33  Republicans  and  seven  Demo- 
crats; the  House,  183  Republicans  and  56  Democrats. 

The  amendment  to  the  Constitution  fixing  the  new  rate 
for  mileage  of  members  of  the  General  Court  was  over- 
whelmingly adopted. 


44 


Governor  Greenhalge. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GREENHALGE   FIRST    REPUBLICAN    GOVERNOR   IN    THREE   YEARS 
RECOMMENDATION    IN    HIS    FIRST    INAUGURAL    ADDRESS- 
SENATOR     HOAR'S     MODEL     POLITICAL     PLATFORM — LAST 
HE    WROTE    FOR    HIS    PARTY — DEMOCRATS    ELECT 
BUT     ONE     MEMBER     OF     CONGRESS. 

WHEN  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge  was  inaugurated  Gov- 
ernor, Jan.  4,  1894,  the  Republicans  had  not  been  in 
control  of  the  executive  department  of  the  State  gov- 
ernment for  three  years.  The  country  had  passed  through  a 
financial  panic  and  business  depression.  The  Republicans 
blamed  the  Democratic  national  administration  for  the  hard 
times.  Massachusetts  Republicans  were  coming  into  their 
own  again.  The  old  familiar  faces  of  well  known  Bay  State 
Republicans  were  once  more  in  evidence  at  the  inaugural  cere- 
monies. The  magic  in  the  name  of  Russell  had  evidently  lost 
its  charm  to  many  Republicans  when  William  E.  transferred 
the  Democratic  gubernatorial  standard  to  John  E.,  or  was  it 
because  they  felt  that  they  had  chastised  their  party  enough 
for  the  time  being  and  were  ready  to  give  back  the  chief 
magistracy  of  the  Commonwealth?  Whatever  the  cause 
the  recent  election  returns  proved  thc?t  many  of  them  had 
returned  to  the  Republican  fold  and  had  accepted  the  candi- 
dacy of  Mr.  Greenhalge  as  a  settlement  cf  their  real  or  fan-:ied 
wrongs. 

Mr.  Greenhalge  was  an  Englishman  by  birth,  but  he  was 
an  American  to  the  core.  He  had  passed  the  meridian  of  life 
when  he  came  to  the  Governor's  chair.  He  came  with  his 
parents  to  this  country  at  an  early  age  and  his  father  found 
employment  in  the  mills  at  Lowell.  His  education  was  re- 
ceived in  the  public  schools  of  the  Spindle  City  and  at  Harvard 
College.  His  young  heart  beat  warmly  for  the  Union  cause 
and  he  was  a  volunteer  in  the  Federal  Army,  but  at  the  end 
of  five  months  campaigning  in  the  South,  he  was  honorably 
discharged  owing  to  illness  contracted  in  the  service.  He 
studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  engaged  in  local 

45 


politics  in  his  home  city,  became  a  member  of  the  city  gov^- 
ernment  and  was  elected  Mayor  of  Lowell.  He  was  a  delegate 
to  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1884  and  the  next 
year  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  51st  congress,  but  was  defeated  for  reelection 
in  1890  by  Moses  T.  Stevens  of  North  Andover. 

In  every  public  office  he  held,  Mr.  Greenhalge  displayed 
signal  ability,  high  courage  and  intelligence  in  dealing  with 
public  questions.  He  had  an  engaging  personality  and  was 
P,n  attractive  public  speaker.  He  was  well  equipped  for  his 
new  duties  and  he  entered  upon  his  new  responsibility  un- 
hampered by  campaign  promises,  except  those  he  made  on 
the  stump  and  in  his  inaugural  address. 

Mr.  Greenhalge  was  a  master  of  rhetoric.  That  he  was 
proud  of  his  adopted  Commonwealth  is  attested  by  his  in- 
augural peroration. 

"Among  the  commonwealths  of  the  earth  we  believe  that  Mass- 
achusetts is  facile  princeps,"  said  he.  "What  was  said  of  the  mas- 
terpiece of  Grecian  architecture  two  thousand  years  ago  may  well 
be  applied  to  Massachusetts  now.  To  her  belongs  'the  grandeur  of 
antiquity  and  the  grace  of  novelty.'  Her  achievements  in  science, 
literature  and  art,  her  intellectual  development  and  the  grace  and 
completeness  of  her  culture  have  made  her  the  Attica  of  the  New 
World.  In  schools,  in  courts  of  law,  in  works  of  charity,  in  fac- 
tories and  in  workshops,  in  peace  and  in  war,  on  land  and  on  sea, 
her  energy,  example  and  leadership  have  been  everywhere  felt 
and    everywhere   respected. 

"Almost  three  centuries  of  marvellous  vicissitudes  have  robed 
her  in  the  purple  of  heroic  achievement  and  heroic  endurance,  and 
her  brow  is   radiant  with   the   newest   thought   of  humanity. 

"No  accumulation  of  wealth  could  compensate  for  the  loss  of 
individual    or    national    character. 

"But  Massachusetts  has  attained  extraordinary  material  gains 
without  losing  the  nobility  and  simplicity  which  marked  the  char- 
acter of  her  early  inhabitants." 

These  patriotic  sentiments  were  applauded  to  the  echo 
by  those  who  heard  them  from  his  eloquent  lips  and  have 
never  been  surpassed  in  beauty  by  any  of  her  native  sons 
who  have  been  elevated  to  the  highest  office  within  the  gift 
of  their  fellow  citizens. 

As  a  fitting  climax  he  closed  his  first  inaugural  in  these 
words : 

"Upon  one  thing  we  must  insist.  The  people  of  the  newer 
Massachusetts  must  be  taught  to  revere  and  emulate  the  people  of 
elder    Massachusetts    in   their   fidelity   to    the   principles    of   constitu- 

46 


donal  liberty,  in  their  public  spirit,  and  fervid  devotion  to  the  com- 
mon weal.  In  this  way  only  can  you  be  assured  of  the  efficiency 
the  prayer  'Sicut  patribus  sit  Deus  nobis,'— that  ought  to  be  learn- 
ed by  heart  by  every  boy  and  girl  in  the  Commonwealth  and 
which  entitle  the  author  to  be  remembered  as  long  as  popular  gov- 
ernment exists." 

How  familiar  this  inaugural  inhibition  sounds  even  2G 
years  afterwards,  uttered  by  Gov  Greenhalge  in  1894: 

"The  circumstances  in  which  we  find  ourselves  must  convince 
us  of  the  necessity  of  retrenchment  and  economy.  In  our  present 
condition,  it  would  be  inconsistent  and  unwarrantable  to  permit 
even  the  semblance  of  extravagance,  luxury,  or  unnecessary  expendi- 
ture of  any  sort  in  the  management  of  the  public  business  entrusted 
to  us  at  a  time  of  crisis  and  trial.  Public  extravagance  and  private 
poverty  go  together  only  to  prove  how  badly  a  State  may  be  gov- 

And,  he  added : 

"Many  projects,  therefore,  however  worthy  and  commendable 
in  themselves, — ^many  most  desirable  improvements,  which  in  more 
prosperous  times  would  seem  to  be  indispensable  necessities,  must, 
under   existing   circumstances,   at    least,    be   postponed." 

But  he  reminded  the  legislators  that 

"Larger  expenditures  now  are  necessary  in  the  charitable  de- 
partments. Of  one  thing  we  may  rest  assured,'  he  said,  "that 
whether  in  prosperity  or  adversity,  under  the  providence  of  God, 
the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  will  continue  to  'live  and 
move  and  have  its  being.'  It  is  not  enough  barely  to  live,  or  to 
move,  but  we  must  put  forth  every  effort  to  enjoy  the  fullest  and 
largest  measure  of  life  in  the  highest  and  truest  sense.  It  is  the 
noblest  work  of  the  statesman  and  legislator  to  secure  and  pro- 
mote by  every  possible  agency,  by  every  effort  and  endeavor,  this 
better  life   of  the   Commonwealth. 

"Next  in  importance  to  economy,"  said  he,  "is  the  fair  and 
equitable  adjustment  of  taxation  in  which  every  citizen  of  the 
Commonwealth,  rich  or  poor,  is  interested, — first — make  the  burden 
of  taxation  light,  and,  secondly,  distribute  it  by  a  just  and  fair  law." 

On  the  question  of  public  education  Gov  Greenhalge  said 
that  there  was  no  room  for  narrowness,  for  intolerance,  for 
prejudice.  He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  public  schools  and 
gave  as  his  opinion  that  no  other  agency  welded  the  decisive 
elements  of  the  population  together  as  good  as  the  public 
schools. 

'It  has  been  said  that  Waterloo  was  won  on  the  play-grounds 
of  Eton;  with  equal  trust  it  may  be  said  that  many  a  well-fought 
field  from   Baltimore  to  Appomattox  was  won  on   the   play-grounds 

47 


of  the  grammar  schools  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  spirit  of  frater- 
nity and  patriotism  cultivated  in  the  studies  and  sports  of  boyhood 
blazed  into  clearer  and  warmer  glow  at  the  bloody  angle  of  Gettys- 
burg or  before  the  defenses  of  Port  Hudson,"  said   Mr.  Greenhalge. 

"I  am  aware  that  there  are  alleged  to  be  defects  in  this  system 
as  regards  both  principle  and  method.  Some  of  these  defects  I 
may  be  pardoned  for  mentioning,  because  Massachusetts  should 
have  not  only  the  best  schools  in  the  country,  but  the  best  in  the 
world,  and  every  defect  or  alleged  defect  should  be  inquired  into, 
and  if  discovered  should  be  promptly  corrected." 

"It  ought  to  be  possible  for  the  humblest  child  in  Massachu- 
setts in  any  part  of  the  State,  to  obtain  in  the  public  schools  the 
preparatory  instruction  necessary  for  admission  to  the  best  univer- 
sity or  college  in  the  country.  It  is  for  you  to  determine  whether 
and  how  the  State  shall  assume  the  responsibility  of  providing  or 
requiring  equal  facilities  in  elementary  or  secondary  schools  in  all 
parts  of  the  Commonwealth.  Again,  has  sufficient  provision  been 
made  for  manual  training  throughout  the  commonwealth?  I  may 
say  further  that  there  is  complaint  in  some  quarters  that  there  are 
not  normal  teachers,  especially  for  giving  instruction  in  the  arts 
of  manual  training.  (3ur  public  schools,  should  in  principles, 
methods,  teachers,  and  equipment,  be  brought  to  the  highest  pos- 
sible  standard  of  efficiency." 

Gov  Greenhalge  favored  local  option  for  the  regulation 
and  sale  of  liquor.  While  he  discussed  certain  phases  of  the 
liquor  traffic  he  made  no  specific  recommendation  for  any 
new  law. 

He  devoted  considerable  attention  to  prisons  and  the 
method  of  dealing  with  prisoners,  remarking  that 

"The  Governor  and  Council,  the  Prison  Commission,  the  super- 
intendent of  prisons,  and  the  warden,  all  have  something  of  author- 
ity or  control.  There  should  be  more  unity,  more  consolidation 
in  the  government  of  the  prison,  less  opportunity  for  friction  and 
for  conflict  of  jurisdiction,  if  good  management  and  good  results 
are  to  be  obtained." 

He  recommended  that 

"Suitable  legislation  be  enacted  to  prevent  the  watering  of 
the  stock  of  quasi-public  corporations,  either  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  construction  companies  or  otherwise,  and  also  to  pre- 
vent the  issue  of  bonds  as  a  bonus  to  parties  who  subscribe  for 
stock;  to  confine  the  expenditures  of  these  corporations  as  strictly 
as  possible  to  the  purposes  for  which  they  are  organized,  and  to 
insure  honesty  in  dealing  both  with  the  stockholders  and  with  the 
public. 

"And,  further,  all  contracts  for  the  lease,  sale  or  purchase  of 
railroads  or  street  railways  should  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
Railroad  Commissioners. 

"There  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  why  all  quasi-public  cor- 
porations   should   not   come   under   a    similar    rule. 

"I  believe  that  the  commissions  of  the  commonwealth  should 
be  directly  and  immediately  responsible   to   the   governor  and   coun- 

48 


£\\,  to  the  extent  of  the  right  of  supervision  over  them  and  right 
to  require  reports  or  statements  at  any  reasonable  time,  with  the 
power    of    removal    of    commissioners     as     now     provided     by    law." 

Gov  Greenhalge  heartily  concurred  in  the  recommenda- 
tion made  by  his  immediate  predecessor  for  the  abolition  of 
Fast  Day,  and  as  a  substitute  therefor  the  observance  by 
solemn  and  patriotic  ceremonies  of  the  19th  of  April. 

"It  is  vain  to  attempt,"  said  he,  "to  maintain  a  custom  which 
has  become  'more  honored  in  the  breach   than  in  the  observance.' " 

He  recommended  that  the  Legislature 

"Consider  the  propriety  of  submitting  to  the  voters  of  the 
several  municipalities  all  legislative  acts  of  a  local  character,  such 
as  acts  to  increase  municipal  indebtedness  for  special  purposes, 
new  city  charters  or  amendments  to  existing  charters,  and,  indted, 
a'l  matters  of  especial  importance  affecting  seriously  a  city  or  '.own, 
which  acts  shall  not  become  laws  until  approved  by  such  munici- 
palities." 

In  commending  the  expediency  of  the  justice  of  extending 
to  women  the  right  of  municipal  suffrage,  he  said : 

"The  tendency  of  modern  thought  and  modern  civilization 
points  strongly  in  the  direction  of  this  extension,"  and  added,  "The 
services  of  women  in  various  public  departments  are  now  ac- 
knowledged to  be  of  the  greatest  benefit  and  eflficiency.  Upon 
school  boards  and  in  the  administration  of  our  public  charities  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  a  higher  development  and  a  rapid  advance 
in  methods  of  management  and  treatment  have  been  accomplished; 
and,  furthermore,  the  participation  of  woman  in  the  sterner  business 
of  life  in  almost  every  line  of  occupation  and  work  has  been  con- 
stantly increasing.  Her  performance  of  labors  which  tradition 
and  convention  have  assigned  to  men  would  seem  to  indicate  her 
capacity  for  sharing  in  the  most  important  business  of  the  individual 
and  of  the  community,  viz.,  the  conduct  of  public  affairs;  and  also 
to  demonstrate  the  benefits  derivable  from  such  participation,  and 
might  seem  to  justify  the  further  step  of  granting  to  her  the  right 
of  municipal  suffrage." 

The  Governor  appointed  as  his  secretary.  Kenry  A. 
Thomas  of  Weymouth,  who  filled  the  position  acceptably 
until  he  was  named  Postmaster  of  Boston  by  President  Mc- 
Kinley.  Mr.  Thomas  had  spent  his  life  in  the  postoffice 
department  and  was  superintendent  of  mails  at  Boston  in 
President  Harrison's  term.  He  had  been  an  active  Republi- 
can and  was  counted  one  of  the  best  among  the  younger 
stump  speakers.  He  died  while  serving  as  Postmaster.  Gov 
Greenhalge  named  a  military  staff  representative  of  his  party. 

49 


Most  of  his  military  staff  had  been  warm  supporters  of  him 
during  the  gubernatorial  campaign. 

The  Senate  organized  with  William  M.  Butler  of  New 
Bedford  President,  and  the  House  chose  George  von  L.  Meyer 
of  Boston  Speaker. 

The  Legislature  was  prorogued  July  2.  It  was  the  longest 
session  since  1883,  except  that  of  1900,  which  lasted  four  hours 
longer.  Gov  Greenhalge  signed  546  acts  and  113  resolves. 
He  had  vetoed  four  acts  and  four  more  had  becon.e  laws 
without  his  signature.  It  was  the  last  session  of  the  House 
held  in  the  old  part  of  the  State  House.  The  Governor's  sug- 
gestion for  municipal  suffrage  passed  the  House  but  was 
defeated  in  the  Senate. 

A  law  was  enacted  which  prohibited  saloons  within  400 
feet  of  a  school  house.  Among  the  other  important  acts  of 
this  Legislature  was  the  incorporation  of  the  city  of  Beverly, 
another  providing  for  the  decennial  taking  of  the  census, 
authorizing  cooking  in  the  public  schools,  the  investigation 
by  the  State  board  of  statistics  of  the  liquor  traffic  in  relation 
to  crime,  pauperism  and  insanity,  regulating  fraternal  bene- 
ficiary societies,  prohibiting  the  marriage  of  any  male  under 
18  and  any  female  under  16,  establishing  the  office  of  fire 
marshal,  and  regulating  the  use  of  bicycles  in  public  streets. 

The  Legislature  also  passed  the  bill  abolishing  Fast  Day 
and  making  April  19th  a  legal  holiday.  The  event  was  cele- 
brated with  ringing  of  bells  and  other  popular  demonstrations. 
The  pen  with  which  the  Governor  signed  the  measure  was 
presented  to  the  Lexington  Historical  Society.  It  was  made 
from  the  plume  of  an  American  Eagle. 

Another  patriotic  feature  that  same  year  was  the  return 
of  several  battle  flags  by  the  veterans  of  the  7th,  15th,  19th, 
23rd,  and  58th  Massachusetts  Volunteers.  The  ceremony 
took  place  at  the  State  House.  The  formal  presentation  was 
made  by  Capt  Jack  Adams,  the  Sergeant-at-Artns  of  the 
Legislature.  I'he  history  of  each  flag  was  told  by  James  E. 
Seaver.  Lieut  Gov  Wolcott  received  the  flags  on  behalf  of 
the  Commonwealth  and  they  were  placed  with  the  other 
mementos  of  the  Civil  War  in  the  Hall  of  Flags  at  the  State 
House. 

Massachusetts  that  year  paid  in  full  the  last  of  its  war 
loans.  They  were  redeemed  in  Boston  and  London,  May  1. 
The  English  bondholders  were  paid  through  the  Baring  Bros. 

50 


Jesse   M.   Gove. 


Edwin    U.    Curtis. 


Albert  S.   Pinkerton. 


George    von    L.    Meyer 


The  loan  was  made  when  the  State  was  assisting  the  national 
government  in  swelling  the  ranks  of  the  Union  Army  and 
represented  the  monies  paid  out  for  bounties  to  volunteers. 
Of  the  sum  due,  the  State's  share  was  $2,279,000.  Large  as 
the  amount  was  no  citizen  of  Massachusetts  begrudged  it. 
The  saving-  of  the  Union  was  worth  every  cent  it  cost  and 
every  life  laid  down  for  its  preservation. 

The  Populist  party  met  in  Boston  July  19  and  nominated 
George  H.  Cary  for  Governor.  The  Prohibitionists  met  Sept. 
13th,  nominating  Alfred  W.  Richardson.  Oct.  6th  the  Repub- 
licans met  and  renominated  their  ticket  of  the  year  before, 
Greenhalge  and  Wolcott. 

The  Republican  platform  that  year  was  written  by  Sena- 
tor George  F.  Hoar.  It  consisted  of  28  short,  pithy  para- 
graphs, several  of  which  contained  but  two  words.  It  was 
the  last  platform  which  the  venerable  senator  was  destined 
to  write  for  his  party,  and  he  tells  the  story  of  how  he  came 
to  prepare  this  unique  political  document  in  his  interesting 
autobiography.  He  had  put  off  the  preparation  of  the  plat- 
form until  the  last  minute  owing  to  a  press  of  public  business. 
He  jotted  down  on  a  few  sheets  of  paper  a  list  of  the  topics 
about  which  he  thought  there  should  be  a  declaration  in  the 
platform.  It  occurred  to  him  that  it  would  be  a  relief  and  a 
commendable  change  in  the  style  of  platform  makmg  if  he 
submitted  his  headings  for  the  platform  instead  of  the  old- 
fashioned  style  of  "viewing  with  alarm"  Democratic  policies 
and  "pointing  with  pride"  to  the  achievements  of  the  Repub- 
licans. 

The  senator  wrote  afterwards  that  he  did  not  believe  there 
was  ever  a  platform  received  in  this  country  with  such  ap- 
proval, certainl}'-  by  men  who  listened  to  it.  as  this  one. 

It  is  Avell  worth  reproducing  as  an  example  of  Senator 
Hoar's  virile  pen. 

REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM,  1894. 

The  principles  of  the  Republicanf^  of  Massachusetts  are  as  well 
kno-vvn  as  the  commonwealth  itself;  well  known  as  the  Republic; 
well  known  as  Liberty;  well  known  as  Justice. 

Chief  among  them  are: 

.A.n   equal   share   in    government  for   every   citizen. 

Best  possible  wages  for  every  workman. 

The  American  market  for  American  labor. 

Ever}-  dollar  paid  by  the  government,  both  the  gold  and  the 
silver  dollars  of  the  constitution  and  their  paper  representatives, 
honest  and  unchanging  in  value  and  equal   to  every   other. 

51 


Better   immigration    laws. 

Better  naturalization  laws. 

No  tramp,  anarchist,  criminal  or  pauper  to  be  let  in,  so  that 
citizenship   shall   not  be   stained   or  polluted. 

Sympathy  with  liberty  and  republican  government  at  home  and 
abroad. 

Americanism   everywhere. 

The   flag   never  lowered   or  dishonored. 

No  surrender  in   Samoa. 

No  barbarous  queen  beheading  men  in  Hawaii. 

No  lynching. 

No  punishment  without  trial. 

Faith  kept  with   the  pensioner. 

No    deserving    old    soldier   in    the   poor  house. 

The  suppression  of  dram   drinking  and  dram   selling. 

A  school  at  the  public  charge  open  to  all  children,  and  free  from 
partisan  or  sectarian  control. 

No  distinction  of  birth  or  religious  creed  in  the  lights  of  Ameri- 
can citizenship. 

Devotion  paramount  and  supreme,  to  the  country  and  to  the 
flag. 

Clean   politics. 

Pure  administration. 

No  lobby. 

Reform  of  old  abuses. 

Leadership  along  loftier  paths 

Minds  ever  open  to  new  truth  and  new  duty  as  the  new  years 
bring  their  lessons. 

The  phrase  "No  barbarous  queen  beheading  men  in 
Hawaii"  was  regretted  afterwards  by  Senator  Hoar,  who  dis- 
covered that  the  source  of  information  on  which  the  declara- 
tion was  based  was  faulty,  that  Queen  Liliuokalani  to  whom 
it  referred  was  a  good  Christian  woman  and  that  there  had 
been  no  beheading  in  the  Sandwich  Islands  where  the  United 
States  had  intervened  and  restored  the  government.  He  took 
occasion  more  than  once  to  express  in  the  Senate  his  respect 
for  her  and  his  regret  for  the  injustice  he  had  done  her. 

Two  days  later,  Oct.  8th,  the  Uemocrats  held  their  con- 
vention in  Boston  and  named  John  E.  Russell  of  Leicester 
for  Governor  and  Charles  E.  Stratton  of  Boston  for  Lieutenant 
Governor. 

The  Democratic  platform  reaffirmed  the  demand  for  tariff 
reform,  endorsed  the  Wilson  bill,  and  reiterated  its  position 
in  favor  of  free  raw  materials,  approved  the  principle  of  the 
income  tax,  favored  the  extension  of  the  national  civil  service 
law  and  roundly  denounced  the  A.  P.  A.  movement  by  declar- 
ing against  distinction  of  birth  or  religion  in  the  rights  of 
American  citizenship.  It  also  favored  proportional  repre- 
sentation. 

52 


The  Socialist  Labor  ticket  that  year  was  headed  by  David 
Taylor.  The  vote  for  Governor  was:  Greenhalge,  Republi- 
can, 189,307;  Russell,  Democrat,  123,930;  Richardson,  9905; 
Gary,  9307. 

The  A.  P.  A.  element  made  a  special  mark  of  Lieutenant 
Governor  Wolcott  and  the  result  was  that  his  vote  was  con- 
siderably below  that  of  the  head  of  the  ticket. 

The  Democrats  elected  but  one  member  of  cong-ress  that 
year,  John  F.  Fitzgerald  in  the  9th  district.  The  State  Senate 
elected  in  this  campaign  was  :  Republicans,  36 ;  Democrats,  4. 
The  House  of  Representatives  stood,  Republicans  191,  Demo- 
crats 48,  Socialist  1 . 


53 


CHAPTER  VII. 

GREENHALGE'S     SECOND     AND     THIRD     TERMS     AS     GOVERNOR — 
HOUSE    OP     REPRESENTATIVES      MET      IN      NEW      CHAMBER- 
RECOVERY    FROM    BUSINESS    DEPRESSION— REPUBLICANS' 
STRENGTH      GROWING — HIS      DEATH— DEFEAT      OP 

EDWARD  A.  McLaughlin,  clerk  of  the 

HOUSE— DEATH  OF  EX-GOV.  ROBINSON. 

WHEN  Governor  Greenhalge  delivered  his  second  in- 
augural address  to  both  branches  of  the  Legislature, 
Jan.  3,  1895,  in  the  new  chamber  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  political  trend  was  towards  the  Republi- 
cans. The  pendulum  was  swinging  their  way.  The  entire 
country  was  gradually  recovering  from  the  business  depres- 
sion. The  Republicans  had  elected  a  majority  of  the  National 
House  and  they  once  more  controlled  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  They  had  made  practically  a  clean  sweep  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  the  vote  for  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor had  dwindled  to  123,000.  The  Republican  majorities  in 
both  branches  of  the  Legislature  were  very  large.  That  hardy 
legislative  perennial — taxation — was  referred  to  hy  the  Gov- 
ernor in  his  inaugural,  remarking: 

"It  is  alleged  that  many  inequalities  and  defects  are  to  be  found 
in  the  system  of  taxation  as  it  now  exists  in  this  'commonwealth. 
To  tax  and  to  please  is  a  consummation  never  yet  vouchsafed  to 
men;  yet  to  establish  a  system  of  taxation  in  which  shall  be  repre- 
sented the  maximum  of  justice  and  equality  with  the  minimum  of 
partiality  and  oppression  is  a  legitimate  and  national  object  of 
legislative  ambition;  and  I  trust  that  the  matter  may  receive  at  your 
hands  the  just  consideration  which  its  importance  demands." 

Referring  briefly  to  temperance,  His  Excellency  observed : 

"Energetic  action  under  existing  laws  may  produce  quite  as 
satisfactory  gains   as   feverish   eflforts   to    secure    new   legislation." 

The  subject  of  State  commissions  and  boards  was  dis- 
missed with  the  renewal  of  the  recommendation  that  the  office 
of  Commissioner  of  Foreign  Mortgage  Corporations  should 
be  abolished,  and  the  work  of  that  office  placed  under  the 
control  of  the  Commissioner  of  Corporations.     "Unity  in  the 

54 


principle  of  administration,  simplicity  of  system,  are  to  be 
preferred  to  the  loose,  slovenly  method  of  creating-  an  execu- 
tive board  or  office  which  seems  to  be  an  unconnected  and 
unrelated  part  of  the  body  politic/'  said  the  Governor. 

He  then  reviewed  the  work  under  prosecution  by  most 
of  the  important  State  com.missions.  He  specially  commended 
the  work  of  the  Boston  and  Fall  River  police  boards,  the 
members  of  which  were  both  appointed  by  the  Governor  in- 
stead of  the  mayors  of  the  cities. 

He  sounded  a  warning-  regarditig  the  growth  of  epilepsy 
in  the  State  and  asked  that  provision  be  made  for  special  treat- 
ment for  these  unfortunates. 

"It  will  be  well  to  consider  whether  more  stringent  legislation 
is  not  needed  to  check  the  brutality  of  the  prize  fight  and  the 
sparrine  bout,"   said   he. 

"I  hold  to  the  views  expressed  in  the  message  of  last  year  as 
to  the  extension   of  municipal    suffrage   to  women. 

"I  think,  too,  that  the  time  is  ripe  for  a  thorough  and  decisive 
consideration  of  the  great  question  of  inaugurating  biennial  elec- 
tions in   this  commonwealth." 

Reviewing-  the  results  of  a  number  of  his  recommenda- 
tions the  year  before,  the  Governor  said : 

"The  qualifications  of  voters  as  to  reading  and  writing  to  be 
determined  by  a  uniform  test  was  one  of  these,  and  the  result 
appears    to   be   satisfactory. 

"The  registration  of  practitioners  in  medicine  was  another,  which 
has  also  been  attended  by  excellent   results. 

"Another  judge  was  recommended  for  the  municipal  court  of 
Boston, — a  recommendation  adopted  and  acted  on  to  the  great  relief 
of  the  business  of  the  court  and  the  general  benefit  of  the  public. 

"The  establishment  of  April  the  nineteenth  as  a  legal  holiday 
under  the  name  of  Patriot's  Day  appeared  to  touch  a  responsive 
chord  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  as  was  evidenced  by  the  first 
celebration  of  the  day  in  Concord  and   Lexington  last  year." 

Special  legislation  was  to  be  discouraged  on  all  accounts. 
He  then  referred  to  the  first  use  of  the  new  hall  of  Repre- 
sentatives by  the  Legislature  of  1895  located  in  the  new  wing 
of  the  State  House  which  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  finest 
assembly  chambers  in  the  country. 

"May  the  great  memories  and  associations  which  cluster  around 
the  venerable  building  which  you  have  left  be  only  the  forerunners 
of  the  patriotic  labors  and  achievements  to  be  done  and  performed 
here  by  you  and  your  successors,  and  which  shall  consecrate  and 
endear  this  grand  structure  to  the  hearts  of  the  people  to  the  lat- 
est generation,"  said  he. 

55 


"M!ay  the  true  voice  of  the  people  always  he  heard  in  these 
halls;  may  the  peop.e  inspire  their  representatives,  and  may  their 
representatives  in  turn  inspire  the  people;  may  this  building,  as  long 
as  one  stone  rests  upon  another,  be  the  temple  of  constitutional 
liberty;  here  let  ihe  tongue  of  the  demagogue  cleave  to  the  roof  of 
his  mouth,  let  the  right  hand  of  the  anarchist  forget  its  cunning; 
let  these  walls  echo  only  with  the  loftiest  hopes  and  grandest  pur- 
poses of  freemen;  may  here  forever  be  found  the  clear  and  incor- 
ruptible source  of  the  wise,  just  and  equal  legislation  of  an  intelli- 
gent, liberal-minded,  high-souled  people,  ever  true  to  the  purpose 
of  the  fathers,  directing  ail  their  efforts  'to  the  end  that  this  may  be 
a  government  of  laws  and  not  of  men.'  " 

The  legislative  session  of  1895  began  on  Jan.  3.  Both  of 
the  presiding  ofificers  in  the  legislative  branches  of  the  year 
before  were  reelected.  The  term  of  Senator  Hoar  expired 
March  3  of  the  same  year,  and  he  was  reelected.  The  Demo- 
crats voted  for  John  E.  Russell  of  Leicester. 

The  Legislature  remained  in  session  until  June  5,  during 
which  Gov  Greenhalge  signed  504  acts  and  127  resolves.  He 
allowed  two  to  become  law  without  his  signature.  One  of 
the  most  important  acts  of  the  year  was  the  creation  of  the 
Metropolitan  Water  Board  for  providing  an  ample  water  sup- 
ply for  Greater  Boston.  The  State  was  authorized  to  issue 
bonds  to  the  amount  of  $27,000,000. 

Important  changes  were  made  in  the  charter  of  the  city 
of  Boston.  The  term  of  the  mayor  was  made  two  years  in- 
stead of  one  year.  Instead  of  three-headed  commissions  for 
the  fire,  water  and  institutions  departments,  they  were  made 
single  headed  commissions  with  a  view  of  securing  better 
administration  of  city  affairs.  The  old  registrars  of  voters 
board  was  changed  to  the  Ballot  Law  Commission,  consisting 
of  four  commissioners,  two  Democrats  and  two  Republicans. 
The  office  of  city  surveyor  and  city  architec":  were  abolished 
and  the  work  transferred  to  other  city  departments. 

The  establishment  of  textile  schools  was  authorized  and 
provided  for.  North  Adams  was  incorporated  as  a  city.  The 
sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  on  Feb.  22  and  July  4  was  pro- 
hibited. Further  regulation  of  the  Sabbath  was  also  passed 
this  year,  prohibiting  entertainments  except  those  for  charita- 
ble purposes  on  the  Lord's  Day.  Another  act  gave  preference 
to  veterans  for  em.ployment  in  the  public  service.  Biennial 
elections  were  proposed  and  passed  along  to  the  next  General 
Court.  $150,000  was  appropriated  for  the  continuance  of  the 
v/ork  of  exterminating  the  gypsy  moth. 

56 


The  demands  of  the  textile  operators  for  less  hours  and 
more  pay  and  the  claims  of  the  manufacturers  that  Massa- 
chusetts industries  would  be  unable  to  compete  with  those  of 
the  South  where  wages  were  lower,  living  costs  less  and  wages 
smaller,  led  to  the  an  order  being  passed,  permitting  the 
committee  on  Mercantile  Affairs  to  visit  the  Southern  mill 
centers,  where  they  had  a  chance  to  see  for  themselves  the 
conditions,  but  the  State  has  gone  on  lowering  the  hours  of 
labor  and  surrounding  the  operatives  with  more  and  more 
safeguards  and  compelling  mill  owners  to  provide  many  con- 
veniences for  their  operatives.  The  mills  are  still  here  and 
appear  to  be  prospering. 

A  commission  charged  with  the  investigation  of  the  un- 
employed reported  its  findings  to  the  Legislature.  The  hard 
times  had  thrown  many  out  of  work  and  the  commission  made 
an  exhaustive  investigation  of  conditions  among  the  unfortu- 
nate people.  The  commission  found  that  most  of  the  trouble 
resulted  from  the  influx  of  a  large  number  of  unemployed 
from  other  sections  of  the  country  and  recommended  that  so 
far  as  possible  only  residents  of  the  state  be  employed  on 
public  works. 

The  Democrats  that  year  nominated  tor  Governor  George 
Fred  Williams  of  Dedham  and  James  S.  Grinnell  of  jreenfield 
for  Lieutenant  Governor.  The  latter  was  an  old  time  E>emocrai 
and  a  brother -in-lav/  of  John  E.  Russell.  The  platform  com- 
mending President  Cleveland's  administration,  congratulated 
the  manufacturers  of  the  State  on  the  successful  operatioti  of 
the  Wilson  tariff,  and  denounced  the  Republicans  for  trying 
to  reopen  the  tariff  question.  It  was  strong  for  the  gold 
standard  and  declared  that  the  government  should  not  engage 
in  the  banking  business.  It  again  declared  for  home  rule 
for  cities  and  roundly  denounced  the  Republicans  for  their  ef- 
forts to  centralize  the  police  power  of  cities  in  the  Governor, 
of  the  state. 

The  Republicans  held  their  convention  in  Boston  Oct.  5, 
three  days  afterwards.  Congressman  Elijah  A.  Morse,  of 
Canton,  "Rising  Sun"  as  he  was  called  by  the  politicians, 
because  he  manufactured  the  Rising  Sun  stove  polish,  op- 
posed Gov  Greenhalge  for  the  nomination  for  Governor.  It 
was  generally  understood  that  the  A.  P.  A.  element  in  the 
party  supported  him,  but  when  the  convention  was  held  the 
vote  for  Greenhalge    was    overwhelming — Greenhalge.   1363, 

57 


Morse  391.     Lieut   Gov  Wolcott  was   renominated   without 
opposition. 

The  platform  condemned  the  Democratic  tariff.  It  was 
for  the  gold  standard  of  money  and  opposed  the  free  coinage 
of  silver  at  any  ratio  not  established  by  international  agree- 
ment. The  national  administration  was  criticised  for  its  bond 
issue  through  private  bankers.  It  declared  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  civil  service  reform,  restricted 
immigration  and  contained  the  usual  catch  phrase  on  the 
liquor  question. 

There  were  also  tickets  in  the  field  of  the  Populist,  Pro- 
hibition and  Socialist-Labor  parties.  Election  was  Nov.  5, 
the  vote  being:  Greenhalge,  Republican,  186,280;  Williams, 
Democrat.  121,599;  Kendall,  Prohibitionist,  9170;  Brown, 
Populist,  77()\  Ratherm,  Socialist- Labor,  3249. 

Mtmicijjal  suffrage  for  women  was  defeated  on  a  referen- 
dum by  a  big  vote. 

On  New  Year's  Day,  1896,  Gov  Greenhalge  took  the  oath 
of  office  as  chief  executive  of  Massachusetts  for  the  third 
time  and  addressed  the  members  of  the  Legislature  and  a  dis- 
tinguished company  of  politicians.  Federal,  state  and  city 
officials  who  made  up  the  assembly  gathered  to  hear  what 
the  Governor  had  to  say  on  important  public  questions.  Al- 
ways interesting  and  instructive  in  his  public  utterances  and 
possessing  to  a  remarkable  degree  the  faculty  of  clothing  his 
thought  in  language  that  delighted  the  ear  and  touched  the 
heart,  it  was  remarked  by  his  close  friends  that  they  had  never 
seen  him  in  better  form  than  he  was  on  that  occasion. 

He  wasted  no  words  in  the  opening  and  hurriedly  but 
faithfully  sketched  the  great  enterprises  then  in  progress 
under  the  supervision  of  the  State  authorities,  including  the 
metropolitan  water  suj^ply  system,  metropolitan  sewerage, 
metropolitan  park  system,  metropolitan  or  Greater  Boston, 
the  subway,  the  public  docks  project,  the  improvement  of 
the  harbor  and  the  construction  of  State  highways. 

Additional  rapid  transit  legislation  for  Boston,  the  State 
institutions,  the  extermination  of  the  gypsy  moth,  tuberculo- 
sis in  cattle,  the  militia,  district  police,  savings  banks,  trust 
companies,  corporations  and  their  relations  to  the  public,  civil 
service,  the  financial  condition  of  the  Commonwealth,  educa- 
tion and  the  public  schools,  taxation,  temperance,  street  rail- 
ways, were  all  referred  to  and  discussed  with  simplicity  and 

58 


directness  showing  a  comprehensive  grasp  of  their  relation 
to  the  people. 

He  renewed  his  former  suggestion  regarding  some  change 
in  the  granting  of  liquor  licenses,  saying: 

"If  the  always  vexatious  question  of  liquor  licenses  could  be 
placed  upon  some  impersonal  and  non-partisan  basis,  a  great  ad- 
vance might  be  made,  consistent  with  and  supported  by  public 
opinion.  If  every  applicant  could  be  graded  or  rated  in  such  a  way 
as  to  give  weight  to  character,  to  previous  history  or  record,  to  lo- 
cation and  similar  features,  the  struggle  for  licenses  might  be  re- 
lieved from  some  of  its  more  objectionable  features.  In  fact,  though 
a  succession  of  civil  service  rules  in  such  cases  might  seem  ironical, 
some  system  which  would  eliminate  political  and  pernicious  influ- 
ences is  to  be  desired.' 

Under  the  head  of  citizenship,  suffrage,  etc.,  he  set  out 
three  propositions  for  improving  the  quality  of  citizenship : 

"Greater  care  should  be  exercised  in  the  administration  of 
naturalization  laws,  so  far  as  our  State   courts  are  concerned. 

"A  probationary  period  of  residence  after  naturalization  might 
be  prescribed  by  constitutional  amendment.  The  twenty-third  amend- 
ment was  such  a  constitutional  provision;  this  was  repealed  as  un- 
necessary and  oppressive;  but  existing  circumstances  may  seem  to 
justify  at  least  a  shorter  term  of  probation. 

"While  there  may  be  a  division  of  opinion  as  to  disfranchising 
for  felony,  as  is  done  in  some  states,  it  seems  clear  that  persons 
undergoing  sentence  in  penal  institutions  should  not  be  permitted 
to  vote." 

Because  of  the  decisive  vote  against  woman  suffrage  at 
the  last  state  election  he  concluded  that  public  opinion  would 
not  for  some  time  accept  such  a  radical  change  in  the  estab- 
lished system  of  suffrage,  but  he  remarked  that 

"The  public  mind  appears  to  be  growing  more  and  more  in  fa- 
vor of  biennial  elections,  and  there  is  no  good  reason  why  the 
question   should   not  be   submitted   to   the   people." 

Towards  the  end  of  his  address  he  took  occasion  to  remind 
the  Legislature  of  the  dangers  of  corruption  creeping  in  and 
of  the  baneful  influence  of  the  lobby,  which  had  once  more 
become  active  if  not  defiant  of  the  law  enacted  to  curb  its 
activities  at  the  State  House,  saying: 

"The  purity  and  character  of  a  legislature  rest  largely  with  the 
legislature  itelf,  and  ultimately, — or  rather  primarily — with  the 
people.  All  laws  based  upon  a  reckless  assumption  of  the  inherent 
baseness  of  legislatures  are  as  likely  to  aggravate  as  to  remedy  real 
evils,   which   are,   I   trust  at   piesent,   small   rather   than   great.     The 

59 


character  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  should  be  as  high  as 
the  cliaracter  of  Massachusetts;  it  is  in  fact,  the  character  of  Mass- 
achusetts. Yet  every  safeguard,  every  precaution,  every  danger  sig- 
nal, must  be  used  to  warn,  to  admonish,  to  deter  the  weakest — or 
the'  meanest— mind  which  could  possibly  entertain  the  thought  of 
prostituting  the  high  public  trust  reposed  in  a  legislator  to  selfish 
or  sordid  ends. 

"Stringent  legislation,  calculated  to  emphasize  to  the  legislator 
the  necessity  of  being  above  suspicion,  and  warn  the  lobbyist  of  the 
peril  he  runs  in  even  approaching  the  legislator  with  corrupt  propo- 
sals will  serve  to  prevent  those  vague  rumors  which  from  time  to 
time  disturb  the  public  mind  without  crystalizing  into  specific  cases. 
Such  legislation  would  prevent  rather  than  recognize  the  a.leged 
abuses  of  the  lobby." 

The  influence  of  the  A.  P.  A.  in  the  ranks  of  the  Repub- 
lican Legislature  was  strong  enough  this  year  to  defeat  Ed- 
ward A.  McLaughlin,  a  Democrat,  for  election  as  clerk  of  the 
iJouse  of  Representatives. 

The  movement  to  displace  Clerk  McLaughlin,  who  had 
served  every  legislature  since  1883,  when  he  succeeded  George 
A.  Marden,  of  Lowell,  a  Republican,  whose  assistant  he  had 
been,  was  regretted  by  many  of  the  leading  Republicans  of 
the  State,  but  the  A.  P.  A.'s  grip  on  the  legislators  was  tight 
and  they  compelled  the  delivery  of  enough  votes  to  turn  out 
a  clerk,  whose  qualifications  for  the  position,  high  character 
and  absolute  nonpartisanship  in  his  office  was  acknowledged 
by  thousands  of  men  who  had  served  in  the  House  in  the 
22  years  he  had  held  the  office.  His  successor  was  George  T. 
Sleeper,  whose  chief  qualification  for  the  position  was  mem- 
bership in  this  un-American  organization.  He  only  lasted 
one  term.  The  House  was  fortunate  in  having  at  its  command 
the  services  of  James  W.  Kimball,  who  had  been  Mr.  Mc- 
Laughlin's chief  assistant  for  many  years.  Most  of  the  labor 
of  the  office  of  clerk  fell  to  him  after  the  change  and  the  next 
House  eagerly  embraced  the  opportunity  of  dropping  Sleeper 
and  substituting  Kimball,  who  has  served  that  body  ever  since 
with  fidelity  and  conspicuous  ability. 

George  P.  Lawrence  of  North  Adams  succeeded  William 
M.  Butler  as  president  of  the  Senate  and  Speaker  von  L. 
Meyer  was  reelectd  by  thee  popular  branch  of  the  Legislature. 

On  Feb.  22  ex-Gov  George  D.  Robinson  died.  Mr.  Robin- 
son defeated  Gen  Butler  for  governor  in  1883  and  served  three 
terms  as  chief  executive  of  the  Commonwealth.  He  was 
practically  drafted  for  the  nomination  and  he  proved  to 
be   a  clever  campaigner.     He  had  been   a  member  of  both 

60 


Edward  A.  IMcLaug-hlin 


[ames  W.   Kimball. 


George    P.    Lawrence. 


William  M.   Butler. 


branches  of  the  Legislature  and  was  serving-  his  fourth  term 
as  Congressman  when  he  was  nominated  for  Governor.  At  the 
expiration  of  his  third  term  as  Governor  he  devoted  all  of  his 
time  and  energy  to  the  practice  of  law  in  Springfield  and 
Chicopee.  The  Legislature  took  appropriate  action,  naming  a 
committee  to  attend  his  funeral  and  setting  aside  a  day  for 
his  eulogy. 

Within  a  fortnight  the  State  was  shocked  to  hear  of  the 
death  of  its  popular  Governor.  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge,  who 
expired  at  his  home  in  Lowell.  March  5,  after  a  brief  illness. 
He  was  the  only  Governor  of  Massachusetts  of  foreign  birth, 
since  Thomas  Gage,  120  years  before.  Gov  Gage,  as  will  be 
remembered,  was  the  British  governor  of  the  rebellious  colony 
in  the  revolutionary  time  and  left  town  rather  hurriedly.  His 
leave-taking  was  somewhat  unceremonious. 

I'he  sudden  death  of  Gov  Greenhalge  plunged  the  entire 
State  into  mourning.  All  classes,  creeds  and  races  sincerely 
regretted  his  untimely  taking  off.  Lieut  Gov  Roger  \A'olcott 
was  sworn  in  and  carried  on  the  public  policies  of  his  departed 
chief. 

Several  important  laws  were  enacted  by  this  Legislature, 
perhaps  the  most  important  being  the  act  authorizing  the 
building  of  the  South  Station,  Atlantic  Avenue  and  vSummer 
street,  whereby  the  Boston  &  Providence,  Boston  &  Albany, 
Old  Colony  and  New  York  &  New  England  Railroads  were 
brought  together  under  the  roof  of  one  terminal.  Prior  to 
the  building  of  the  South  Station  each  road  maintained  sepa- 
rate terminals  in  different  sections  of  the  city  except  the 
Boston  and  Albany  and  the  Old  Colony  roads,  which  were 
located  on  Kneeland  street. 

The  proposition  for  a  Greater  Boston  was  referred  to  the 
next  General  Court  and  while  the  subject  was  for  years  after- 
wards discussed  nothing  ever  came  of  the  suggestion,  the 
suburban  cities  and  towns  fearing  that  they  would  lose  their 
identity.  Their  leading  politicians  also  felt  that  in  such  a 
plan  they  would  also  lose  their  influence  and  have  never  given 
the  scheme  any  real  support. 

That  year  a  leading  colored  Bishop  of  the  South  visited 
Boston  and  was  refused  accommodation  at  one  of  the  promi- 
nent hotels.  Naturally,  the  colored  people  felt  aggrieved  and 
the  politicians,  always  ready  to  sympathize  with  a  large  body 

61 


of  voters  and  champion  their  cause,  put  through  a  resolution 
condemning  discrimination  on  account  of  color. 

Congressional  regulation  of  the  hours  of  labor  and  mak- 
ing them  uniform  was  favored  in  a  resolve.  Provision  was 
made  for  the  erection  of  a  suitable  tablet  on  the  battle  field 
of  Antietam  commemorating  the  services  of  Massachusetts 
troops  engaged  in  that  important  battle.  The  collection  and 
circulation  of  information  regarding  the  abandoned  farms  of 
the  State  was  provided  for,  the  splendid  equestrian  statue  of 
Gen  Joseph  Hooker  in  front  of  the  East  Wing  of  the  Slate 
House  was  authorized.  $100,000  more  was  appropriated  for 
the  extirpation  of  the  gypsy  moth. 

With  the  National  and  State  conventions  on  that  Summer 
and  Fall  the  politicians  were  kept  on  the  jump.  The  Repub- 
licans presented  a  united  front,  but  the  Democrats  split  on 
the  money  issue.  The  Silver  wing  of  the  Democracy  nomi- 
nated George  Fred  Williams  for  Governor  and  refused  to 
allow  the  Gold  wing  of  the  party  into  the  convention.  The 
latter,  headed  by  most  of  the  leading  men  of  the  party  marched 
to  Faneuil  Hall  and  nominated  Frederick  O.  Prince  for  Gov- 
ernor. The  campaign  was  one  of  the  most  spirited  in  years. 
The  Democrats  were  badly  beaten.  Gov  Wolcott's  plurality 
rising  above  150,000.  Only  one  Democrat  was  elected  to 
Congress,  John  F.  Fitzgerald.  On  a  joint  Iballot  the  Legisla- 
ture stood:  Republicans  232,  Democrats  44;  Independent 
Republicans  3,  Citizen  Democrats  1.  The  constitutional 
amendments  submitted  were  defeated. 


62 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  —  ONE    OF    THE    MOST    EXCITING    POLITICAL 

CONTESTS    IN    YEARS — DEMOCRATS    SPLIT    ON 

THE    MONEY    ISSUE. 

THE  campaign  of  1896  was  memorable  in  many  ways.  The 
Democrats  split  on  the  monev  question.  The  Brs'an,  or 
Silver  wing  of  the  party  in  this  State,  was  led  by  George 
Fred  Williams  of  Dedham.  The  Gold  wing,  or  Palm.er  and 
Buckner  faction,  nominated  Frederick  O.  Prince  for  Governor. 
Mr.  Prince  had  been  secretary  of  the  Democratic  National 
Committee  for  25  years,  was  one  of  the  best  known  Demo- 
crats in  the  State,  and  had  a  wide  acquaintance  with  the  lead- 
ing Democrats  of  the  nation.  He  had  been  Mayor  of  Boston, 
was  beloved  by  his  party  associates  and  highly  respected  by 
the  Republicans.  He  was  a  man  of  excellent  standing  in  the 
legal  profession.  He  was  a  "sound  money"  man  and  refused 
to  accept  the  Bryan,  16  to  1  free  silver  theory.  He  regarded 
that  doctrine  undemocratic,  if  not  dishonest,  and  declined  to 
support  the  nominee  of  the  Chicago  convention. 

Somebody  has  said  that  every  Democrat  with  a  check 
book  left  the  party  that  year  and  either  openly  espoused  Mc- 
Kinley,  the  Republican  presidential  nominee  or  voted  for  the 
Gold  Bug  ticket.  Palmer  and  Buckner.  Of  course  there  v/as 
an  exception  here  and  there.  Practically  every  prominent  and 
influential  Democrat  in  this  State  was  against  free  silver. 

Mr.  Williams'  conversion  to  free  silver  was  somewhat 
sudden.  In  the  Spring  of  that  year  he  had  been  elected  one  of 
four  delegates-at-large  to  the  Democratic  national  convention 
which  met  in  Chicago  the  following  July.  His  associates  were 
Gen  John  W.  Corcoran  of  Clinton,  John  E.  Russell  of  Leices- 
ter and  James  Donovan  of  Boston.  The  convention  which 
elected  these  delegates-at-large  declared  unreservedly  for  the 
gold  standard  and  endorsed  ex-Gov  Russell  as  Massachusetts' 
choice  for  President.  A  few  weeks  later  it  was  whispered 
that  Mr.  Williams,  who  in  the  52nd  congress  had  ably  cham- 
pioned the  gold  standard  and  condemned  the  effort  to  rehabili- 

63 


tate  silver,  was  coquetting  with  the  white  metal  men  who 
were  getting  ready  to  control  the  national  Democratic  con- 
vention. There  appeared  in  the  afternoon  edition  of  the  Boston 
Globe  one  day  shortly  before  the  assembling  of  the  natirmal 
convention  an  interview  in  which  Mr.  Williams  announced 
his  conversion  to  free  silver.  The  interview  caused  a  lot  of 
talk  and  was  widely  copied.  It  was  hard  to  make  people  be- 
lieve that  George  Fred  Williams  had  renounced  the  gold 
standard  and  had  declared  for  free  silver,  but  he  promptly 
confirmed  the  statement  of  his  change  of  attitude. 

His  sudden  conversion  meant  that  he  must  repudiate  the 
platform  on  which  he  was  chosen,  cast  his  lot  with  new  friends 
and  fight  those  with  whom  he  had  waged  shoulder  to  shoulder 
many  a  hard  political  contest  in  this  State. 

To  say  that  Mr.  Williams'  political  friends  in  Massachu- 
setts were  surprised  at  his  change  of  front  on  the  money 
question  is  putting  it  mildly.  They  were  amazed.  Mr.  V/il- 
liams  had  but  few  supporters  in  his  flop  to  silver  in  the 
Massachusetts  delegation  and  the  Bay  State  delegation  that 
year  presented  the  spectacle  of  a  divided  house  before  the 
convention.  Tt  was  said  that  if  he  had  been  able  to  muster 
any  considerable  following  from  New  England  at  the  con- 
vention he  would  have  been  the  vice-presidential  nominee 
instead  of  Arthur  Sewell  of  Maine,  an  old  time  Democrat  and 
ship  builder  of  Bath. 

As  it  was,  Mr.  Williams  received  76  votes  for  that  office 
on  the  first  ballot,  which  dwindled  to  nine  en  the  fifth  when 
Mr.  Sewell  was  nominated. 

When  Williams  came  out  for  free  silver,  the  gold  Demo- 
crats of  the  State,  aroused  and  incensed  at  his  action,  prevailed 
upon  ex-Gov  William  E.  Russell  to  go  to  Chicago  and  join  in 
thie  movement  among  prominent  Democrats  of  the  country, 
headed  by  William  C.  Whitney  and  David  B.  Hill  of  New 
"S'ork  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  a  16  to  1  silver  plank  in  the 
platform.  President  Cleveland  and  his  cabinet  were  practi- 
cally a  unit  against  free  silver.  The  contest  at  Chicago  between 
the  two  wings  of  the  Democracy  was  waged  with  considerable 
bitterness. 

Ex-Gov  Russell  was  not  a  delegate  to  the  convention, 
but  a  delegate  from  his  home  city,  Cambridge,  offered  him 
his  credential,  Avhich  he  accepted.  Gov  Russell  made  one  of 
the  closing  speeches  against  the  16  to  1  plank.     His  right  to 

64 


participate  in  the  proceedings  of  the  convention  was  ques- 
tioned by  Williams  from  the  floor,  but  the  Dedham  man's 
objections  were  not  sustained.  This  affront  to  Russell  by 
Williams  was  not  soon  forgotten  by  the  former's  friends. 
The  radicals  were  in  the  saddle  at  Chicago  and  all  opposition 
to  their  program  was  ruthlessly  swept  aside  as  they  pushed 
through  their  platform  and  m  their  mad  onslaught  on  Cleve- 
landism  and  Wall  Street  influence  in  the  party  nominated 
William  Jennings  Bryan,  "The  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte,"  for 
President.  A  few  minutes  before,  Mr.  Bryan  of  Nebraska, 
who  had  gone  to  the  convention  in  his  capacity  as  a  reporter 
for  an  Omaha  paper,  had  made  his  famous  "Crown  of  Thorn 
and  Cross  of  Gold"  speech  in  advocating  the  16  to  1  plank  in 
the  platform,  took  the  delegates  off  their  feet  by  his  fervid 
oratory  and  carried  off  the  nomination  for  the  presidency. 

The  bewildering  triumph  of  the  Silver  men  aroused  the 
entire  country.  Quite  a  number  of  prominent  Republicans 
representing  Western  states  where  silver  was  produced  in 
large  quantities  bolted  their  party  ticket  and  joined  the  Bryan 
movement,  but  for  every  Free  Silver  Republican  who  joined 
the  Democracy  several  Gold  Democrats  left  their  party. 

The  Gold  Democrats  left  Chicago  disheartened  at  the 
outcome  of  the  convention.  Among  these  were  William  E. 
Russell  of  this  State.  Worn  out  by  his  hard  work  and  long 
hours  as  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  battle  against  free  silver 
at  the  convention,  the  brilliant  ex-Governor  came  home,  re- 
tired for  a  brief  rest  at  his  summer  home  and  then  went  to 
the  camp  of  ati  old  friend  and  political  supporter,  Benjamin  F. 
Dutton,  a  prominent  Boston  merchant,  where  he  hoped  to 
recuperate  and  mend  his  shattered  nerves.  He  had  hardly 
bade  his  friends  good-bye  when  the  news  of  his  sudden  death 
was  received  and  cast  a  gloom  over  every  city  and  town  in 
the  state. 

Gov  Russell  died  ]n\y  16,  1896,  cut  off  in  the  flower  of  his 
young  manhood  at  the  age  of  39.  He  was  buried  in  Mt.  Au- 
burn cemetery  in  the  city  of  his  birth.  His  obsequies  were 
attended  by  representatives  of  all  classes,  creeds  and  races. 
President  Cleveland  was  present  at  the  funeral.  Mr.  Russell 
had  begun  to  establish  himself  in  the  law  as  one  of  the  ablest 
men  of  his  profession  and  had  he  lived  there  is  little  doubt 
that  he  would  have  continued  a  prominent  national  figure  in 
the  political  affairs  of  the  country  and  his  profession. 

65 


Several  of  his  successors  in  the  governorship  have  adopted 
most,  if  not  all,  of  his  views  on  State  commissions  and  the 
necessity  for  more  power  in  the  matter  of  removals  from  office 
of  State  officials  in  order  to  secure  the  best  results  in  admin- 
istering the  affairs  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  last  Governor 
chosen,  Samuel  W.  McCall,  followed  Gov  Russell's  recom- 
mendations closely  regarding  the  growth  of  State  commissions 
and  the  necessity  of  bringing  them  within  the  sphere  of  execu- 
tive control. 

Bryan's  nomination  excited  great  interest  in  all  parts  of 
the  coimtry.  He  was  a  new  figure  in  national  politics.  People 
flocked  to  see  and  hear  him.  Soon  after  his  nomination  he 
came  to  New  England  to  visit  his  associate  on  the  ticket, 
Arthur  Sewell  of  Maine.  Boston  gave  him  a  noisy  welcome. 
100,000  heard  him  or  tried  to  hear  him  on  the  Common  where 
he  spoke  in  the  evening,  but  when  the  votes  were  counted  at 
the  November  election,  McKinle)'-  carried  Democratic  Boston 
by  18,000  plurality. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  no  man  in  years  who  had  been  nomi- 
nated by  the  Democrats  for  the  Presidency  was  followed  so 
closel)'  by  the  big  newspapers  of  the  country.  The  business 
and  financial  interests  were  aroused.  The  papers  watched 
every  movement  of  Bryan  and  caught  every  word  that  fell 
from  his  lips.  Only  one  big  newspaper  in  the  East  supported 
him.  Democratic  papers  either  openly  opposed  him  or  took 
to  the  woods  of  the  Fourth  Estate.  New  England  did  not 
take  kindly  to  Mr.  Bryan,  his  free  silver  ideas  or  his  castiga- 
tion  of  the  Supreme  Court  for  its  alleged  leaning  towards  the 
"vested  interests." 

Against  all  the  odds  which  Mr.  Bryan  had  to  contend 
he  rolled  up  a  popular  vote  that  year  of  6,502.925  as^ainst 
7,184,179  for  McKinley.  The  electoral  vote  was:  McKinley, 
271;  Bryan,  176. 

But  to  return  to  the  events  which  intervened  between 
the  Chicago  convention  and  the  November  election  in  this 
State.  On  his  arrival  home  from  Chicago  Williams'  friends 
welcomed  him  with  a  brass  band  and  a  meeting  at  Faneinl 
Hall  where  he  rendered  an  account  of  his  stewardship  and 
defended  his  course  as  a  delegate.  Williams'  friends  began 
to  organize.  The  "Gold  Bugs",  as  the  honest  money  men 
were  called,  were  not  idle.  They  too  were  organizing  and 
preparing  for  the  battle  at  the  polls.     The  campaign  in  this 

66 


William    S.   McNary. 


Christopher    T.    Callahan. 


1 

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1  ^  1 

p%    . 

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j^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H| 

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i^^^^l 

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j^uB^U 

^^H 

Dana    Malone. 


John   W.  Coughlin. 


State  was  spirited  enough  on  the  Democratic  side  to  suit  those 
who  hked  plenty  of  tobasco  in  their  politics. 

The  Republicans,  however,  had  little  to  do  but  watch  the 
Democratic  fic^ht.  Very  few  Republicans  were  attracted  to 
the  Bryan-Sewell-Williams  banner  in  this  State.  When  the 
time  arrived  to  nominate  State  tickets  the  Silver  Democrats 
thought  they  saw  in  the  movement  of  the  Gold  wing  of  the 
party  a  plan  to  control  the  State  convention,  repudiate  the 
Chicago  convention  and  nominate  a  candidate  for  Governor 
opposed  to  Bryan. 

On  the  evening  of  vSept.  25  there  was  a  public  meeting  in 
Music  Hall  in  behalf  of  the  Democratic  National  ticket  and 
for  the  purpose  of  arousing  interest  among  the  voters  in  the 
State  ticket  which  was  to  be  nominated  the  following  day 
at  the  State  convention.  Just  as  the  meeting  was  about  to 
adjourn  Mr.  Williams  stepped  forward  and  declared  that 
there  was  a  plot  on  the  part  of  the  Gold  men  in  the  party  to 
shut  out  the  Bryan-Williams  men  at  the  convention,  and  in 
this  way  control  the  proceedings.  He  asked  all  his  followers 
to  remain  in  the  hall  that  night  and  hold  it  against  their 
opponCiits.  Plenty  of  volunteers  were  found  and  when  the 
officers  of  the  old  State  Committee  appeared  at  the  hall  at 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  found  the  old  edifice  in 
control  of  the  radical  wing  of  the  party.  All  efforts  to  com- 
promise matters  and  for  a  harmonious  convention  failed.  The 
V\'illiams  men  held  their  convention  in  Music  Hall  while  the 
State  Committee  and  their  friends  gathered  at  Faneuil  Hall. 
Both  conventions  nominated  the  same  State  ticket  headed 
by  George  Fred  Williams  for  Governor  and  Christopher  T. 
Callahan,  now  a  judge  of  the  Superior  Court,  for  Lieutenant 
Governor.  Most  of  the  members  of  the  State  Committee  de- 
sired to  retain  control  of  the  State  organization.  Sixteen  mem- 
bers of  the  committee  left  the  Faneuil  Hall  convention  when 
the  anti-Williams  men  endorsed  Bryan  and  nominated  Wil- 
liams. 

Mr.  Williams  declined  the  Faneuil  Hall  nomination  know- 
ing that  few  of  those  who  participated  in  that  Convention 
intended  to  support  him  loyally  at  the  polls.  As  already  stated 
the  out  and  out  Gold  men  of  the  party  nominated  Frederick  O. 
Prince  for  Governor  and  conducted  a  vigorous  and  active 
campaign  for  their  nominees  for  President  and  Governor.  The 
Bryan-Sewell-Williams    campaign   "was    conducted   in   head- 

67 


quarters  outside  of  the  regular  State  Committee  rooms.  The 
venerable  Citizen  Hobart  of  Braintree,  who  had  been  for 
many  years  a  unique  character  in  the  Republican  party,  but 
had  joined  the  Democracy  shortly  before  the  nomination  at 
Chicago,  was  in  charge  of  the  speaker's  bureau,  while  Chris- 
topher T.  Callahan  directed  the  active  management  of  the 
campaign  under  the  immediate  and  personal  supervision  of 
Mr.  Williams.  > 

The  People's  Party,  of  which  E.  Gerry  Brown  of  Brockton 
was  chairman  ot  the  State  Committee,  endorsed  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Williams  that  year.  In  order  to  guard  against  the 
machinations  of  his  political  opponents  that  year  Mr.  Wil- 
liams saw  to  it  that  he  was  nominated  for  Governor  on  nomi- 
nation papers.  His  name  appeared  three  times  on  the  official 
ballot  at  the  polls,  first  as  a  Democratic,  second  as  Peoples 
Party  nominee  and  third  as  Democratic-Bryan  on  the  nomina- 
tion papers.  Mr.  Williams  covered  the  State  quite  thoroughly 
that  year  in  his  speech-making  tour,  but  the  result  was  inevita- 
ble. The  split  in  the  party  was  serious  and  the  vote  for  the 
State  ticket  was  the  smallest  in  years. 

Mr.  Williams  was  now  firmly  seated  in  the  party  saddle 
and  for  several  years  following  he  proceeded  to  ride  rough- 
shod over  his  opponents.  He  was  the  candidate  for  Governor 
again  the  following  year,  but  many  Democrats  still  refused 
to  follow  him  and  it  was  not  until  his  retirement  as  a  candi- 
date that  the  party  began  to  recover  some  of  its  lost  strength. 
Mr.  Williams  continued  to  champion  Bryanism  for  16  years 
until  the  Baltimore  convention  in  1912,  when  a  serious  break 
in  the  political  relations  between  Mr.  Bryan  and  his  chief 
lieutenant  in  Massachusetts  took  place.  Mr.  Bryan  favored 
and  worked  for  the  nomination  of  Woodrow  Wilson  at  Balti- 
more as  hard  as  he  ever  worked  for  his  own  nomination.  Mr. 
Williams  championed  the  candidacy  of  Champ  Clark.  During 
the  primary  contests  and  convention  preliminaries  Mr.  Wil- 
liams openly  denounced  the  attitude  Mr.  Wilson  took  in  his 
"History  of  the  American  People,"  towards  immigrants  and 
was  unable  to  agree  with  Mr.  Wilson  in  the  latter's  views  on 
various  economic  and  political  questions.  Mr.  Williams  set 
forth  that  he  believed  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Wilson  would 
be  an  aflFront  to  a  large  element  of  voters  and  disastrous  to 
the  party.  After  a  trip  abroad,  however,  consultation  with 
his  close  political  friends  and  a  visit  to  Colonel  Roosevelt  at 

68 


the  latter's  home.  Oyster  Bay,  he  again  surprised  many  by 
his  support  of  Wilson.  He  confined  his  speaking  to  the.  West- 
ern States  and  took  no  part  in  the  local  cam.paign.  Whatever 
differences  there  were  caused  by  the  disagreement  betv/een 
Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Bryan  over  the  latter's  course  at  Balti- 
more, was  apparently  healed  by  the  extension  of  the  olive 
branch  by  the  national  administration  which  tendered  Mr. 
Williams,  through  Mr.  Bryan,  then  Secretary  of  State,  the 
office  of  United  States  Minister  to  Greece  and  Montenegro, 
which  Mr.  Williams  accepted. 

That  office  he  held  for  a  short  time  only,  resigning  be- 
cause he  found  that  his  duties  as  a  diplomatist  and  his  interest 
m  the  liberation  of  Albania  which  he  desired  to  assist  in 
throwing  off  a  despotic  foreign  yoke  conflicted.  It  v/as  his 
intention  to  remain  in  the  Mediterranean  and  do  what  he  could 
to  help  this  struggling  people  in  achieving  some  sort  of  in- 
dependent self-government,  but  owing  to  various  causes  and 
the  outbreak  of  the  European  War,  Mr.  \^Mlliams  Ava.-.  obliged 
to  give  up  his  plans  and  return  home.  Since  his  return  Mr. 
Williams  has  taken  no  active  part  in  politics.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded as  Minister  to  Greece  and  Monteneoro  by  another 
Massachusetts  man.  Professor  Garrett  Droppers,  of  Williams 
College. 

The  Delegates-at-Large  to  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention this  year  were  Senator  Lodge,  Lieut  Gov  Crane,  Kben 
S.  Draper  and  Curtis  Guild  Jr.  Massachusetts  went  to  .St. 
Louis  for  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine,  but  the  cards  were 
stacked  by  Mark  Hanna  for  the  Ohioan  and  William  McKinley 
was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot.  Twentv-nine  of  the  thirty 
Massachusetts  delegates  voted  for  Reed.  When  the  roll  of 
the  convention  was  called  on  the  nomination  of  candidates  and 
the  State  of  Maine  was  reached  Senator  Lodge  of  Massachu- 
setts arose  and  nominated  Speaker  Reed  in  a  short  but  elo- 
quent speech,  saying : 

"In  the  House  and  before  the  people  he  has  always  been  the 
brilliant  champion  of  the  great  Republican  policies  which,  adopted, 
have  made  us  prosperous,  and  abandoned  have  left  ruin  at  our 
doors.  He  is  a  thorough  American  by  birth,  by  descent,  bj'  breed- 
ing, one  who  loves  his  country  and  has  served  it  in  his  youth  and 
manhood  in  war  and  peace.  His  public  career  is  as  spotless  as 
his  private  life.  He  is  a  trained  statesman,  fit  for  the  heaviest 
task  that  can  be  imposed  on  him.  He  has  the  confidence  of  his 
party  and  his  country.  He  is  a  leader.  We  know  it.  for  we 
have  seen  him  lead.       To  his  followers  he  never  said   go  but  come. 

69 


He  is  entirely  fearless.  We  know  it  because  we  have  seen  his 
courage  tested  on  a  hundred  fields.  He  is  fit  to  stand  at  the  head 
of  the  Republican  columns.  He  is  worthy  to  be  an  American  presi- 
dent." 

Mr.  Littlefield  of  Maine  seconded  the  nomination  in  an 
elaborate  speech.  But  it  was  all  over  except  the  shouting^. 
A  new  political  manager — a  business  man  using  business 
methods  had  it  all  fixed  for  Major  McKinley.  At  the  proper 
time  Senator  Lodge  withdrew  the  name  of  Mr.  Reed  and 
moved  to  make  the  nomination  of  McKinley  unanimous, 
pledging  the  nominee  the  support  of  a  great  majority  of  the 
State  for  his  election. 

It  was  claimed  at  the  time  that  Mr.  Reed  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  loyalty  of  some  of  his  friends  in  the  contest.  What- 
ever may  have  been  'the  cause  of  his  poor  showing  at  the 
national  convention  he  could  not  find  fault  with  the  loyalty 
of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  or  the  eloquent  and  able 
speech  by  Senator  Lodge  nominating  him  as  a  candidate  for 
the  honor  of  leading  the  Republicans. 

When  it  came  to  nominating  a  Vice-President  the  Massa- 
chusetts delegation  split  voting  on  the  first  ballot  as  follows : 
Hobart,  14  votes ;  Evans,  12  votes ;  Bulkley,  4  votes.  Garrett 
A.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey  was  the  choice  of  the  convention 
for  second  place  on  the  presidential  ticket. 

Mr.  Lodge  was  a  member  of  the  sub-committee  which 
drafted  the  resolutions  and  he  took  a  leading  part  in  framing 
the  platform  and  making  the  money  plank  strong  and  un- 
equivocal for  the  gold  standard. 

When  Major  McKinley  came  to  selecting  his  cabinet 
after  election  he  named  as  secretary  of  the  Navy  ex-Gov  John 
D.  Long  of  Massachusetts.  Mr  Long  had  served  in  congress 
with  McKinley  and  there  Avas  a  warm  bond  of  friendship 
existing  between  them.  At  first  some  of  the  political  leaders 
were  inclined  to  object,  but  they  found  that  Mr.  McKinley 
was  determined  to  appoint  his  old  congressional  colleague 
and  local  opposition  was  withdrawn.  Gov  Long's  appoint- 
ment was  regarded  by  many  as  an  incongruous  selection 
because  for  many  years  he  had  been  prominent  in  the  Peace 
Society  which  abhors  war,  but  he  accepted  and  for  four  years 
directed  the  affairs  of  the  Navy  Department  with  signal 
ability  and  discretion,  bringing  the  department  ut>  to  a  high 
standard   of   efficiency.      It   seemed    strange   to   many   for   a 

70 


peace  man  to  be  directing  the  navy  in  a  foreigfn  war,  but  Sec- 
retary Long  put  his  peace  scruples  aside  and  entered  into  the 
administration  of  the  department  with  great  enthusiasm. 

He  had  for  his  assistant  Theodore  Roosevelt  of  New  York, 
who  was  on  the  threshold  of  his  interesting  public  career.  It 
was  Secretary  Long  who  selected  George  Dewey  for  com- 
mand of  the  fleet  in  Asiatic  waters  who  was  destined  ':o  shed 
new  lustre  on  the  fame  of  the  American  navy  as  a  fighting 
force  by  his  brilliant  victory  in  Manila  Bay  destroying  the 
Spanish  fleet  and  silencing  the  forts  which  led  to  the  capturing 
of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Gov  Long  was  succeeded  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy  by 
Congressman  V/illiam  H.  Moody,  of  Haverhill,  Massachu- 
setts, when  Roosevelt  reorganized  the  old  McKinley  cabinet 

The  Democratic  split  this  year  continued  for  some  years 
afterwards  and  it  was  not  until  the  campaign  of  1904  that  the 
party  got  back  on  its  feet  once  more  in  Massachusetts  when 
Alton  B.  Parker  of  New  York  was  candidate  for  President. 


71 


CHAPTER  IX. 

WOLCOTT'S    THREE    TERMS — DIGNITY    OF    MAN    AND    HIS    ADMIN 
ISTRATION— RE-ELECTION    OF    SENATOR    LODGE— RETURN    OF 
BRADFORD  MANUSCRIPT  THROUGH  EFFORTS  OP  SENATOR 
HOAR — RECORD   TIME   ON   LEGISLATION   ON    DECLARA- 
TION OF  WAR  AGAINST   SPAIN. 

ROGER  Wolcott  was  without  question  the  most  digni- 
fied Chief  Executive  the  State  had  had  for  generations. 
It  was  not  a  false  dignity.  He  came  of  the  finest  old 
Yankee  stock.  His  ancestors  were  men  of  standing  in  public 
affairs  and  among  the  great  merchants  and  business  men  of 
Boston.  A  man  of  wealth  and  education,  he  did  not  neglect 
his  public  duties.  He  had  served  in  the  Common  Council  of 
Boston  and  in  the  Legislature.  He  was  not  too  proud  to  fight 
in  the  ranks  of  his  party  in  municipal  or  State  campaigns.  He 
stood  for  clean  politics  and  never  hesitated  to  condemn  wrong- 
doing, even  though  he  hurt  the  feelings  of  his  own  political 
associates. 

In  personal  appearance  he  was  tall  and  commanding.  He 
was  always  gracious  without  being  obsequious  to  his  equals, 
kind  and  considerate  to  those  outside  of  his  own  social  or 
political  circles,  willing  to  accord  a  political  opponent  the 
same  honesty  he  displayed  himself  in  his  political  convictions. 
He  held  some  independent  views  on  public  questions  and  he 
seldom  hesitated  to  express  them  if  he  believed  the  occasion 
required.  He  was  not  an  oflfice  seeker,  but  he  did  not  decline 
party  honors  when  they  came  to  him  and  he  always  gave  to 
his  public  duties  his  best  thought  and  characteristic  energy. 

When  he  was  Lieutenant  Governor  during  Governor  Rus- 
sell's last  term,  he  treated  His  Excellency  with  the  greatest 
respect  and  his  party  associates  were  never  able  to  count  on 
him  to  lend  a  hand  to  anything  mean  or  low  in  the  game  of 
politics  in  their  plans  to  thwart  the  administration  of  the 
Governor.  Such  in  brief  was  the  manner  of  man  the  Repub- 
lican nominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor  in  1893.  and  the  man 
who  succeeded  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge  as  Governor,  filling 
out  the  latter's  unexpired  term. 

72 


Governor   Wolcott. 


Gov  Wolcott's  first  inaugural  address  was  delivered  to 
the  Legislature  and  the  public  Jan.  7,  1897.  In  opening  he 
feelingly  referred  to  the  death  of  his  predecessors,  ex-Governor 
Robinson  and  ex-Governor  Russell — both  well  beloved  sons 
of  the  old  Commonwealth. 

Speaking  of  the  recent  business  depression  and  the  result 
of  the  election  he  declared  that  the  public  had 

"Reason  to  believe  that  the  long  period  of  business  depression 
and  loss  to  employer  and  employed  will  be  soon  ended,  and  that  a 
season  of  renewed  confidence  and  consequent  prosperity  is  at  hand." 

And,  he  added: 

"During  these  years  employment  has  been  precarious  and  the 
profits  of  capital  uncertain.  Our  people  have  endured  the  strain 
with  courage  and  patience;  they  have  deserved  the  reward  which 
will  follow  a  revival  of  industrial  activity.  Owing  to  the  unpre- 
cedented conditions  of  the  recent  elections,  it  was  not  surprising 
to  find  the  vastly  preponderating  majority  of  the  citizens  of  this 
state  ranged  upon  the  side  of  sound  finance  and  national  honor. 

"When  these  were  threatened,  men.  of  all  parties  were  found  fight- 
ing shoulder  to  shoulder  to  make  secure  in  national  affairs  what  had 
been  the  traditional  policies  of  this  Commonwealth.  The  victory 
won  should  confirm  our  confidence  in  popular  government,  and 
furnishes  new  evidence  that  our  people  have  the  intelligence 
rightly  to  discriminate  and   the  will  rightly  to  decide." 

He  felt  obliged  to  caution  the  Legislature  about  State  ex- 
penses and  the  constantly  growing  public  debt.  He  discussed 
and  urged  the  necessity  of  improving  Boston  harbor,  remark- 
ing that 

"Commerce  easily  leaves  a  port  where  it  is  subjected  to  perils, 
inconveniences  or  exactions." 

The  needs  of  the  Metropolitan  district  were  also  dis- 
cussed and  he  briefly  outlined  the  work  of  the  Metropolitan 
Water  Board  relating  to  the  water  supply.  The  activities  of 
the  Metropolitan  Park  Commission  were  pointed  out.  Sug- 
gestions were  made  for  improvements  in  the  management 
for  several  State  institutions.  He  commended  the  law  for  the 
improvements  of  the  teaching  force  in  the  public  schools  and 
m  the  supervision  of  education,  and  said : 

"The  vast  sums  of  money  annually  expended  upon  our  public 
schools — the  amount  was  $11,829,191  the  past  year — as  well  as  the 
noble  purposes  sought  through  such  expenditures,  justify  extra- 
ordinary pains  in  bringing  the  schools  under  wise  and  constant 
directorship,    and    in    securing    for    them    the    best    teachers,    *hose 

73 


zeal  and   freshness   of  interest  and  method  should  be   stimulated  in 
every  possible   way." 

He  praised  the  work  of  the  nautical  training-  school,  which 
offers  a  limited  number  of  young  men  a  thorough  technical 
education  in  seamanship  and  navigation,  as  well  as  in  the 
ordinary  branches  of  study. 

Speaking  of  taxation — seldom  neglected  by  inaugurals — 
Gov  Wolcott  said  that  the  Legislature  of  1896  wisely  provided 
for  the  appointment  of  a  commission 

"To  obtain,  collate  and  report  facts  concerning  taxation,  present 
a  summary  of  conclusions  to  be  drawn  therefrom,  and  suggest  any 
changes  advisable  in  the  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  relating  to 
taxation," 

the  final  report  of  the  commission  to  be  presented  noi   later 
than  the  first  day  of  October,  1897. 

"In  making  the  appointments  upon  this  commission,"  said  l^e, 
"I  endeavored  to  select  men  who  should  fairly  represent  different 
interests  and  occupations  in  the  community,  but  who  were  not  to 
my  knowledge  publicly  committed  as  advocates  either  of  the  present 
system  or  of  any  substitute  therefor,  believing  that  these  should 
be  rather  heard  as  witnesses  by  the  commission  than  themselves 
constitute  the  commission.  If  this  commission  should  succeed  in 
makmg  such  wise  and  just  recommendations  as  shall  result  in  ren- 
dering taxation  in  Massachusetts  more  equitable  and  less  oneious, 
it  will  be  a  service  of  great  value  to  the   Commonwealth." 

Attention  was  called  to  the  growing-  demand  for  a  fran- 
chise tax  on  street  railways  and  he  recommended  that  such 
a  law  be  passed.  Speaking  of  the  progress  of  the  rapid  transit 
plan  for  Boston,  the  Governor  observed : 

"It  is  expected  that  before  the  end  of  the  season  upon  which 
you  are  now  entering  the  subway  will  be  open  for  traffic  from  the 
entrance  on  the  Public  Garden  to  Park  Street,  and  that  Tremont 
Street  will  be  relieved  of  all  Boylston  Street  cars  which  now  reverse 
at  the  Granary  burying  ground.  Upon  the  completion  of  the  sub- 
way to  the  northern  station,  not  only  the  cars  but  the  tracks  will 
be  removed,  as  required  by  law,  from  Boylston  and  Tremont 
Streets  between  Park  Square  and  Scollay  Square.  Other  streets 
adjacent  to  the  subway  within  prescribed  limits  may  also  be  cleared 
of  such  tracks  as,  in  the  opinion  of  the  commission,  are  no  longer 
necessary." 

On  the  question  of  salaries  the  Governor  appealed  to  the 
Legislature  to  go  slow.  While  he  agreed  with  his  predecessor 
that  a  general  law  should  be  passed  permitting  the  incorpora- 
tion of  trust  companies,  yet  he  believed  that  extreme  caution 

74 


should  be  used  in  issuing  charters  by  granting  power  to  the 
end  that  the  public  may  be  properly  guarded  from  speculation. 
He  also  asked  the  Legislature  to  consider: 

"First,  whether,  i;i  the  case  of  State  and  municipal  officers  who 
have  the  custody  of  pu'blic  funds,  stock  gambling — that  is,  the  buy- 
ing or  selling  of  stocks  on  margin — should  not  be  forbidden  by  law, 
under  proper  penalty,  or  be  made  by  statute  cause  for  removal  from 
office;  secondly,  whether  this  principle  may  profitably  be  extended 
to  treasurers  of  quasi-public  and  private  corporations,  and  to  trustees 
under  private  instruments." 

He  prayed  for  a  shortened  session  and  a  reduced  blue 
book,  adding  that  both  would  not  be  unwelcomed  by  the 
people,  but  unfortunately  his  prayer  was  not  efficacious. 

"The  volume  of  legislation  is  a  poor  criterion  of  its  necessity 
or  Avisdom.  The  sagacious  legislator  will  deem  it  as  much  his 
duty  to  reject  unnecessary  legislation  as  to  favor  that  which  he 
deems  important.  It  is  diflFicult  to  believe  that  five  months  of 
legislative  session  and  seven  hundred  printed  pages  of  acts  and 
resolves  are  annually  necessary,"  said  he  in  concluding  his  address. 

President  Lawrence  of  the  Senate  was  again  chosen  to 
preside  over  the  upper  branch  of  the  Legislature  and  a  new 
face  appeared  on  the  Speaker's  rostrum  in  the  House — John 
L.  Bates  of  East  Boston,  who  was  just  beginning  a  brilliant 
political  career,  which  was  cut  short,  however,  after  two  years 
in  the  office  of  Governor  by  a  discriminating  electorate. 

The  Legislature  of  1897  was  in  no  more  of  a  hurry  to 
leave  Beacon  Hill  than  its  predecessor,  but  it  was  finally 
prorogued  June  12.  Because  of  the  split  in  the  Democratic 
party  at  the  November  election  many  Democratic  votes  were 
diverted  from  the  regular  Democratic  channel,  and  for  the 
first  time  in  many  years  a  Republican  appeared  to  be  elected 
in  the  Fourth  Councillor  district,  the  only  safely  Democratic 
district  in  the  State.  The  Republican  nominee  was  Isaac  B. 
Allen,  a  prominent  colored  politician  of  the  ward  type,  more 
prominent  in  practical  politics  than  in  active  business.  His 
Democratic  opponent,  John  H.  Sullivan  of  East  Boston,  a 
well  known  and  leading  member  of  that  party,  who  declined 
to  follow  the  Bryan-Sewell-Williams  flag  that  year,  alleged 
that  some  340  ballots  cast  for  him  had  been  thrown  out  by 
the  election  officers  because  the  cross  was  not  exactly  opposite 
his  name.  The  committee  on  election  returns  declined  to  go 
behind  the  returns  and  the  certificate  of  election  was  given 
to  Allen. 

75 


Allen  was  the  first  member  of  his  race  to  be  elected  to 
such  a  high  office  in  the  State.  Mr.  Sullivan  accepted  the 
decision  with  gracefulness  and  escorted  his  successor  to  the 
Hall  of  Representatives  as  is  the  custom  to  hear  the  inaugural 
address  and  to  take  the  oath  of  office.  Mr.  Allen  held  his 
office  but  one  year.  Mr.  Sullivan  was  returned  at  the  follow- 
ing election. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  act  of  the  Legislature  this 
year  was  the  granting  of  the  charter  to  the  Boston  Elevated 
Street  Railway  Co.,  which  later  leased  the  West  End  Street 
Railway  Co.  and  took  over  the  transportation  problem  in 
Boston.  The  Governor  was  authorized  to  appoint  a  commis- 
sion to  investigate  the  relations  of  the  street  railway  com- 
panies of  the  State  and  the  municipalities.  He  named  as  the 
commissioners  Charles  Francis  Adams,  William  W.  Crapo  and 
Elihu  B.  Hayes. 

The  most  important  veto  of  the  year  was  the  mill  school 
tax  bill  which  authorized  a  State  tax  of  one  dollar  on  the  $1000 
for  the  support  of  the  public  schools  on  the  ground  that  it 
would  not  necessarily  increase  the  sum  to  be  expended  for 
their  support  and  that  it  would  not  tend  to  aid  the  weaker 
and  overburdened  communities  to  maintain  their  schools  as 
a  large  portion  of  it  would  go  to  the  cities  and  towns  well  able 
to  support  their  schools. 

Through  the  efforts  of  Senator  Hoar  the  manuscript  of 
Gov  William  Bradford's  "History  of  the  Plymouth  Planta- 
tion" was  returned  to  the  people  of  the  State.  It  was  supposed 
to  have  been  taken  by  the  British  soldiers  on  their  evacuation 
from  Boston  during  the  Revolutionary  war.  Senator  Hoar 
made  the  presentation  speech  and  was  in  turn  thanked  by 
the  Governor  and  other  officials  for  his  successful  efforts  in 
returning  the  valuable  historic  document.  It  was  placed  in 
the  State  library  and  is  the  most  sought  after  historic  docu- 
ment by  visitors. 

Again  there  were  five  State  tickets  in  the  field  at  the  Fall 
election.  The  Republicans  renominated  their  ticket  of  the 
year  before,  Wolcott  and  Crane.  The  Gold  wing  of  the  Demo- 
cracy kept  up  the  fight  against  the  Bryan-Williams  Democrats 
and  nominated  Dr.  William  Everett  for  Governor.  The  Demo- 
crats named  their  old  ticket  of  last  year,  Williams  and  Callahan. 
Thomas  C.  Brophy  was  nominated  for  Governor  by  the  Social- 
ist-Labor  party.     The   Prohibitionists   named   John    Bascom 

76 


for  Governor  and  the  People's  party  again  fused  with  the 
Bryan- Williams  men  not  naming  any  candidate  for  Governor. 

Because  of  the  division  in  the  ranks  of  their  opponents 
the  Republicans  didn't  have  to  do  much  campaigning.  Their 
platform  on  local  issues  once  more  declared  for  the  free  un- 
sectarian  school  and  for  the  enforcement  of  the  liquor  laws, 
waved  the  flag  frantically  and  marched  on  to  victory. 

The  Democratic  platform  declared  for  municipal  owner- 
ship of  public  utilities,  a  reform  in  the  tax  laws  of  the  State, 
abolition  of  irresponsible  commissions,  popular  elections  of 
United  States  senators,  eight-hour  day  for  labor,  better  in- 
spection of  factories  and  an  amendment  to  the  employees 
liability  law. 

The  vote  for  Governor  was :  Wolcott,  Republican,  165,095 ; 
Williams,  Democrat,  79,552;  Everett,  National  Democrat,  13,- 
879 ;  Brophy,  Socialist-Labor,  5301 ;  Bascom,  Prohibitionist, 
4079. 

Gov  Wolcott  entered  upon  his  second  full  term  of  office, 
Jan.  6,  1898 — a  year  which  was  to  be  the  most  memorable  in 
his  career  as  a  public  official.  The  past  year,  as  he  said  in  his 
inaugural,  had  been  one  of  tranquil  and  orderly  admmistra- 
tion  of  the  affairs  of  the  Commonwealth.    It  had,  as  he  said : 

"Witnessed  events  of  a  nature  calculated  to  stimulate  patriot- 
ism, and  to  strengthen  those  sentiments  of  deep  gratitude  and 
veneration  towards  the  founders  of  the  Republic  which  are  a  pre- 
cious heritage  from  the  past. 

'The  Commonwealth  was  oflficially  represented  at  the  impressive 
pageant  which  attended  the  dedication  of  the  Grant  monument  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  and  also  at  the  exposition  which  com- 
memorated the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  admission  into  the 
Union  of  the  State  of  Tennessee.  On  the  fourth  day  of  March 
official  and  ceremonial  notice  was  taken  of  the  inauguration,  one 
hundred  years  before,  of  the  first  President  given  by  the  Common- 
wealth to  the  nation,  John  Adams. 

"In  May  the  delivery  into  the  custody  of  the  Commonwealth, 
through  an  act  of  generous  international  courtesy  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain,  of  the  priceless  manuscript  history  of  the  Plymouth 
Plantation  by  Governor  William  Bradford,  was  made  the  occasion 
of  services  in  this  chamber  which  expressed  the  appreciative  grati- 
tude with  which  the  gift  was  received  by  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts." 

"Later  in  the  same  month  the  Commonwealth  took  part  in  the 
solemn  services  attending  the  unveiling  of  the  beautiful  monument 
on  Boston  Common,  facing  the  State  House,  which  for  all  time 
will  commemorate  the  valor  of  the  Fifty-fourth  Regiment,  Massa- 
chusetts Volunteers,  and  of  its  heroic  commander,  Colonel  Shaw. 
In  the  autumn  the  return  to  Boston  Harbor  of  the  old  frigate 
"Constitution,"   the   most   famous    vessel    of   the   navy   of  the    United 

77 


States,  on  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  her  launching,  was 
fittingly  celebrated  by  a  military  and  naval  display  and  by  the 
eloquent  rehearsal  of  her  victories.  Such  acts  of  commemoration 
speak  to  the  hearts  of  our  people,  and  quicken  the  pulse  of  loyalty 
to    the    nation's    honor.' 

Evidently  chafing  under  the  old  legislative  trick  of  hold- 
ing back  important  legislation  affecting  corporation  and  other 
special  interests,  the  Governor  asked  the  legislators  not  to 
impose  on  him  duties  which  it  was  well  nigh  impossible  for 
him  rightly  to  perform,  saying: 

"The  closing  hours  of  a  legislative  session  are  a  time  of  great 
strain  and  embarrassment  to  the  Executive.  There  are  annually 
presented  to  him  for  executive  aproval,  during  the  final  night  of 
the  session,  a  large  number  of  bills,  including  often  some  of  the 
most  complex  and  difficult  bills  which  the  session  has  produced, 
action  upon  which  has  been  delayed  by  the  Legislature,  owing  in 
some  cases,  perhaps,  to  their  inability  to  deal  with  them  at  an 
earlier  date;  and  yet  the  Executive  is  expected  to  pass  final  judg- 
ment upon  the  merits  of  many  such  in  a  single  night;  the  only 
alternative  left  him  being  to  keep  the  Legislature  in  .session,  after 
they  have  no  further  business  to  occupy  them,  up  to  the  constitu- 
tional limit  of  time  allowed  him  for  the  examination  of  bills.  Nor 
in  many  of  the  most  difficult  cases  is  it  possible  for  the  Executive, 
by  keeping  informed  in  advance  of  the  bills  which  are  likely  to 
be  laid  before  him,  to  be  prepared  to  act  upon  them  without  delay. 
Many  of  those  to  which  he  may  have  given  the  most  careful  study 
are  rejected  on  their  final  passage,  while  upon  others  are  engrafted 
so  many  and  such  important  amendments  as  to  change  entirely 
their  purport  and  the  correlation  of  their  parts.  1  ask  that,  as 
the  session  nears  its  close,  you  will  extend  to  the  Executive  the 
consideration  of  endeavoring  not  to  impose  upon  him  duties  which 
it  is  well  nigh  impossible  for  him  rightly  to  perform." 

Again  and  more  about  the  danger  of  the  fast  mounting 
public  debt  was  referred  to,  but  the  Legislature  heeded  not 
the  warnings.  There  was  the  usual  review  of  the  State  institu- 
tions and  their  work,  and  here  and  there  a  suggestion  to  remedy 
some  slight  fault.  He  felt  it  necessary  to  once  more  refer  to 
the  question  of  a  franchise  tax  on  street  railways  which  the 
last  Legislature  had  referred  to  a  special  committee  of  the 
members  to  report  to  the  present  body  The  taxation  ques- 
tion was  still  open,  the  commissioners  named  to  investigate 
the  subject  being  unable  to  agree.  The  Governor  recommended 
more  stringent  laws  regarding  assessment  insurance.  He 
touched  upon  education,  harbor  improvements,  the  building 
of  the  new  State  dock  in  South  Boston,  the  work  of  the  various 
State  boards.  Referring  to  the  Cape  Cod  Canal  project,  he 
said: 

78 


"It  would  appear  to  be  a  safe  inference,  after  the  careful  study 
of  competent  experts  and  engineers,  the  project  is  found  not  to 
promise  reasonable  financial  returns  with  sufficient  certainty  to  in- 
duce the  investment  of  the  large  amount  of  private  capital  needed 
for   its    completion. 

"During  these  many  years  a  cloud  has  rested  upon  all  utles  to 
real  estate  in  the  vicinity  of  the  proposed  route  of  the  canal.  I 
think  it  is  time  that  this  uncertainty  should  end,  and  that  the 
Legislature  should  recognise  the  improbability  of  the  construction 
of  the  work  by  private  enterprise  during  the  lifetime  of  the  present 
generation. 

"There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  of  the  value  to  the  commer- 
cial interests  of  the  Commonwealth  of  a  canal  across  the  Cape, 
and  a  plan  will  be  laid  before  your  honorable  bodies  for  the  use  in 
Its  construction  of  the  labor  of  certain  classes  of  prisoners,  under 
such  conditions  as  shall  secure  their  humane  treatment  and  safe 
custody.  The  application  of  prison  labor  to  public  works  of  general 
utility  is  not  an  untried  experiment,  and  merits  your  careful  consid- 
eration." 

Nothing-  came  of  this  suggestion.  A  few  years  later 
August  Belmont,  a  New  York  financier,  took  hold  of  the  pro- 
ject and  built  the  canal,  opening  it  to  shipping  in  the  summer 
of  1914. 

George  E.  Smith  succeeded  George  P.  Lawrence  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  Senate.  Speaker  Bates  was  reelected  and  both 
branches  settled  down  for  a  long  session,  lasting  until  June  23, 
170  days,  destined  to  be  one  of  the  most  historic  in  recent 
years  because  of  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  Spain 
and  the  United  States. 

As  in  the  Revolution  and  in  the  Civil  War,  so  in  the 
Spanish-American  War,  Massachusetts  was  first  in  the  field 
in  defence  of  freedom.  On  April  15,  Gov  Wolcott  asked  the 
Legislature  for  $500,000  to  be  extended  in  defraying  military 
and  naval  expenses.  "Within  25  minutes  the  law  was  passed, 
engrossed,  and  received  the  signature  of  the  Chief  Executive. 
This  is  said  to  be  the  record  time  on  legislation.  All  rules 
were  suspended  and  the  imanimity  displa3^ed  showed  that 
Massachusetts  was  of  but  one  mind  and  that  to  once  more 
demonstrate  that  the  patriotism  of  the  State  and  its  loyalty  to 
the  government  at  Washington  was  unsurpassed  by  any  of 
her  sister  commonwealths.  Massachusetts  troops  were  in 
the  field  the  day  after  war  was  declared.  The  State  treated 
its  soldiers  and  sailors  with  its  customary  liberality. 

The  quota  of  the  State  under  the  two  calls  of  the  President 
was  7388,  but  it  is  estimated  that  between  10,000  and  12,000 
Massachusetts  men  volunteered  in  the  army  and  navy  during 

79 


the  war.  The  regiments  that  left  the  state  fully  equipped  for 
service  were  the  2nd,  5th,  6th,  8th  and  9th.  The  2nd  and  9th 
were  a  part  of  the  force  engaged  in  the  reduction  of  Santiago 
and  the  2nd  was  engaged  with  the  enemy. 

The  appearance  of  the  6th  regiment  in  the  streets  of  Bal- 
timore on  its  way  to  Camp  Alger,  Va.,  was  an  event  of  national 
interest  and  importance.  Thirty-seven  years  before,  a  com- 
mand with  the  same  regimental  number  on  its  way  to  defend 
the  national  capital  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion  was 
mobbed  and  the  blood  of  Massachusetts'  troops  flowed  in  the 
streets  of  the  Oriole  city.  It  was  a  hot  bed  of  secession  at 
that  time.  l"he  second  appearance  of  the  6th  Massachusetts 
regiment  in  Baltimore  was  happily  quite  different.  They 
were  received  with  open  arms  and  shown  many  courtesies, 
thus  demonstrating  that  the  sectional  animosities  of  the  great 
conflict  between  North  and  South  had  disappeared. 

In  reviewing  the  work  of  the  Metropolitan  commissions, 
Gov  Wolcott  suggested  the  continuance  of  the  Transit  Com- 
mission of  Boston,  whose  ofl^icial  life  would  end  in  July  unless 
new  legislation  were  passed  extending  it,  which  was  done. 
He  urged  State  control  and  care  of  the  insane.  He  was  of 
the  opinion,  he  said,  that  all  ofifenders  against  the  laws  of  the 
Commonwealth  should  be  subject  to  final  State  control.  He 
favored  the  referendum  on  all  special  laws  afi^ecting  municipali- 
ties. The  subject  of  tuberculosis  in  cattle  was  discussed  quite 
fully  as  its  importance  demanded  and  he  expressed  the  hope 
that  the  Legislature  would  determine  a  general  policy  in  deal- 
ing with  this  source  of  danger  to  public  health. 

He  was  not  impressed  with  the  soundness  of  assessment 
insurance  and  pointed  out  what  he  believed  a  real  danger  if 
not  checked.  He  favored  higher  salaries  for  the  justices  of 
the  Superior  and  Supreme  courts  of  the  State.  The  Legislature 
was  asked  to  pass  a  law  limiting  the  height  of  buildings  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  State  House  so  that  the  capitol  would  not 
be  overshadowed  and  shut  in  by  the  modern  skyscraper,  which 
it  did  later. 

The  year  1898  marked  the  centenary  of  the  old  State 
capitol.  The  State  authorities  took  possession  of  the  State 
House  on  Jan.  11,  1798,  and  the  100th  anniversary  of  this 
event  was  celebrated  in  a  fitting  manner  by  State  officials  and 
by  both  branches  of  the  Legislature. 

Five  hundred  and  eighty-four  Ibills  and  119  resolves  was 

80 


the  record  of  the  session.  There  were  only  two  vetoes.  The 
Luce  election  law  was  passed  which  was  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant piece  of  political  legislation  that  year.  The  tax  laws 
were  improved  and  the  Torrens  Land  system  was  adopted. 
The  court  consists  of  two  judges  and  has  jurisdiction  of  all 
applications  for  registration  of  titles. 

The  report  of  the  special  commission  to  investigate  the 
relations  of  street  railways  and  municipalities  and  towns  was 
received  and  a  law  was  passed  embodying  its  most  important 
recommendations.  The  street  railways  were  put  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  railroad  commissioners. 

After  years  of  agitation  a  law  was  passed  regulating 
fraternal  beneficiary  insurance  associations.  Other  important 
insurance  laws  were  passed  during  this  session.  Hanging  for 
capital  crimes  was  abolished  and  a  law  provided  that  there- 
after the  death  penalty  shall  be  inflicted  by  electricity. 

Greylock  Mountain  in  the  Berkshires  was  made  a  State 
reservation  and  an  appropriation  of  $25,000  was  made  for  the 
enterprise.  Woman  suffrage  was  unable  to  muster  enough 
votes  in  the  House  that  year  to  secure  a  roll  call  on  the  ques- 
tion. 

When  the  political  season  was  opened  in  the  early  Fall, 
the  Democrats  met  at  Worcester.  The  Free  Silver  element 
of  the  party  had  control  of  the  convention  machinery  and 
under  the  leadership  of  George  Fred  Williams  removed  from 
the  office  of  National  Committeeman  Gen  John  W.  Corcoran, 
who  was  not  in  sympathy  with  that  wing  of  the  party.  The 
platform  endorsed  every  principle  of  the  last  Democratic 
national  convention,  free  silver  and  all.  It  took  strong  ground 
against  Imperialism,  then  in  its  mfancy,  because  of  the  ac- 
quisition of  the  Philippines.  The  planks  on  public  ownership 
of  public  utilities  of  the  previous  year  were  reiterated  and 
the  party  stood  squarely  for  the  initiative  and  referendum. 
None  but  Free  Silver  Bryan  men  were  nominated  on  the  State 
ticket  that  year.  The  candidate  for  Governor  was  Alexander 
B.  Bruce  of  Lawrence. 

Oct.  6th,  two  days  later,  the  Republicans  met  in  Boston 
and  renominated  Gov  Wolcott.  Their  platform  followed 
largely  the  national  platform  of  the  party,  commended  the 
Dingley  tariflf  law,  praised  President  McKinley  for  his  conduct 
in  peace  and  war,  glorified  the  deeds  of  American  arms  in  the 
war  just  closed  and  declared  for  a  larger  army  and  navy. 

81 


The  campaign  was  a  walkover  for  the  Republicans  as  the 
Democrats  were  still  divided,  although  the  Gold  wing  of  the 
party  made  no  nominations  for  State  officers  this  year.  The 
vote  for  the  head  of  the  ticket  this  year  was :  Wolcott,  Repub- 
lican, 191,146;  Bruce,  Democrat,  107,960;  Peare,  Socialist- 
Labor,  10,063;  Shapleigh,  Prohibitionist,  4734;  Porter,  Social- 
ist-Democrat, 3749.  The  Executive  Council  as  usual  consisted 
of  one  Democrat  and  seven  Republicans. 

The  Senate  elected  was:  Republicans  33,  Democrats  7; 
House,  Republicans  16.^ ;  Democrats  65 ;  Independents  10.  The 
Republicans  elected  10  out  of  the  13  congressmen. 

In  his  third  and  last  inaugural  address  to  the  Legislature, 
Jan.  5,  1899,  Gov  Wolcott  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
United  States  for  a  half  century  had  waged  no  war  against  a 
foreign  foe  and  said  in  reviewing  the  events  of  the  year  just 
passed : 

"On  the  nineteenth  day  of  April — a  day  of  historic  significance — 
a  joint  resolution  wa?  adopted  by  Congress,  declaring  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Cuba  are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent, 
demanding  that  the  government  of  Spain  at  once  relinquish  its 
authority  and  government  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  directing  and 
empowering  the  President  to  use  the  entire  land  and  naval  forces 
of  the  United  .States,  and  to  call  into  the  actual  service  of  the 
United  States  the  militia  of  the  several  States,  to  carry  these  resolu- 
tions into  effect.  This  was  accompanied  by  a  disclaimer  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  of  any  disposition  or  intention  to  exercise 
sovereignty,  jurisdiction  or  control  over  said  island,  except  for  its 
pacilication." 

"There  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  this  war  was  entered  upon 
by  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  without 
distinction  of  party  or  locality,  with  high  and  unselfish  purpose; 
nor  do  I  doubt  that  its  results  will  be  promotive  of  civilization  and 
enlightenment." 

With  pardonable  and  undisguised  pride  he  referred  to 
the  splendid  patriotic  spirit  Massachusetts  manifested  in  re- 
sponding to  the  call  of  the  National  government  for  assistance 
even  anticipating  that  war  coming  four  days  before  war  was 
declared. 

"On  April  15th"  said  the  Governor,  "T  deemed  it  my  duty  to 
ask  the  legislature  to  appropriate  the  sum  of  $500,000  to  be  expended 
under  the  direction  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  in  defraying  mili- 
tary and  naval  expenses  which  the  existing  emergency  might  ren- 
der requisite  and  proper.  On  the  satne  day,  with  absolute  unani- 
mity and  within  the  period  of  twenty-five  minutes,  a  resolve  making 
the  appropriation  asked  for  was  passed  through  its  severa!  stages 
in  both  branches  of  the  Legislature,  was  engrossed  and  received  the 

82 


Willard   Howland. 


Robert    Treat    Paine,    Jr. 


John    W.    Cummings. 


John    F.    FitzLjerald. 


approval  of  the  Executive.  Such  action  not  only  showed  the  quick 
and  enthusiastic  loyalty  to  the  national  government  of  the  chosen 
representatives  of  the  people  of  this  Commonwealth  but  was  also 
an  expression  of  confidence  in  the  Executive  which  was  deeply 
gratifying    to    him." 

Speaking  of  the  splendid  work  that  the  Massachusetts 
Volunteer  Aid  Association  did  in  the  war  in  the  care  of  the 
sick  and  wounded  soldiers  from  Massachusetts,  Gov  Wolcott 
referred  to  the  death  of  ex-Congressman  Sherman  Hoar,  who 
contracted  fever  at  Montauk  Point  while  v/orking  among  the 
soldier  boys  in  the  army  hospital.  Mr.  Hoar  died  at  his  home 
in  Concord  Oct.  7,  1898. 

"In  this  work  many  gave  freely  of  their  time  and  thought,  but 
I  cannot  forbear  mention  of  one,  distinguished  by  inheritance  and 
by  his  own  achievements,  who  with  generous  devotion  and  in- 
defatigable energy  gave  himself  to  the  high  service  of  relieving  the 
suffering  and  supplying  the  needs  of  our  sick  soldiers;  and  in  this 
service,  in  the  vigor  of  early  manhood,  freely  laid  down  a  life  pre- 
cious to  his  friends  and  to  the  State,  and  bright  with  promise  of 
future  distinction.  May  the  Commonwealth  never  lack  such  citizens 
as  Sherman   Hoar,"  said  he. 

The  financial  situation  relating  to  the  Metropolitan  dis- 
trict was  gone  into  quite  extensively  by  the  Governor,  who 
reviewed  the  subject.  Speaking  of  the  Metropolitan  parks, 
on  which  $8,000,000  had  been  spent,  he  had  this  to  say : 

"In  my  opinion,  the  magnitude  of  the  amount  already  expended, 
as  well  as  of  the  amount  which  will  be  necessary  for  the  future 
gradual  development  of  the  extensive  territorj^  thus  reserved,  and  for 
the  costly  maintenance  of  the  parkways  already  authorized,  forc- 
ibly suggests  the  need  of  extreme  caution  in  addmg  materially 
to  the  initial  expenditure  of  the  district  under  this  head.' 

He  also  told  of  the  work  under  the  direction  of  the  Metro- 
politan Water  Board  with  its  appropriation  of  $27,000,000,  but 
felt  that  it  was  money  well  invested  for,  he  observed : 

"When  the  great  work  is  completed,  the  priceless  possession 
of  a  supply  of  water  excellent  in  quality,  ample  for  the  needs  of 
the  district  for  many  years  to  come,  and  at  a  cost  far  less  than 
would  have  been  necessary  without  such  concert  of  action,  and 
which  in  proportion  to  the  population  will  decrease  from  year  to 
year." 

He  commented  favorably  on  the  work  being  done  in 
Boston  by  the  Transit  Commission  for  rapid  transit.  The 
suggestion  in  his  inaugural  the  year  before  in  favor  of  final 

83 


State  control  of  all  offenders  against  the  laws  of  the  Com- 
monwealth was  renewed  with  even  more  vigor. 

Under  the  head  of  Municipal  Legislation  Gov  V/olcott 
protested  against  the  mass  of  legislation  passed  every  year 
aft'ecting  the  city  of  J3oston  and  declared  that  there  was  dan- 
ger in  carrying  this  too  far, 

"Too  frequent  change  in  the  system  under  which  a  municipal 
goverment  is  conducted,'  said  he,  "tends  to  confuse  the  minds  of 
the  voters,  and  to  weaken  their  self-reliance  and  determination  to 
attain  the  best  possible  results  under  an  existing  system,  while 
holding  out  to  them  the  hope,  not  always  realized,  of  improvement 
through  legislative  enactment,  rather  than  through  their  own  con- 
tinued and  earnest  efforts." 

He  believed  that  assessment  insurance  was  radically 
v/rong  and  he  asked  the  Legislature  to  pass  a  law  prohibiting  it. 
He  favored  higher  salaries  for  the  judges  of  the  Superior  and 
Supreme  courts  and  suggested  an  inquiry  into  the  subject. 

The  Great  and  General  Court  of  1899  remained  in  session 
from  Jan.  4  to  June  3  with  the  presiding  officers  of  the  year 
before  in  the  chair. 

One  of  the  first  and  most  important  political  happenings 
of  the  year  was  the  reelection  of  U.  S.  Senator  Lodge.  Alex- 
ander B.  Bruce,  who  had  been  the  Democratic  candidate  lor 
Governor  in  November,  received  the  Democratic  votes.  Gov 
Wolcott  signed  479  bills  and  103  resolves  and  vetoed  three 
measures.  One  of  the  bills  which  the  Governor  vetoed  ex- 
empted certain  unions  from  the  operations  of  the  laws 
relative  to  fraternal  beneficiary  organizations,  but  the  bill  was 
■passed  over  the  Governor's  objections,  showing  the  power  of 
labor  organizations  in  the  Legislature. 

Gov  Wolcott's  second  veto  was  the  bill  giving  Spanish 
war  veterans  a  preference  in  the  civil  service.  That  veto  stood, 
but  the  third  veto  was  not  sustained.  It  related  to  the  re- 
storation of  the  provisions  for  days  of  grace  on  sight  drafts 
and  bills  of  exchange  abolished  by  the  previous  body. 

There  were  further  amendments  to  the  election  laws.  Im- 
portant laws  affecting  education  were  passed,  among  them  the 
establishment  of  40  scholarships  at  the  Worcester  Polytechnic 
School,  the  authorization  of  vacation  schools  and  the  establish- 
ment of  additional  textile  schools.  A  retirement  law  was 
passed  for  justices  of  the  Supreme  and  vSuperior  court  on  three- 

84 


quarters  pay.  Woman  suffrage  was  turned  down  again,  as  was 
the  effort  to  allow  them  to  vote  on  liquor  licenses. 

In  the  Fall  the  Democrats  nominated  Robert  Treat 
Paine  Jr.  for  Governor.  Mr.  Paine  was  one  of  the  few  men 
of  wealth  and  high  social  standing  in  the  State  who  supported 
Bryan  and  Free  Silver  in  1896.  The  platform  was  largely 
a  reiteration  of  the  previous  one.  The  war  in  the  Philippines 
was  characterized  as  "criminal  aggression."  It  demanded 
that  the  life  tenure  of  judges  be  repealed. 

Gov  Wolcott  having  served  the  customary  length  of  time 
announced  his  decision  to  retire  from  politics  at  the  close  of 
his  term  and  Lieut  Gov  Crane  was  moved  up,  as  was  Speaker 
Bates,  who  was  made  Crane's  running  mate  on  the  State 
ticket.  Their  platform  congratulated  the  people  on  the  ret-arn 
of  prosperity  under  Republican  rule,  declared  its  opposition  to 
trusts  and  illegal  combinations  of  capital.  Lynching  was 
condemned  and  Gov  Wclcott's  administration  was  eulogized. 

The  Socialist-Labor  party  nominated  for  Governor  Win- 
field  P.  Porter.  The  Prohibitionists  named  John  W.  Baer. 
Again  the  People's  party  joined  in  supporting  the  Democratic 
nominee.  It  was  another  landslide  for  the  Republicans.  Mr. 
Crane  received  168,902  votes,  Mr.  Paine  100,802,  Porter  10,778 
and  Baer  7402. 

The  Legislature  stood:  Senate:  Republicans  31,  Demo- 
crats 9;  House,  Republicans  166,  Democrats  68;  Indenend- 
ents  4,  Socialist-Labor  2. 


85 


CHAPTER  X. 

GOV    CRANE'S     ESSENTIALLY    A     BUSINESS     MAN'S     ADMINISTRA 
TION— LITTLE   OR  NO   POLITICS   IN    IT. 

WHEN  Winthrop  Murray  Crane  of  Dalton  took  the 
oath  of  office  as  Governor  on  January  4.  1900,  and 
read  his  inaugural  message  before  the  members  of  the 
Legislature  and  those  assembled  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  he  was  37  years  old.  It  was  his  first  public 
address. 

Mr.  Crane  was  a  unique  figure  in  Massachusetts  politics. 
In  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word  he  was  not  a  politician — 
at  least  not  the  kind  of  a  politician  the  public  was  accustomed 
to.  He  lacked  what  most  people  regard  as  necessary  in  a 
successful  man  in  politics.  He  was  not  a  public  speaker.  He 
had  not  a  commanding  presence  like  his  predecessor,  Roger 
AVolcott.  nor  was  he  given  to  the  gladhand  habit  so  common 
among  public  men,  but  he  possessed  many  attractive  personal 
qualities  which  endeared  him  to  his  neighbors  and  friends. 
He  was  born  and  grew  up  in  the  little  Berkshire  hill  town  of 
Dalton,  which  nestles  in  one  of  the  most  picturesque  spots 
in  that  charming  and  romantic  section  of  the  State. 

His  schooling  was  gained  in  his  native  town  and  at  Wil- 
liston  Seminary,  Northampton.  He  might  have  gone  to  college 
and  brought  home  a  degree,  hut  he  preferred  to  engage  In 
business  with  his  father  in  the  manufacture  of  high  grade 
paper.  For  generations  the  Cranes  of  Dalton  had  made  the 
paper  for  United  States  treasury  and  bank  notes  and  other 
purposes  of  the  government  at  Washington.  This  is  still 
one  of  the  important  departments  of  the  Crane  business. 

The  Cranes  have  been  from  earliest  times  men  of  influ- 
ence and  standing  in  Western  Massachusetts.  They  took  a 
pride  and  an  interest  in  the  affairs  of  their  town,  county  and 
State,  proving  it  by  serving  in  various  public  capacities. 

Winthrop  Murray  Crane  early  displayed  an  interest  in 

86 


public  affairs  and  by  1892  he  had  become  important  enough  in 
the  eyes  of  Republican  party  leaders  to  be  sent  as  one  of  the 
four  delegates-at-large  to  the  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion. Tn  1896  he  was  again  chosen  as  a  delegate.  In  that 
same  year  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  Republican  nomination 
for  Lieutenant  Governor,  defeating  Col  Samuel  E.  VVinslow, 
of  Worcester,  in  a  hard  fought  contest. 

By  this  time  Mr.  Crane  had  established  himself  firmly 
as  an  important  factor  in  the  affairs  of  his  party  and  the 
State.  In  the  quiet,  unobtrusive  little  man  who  had  been 
elected  Governor  a  new  figure  in  the  political  life  of  the  State 
had  arrived.  From  that  time  down  to  the  present  he  has 
retained  his  hold  on  his  party  and  the  public  as  a  safe  and  sane 
man  to  follow  in  political  affairs. 

Possessed  of  ample  wealth,  a  man  of  large  business  con- 
nections, clean  and  broad  minded,  charitable  and  generous  to 
an  extent  unknown  even  among  his  intimate  friends,  Murray 
Crane,  as  he  is  familiarly  called  by  almost  everybody  in  the 
State,  was  singularly  fitted  for  the  office  of  Governor  of 
Massachusetts.  The  affectionate  regard  in  which  he  has  al- 
ways been  held  by  those  associated  with  him  is  the  best 
evidence  of  his  character  and  standing  as  a  man.  More  than 
one  Governor  of  Massachusetts  has  seen  his  own  popularity 
wane  as  his  administration  neared  its  end  and  has  left  the 
State  House  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office,  missing 
the  plaudits  of  the  public.  Not  so  with  Mr.  Crane.  When 
he  transferred  the  reins  of  government  to  his  successor,  John 
L.  Bates  in  1902,  Mr.  Crane's  popularity  was  as  great  as  the 
day  he  entered  upon  his  duties  as  Chief  Executive. 

He  was  the  first  business  man  the  State  had  had  for  Gov- 
ernor since  Oliver  Ames  surrendered  the  office  to  John  Q.  A. 
Brackett.  Mr.  Crane  came  in  with  the  Republican  tidal  wave 
of  1896  as  Lieutenant  Governor.  He  did  not  attempt  to  play 
politics  as  Governor  or  Lieutenant  Governor.  He  dealt  with 
all  alike — Democrats  and  Republicans — on  questions  affecting 
the  vState.  When  the  Legislature  was  headed  wrong  he 
quietly  called  some  of  the  leaders  in  and  argued  with  them. 
He  is  a  great  believer  in  the  old  adage :  "A  soft  answer 
turneth  away  wrath."  He  got  along  splendidly  with  the 
Legislature  and  the  State  off'icials  and  was  elected  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  then  Governor  without  making  a  political 
speech.     Mr.  Crane  was  a  large  shareholder  in  the  Boston  & 

87 


Albany  Railroad.  He  favored  the  lease  of  that  road  to  the 
New  York  Central  and  was  active  among  the  stockholders 
in  brinj^ing-  about  the  lease. 

Mr.  Crane's  three  inaugural  addresses  were  more  of  the 
nature  of  business  documents  than  political  harrangues  or 
reviews.  They  were  comparatively  short  as  inaugurals  go. 
The  affairs  of  the  Commonwealth  were  discussed  frankly  and 
the  law  making  power  was  admonished  to  go  slow  about 
piling  up  more  public  debt.  As  a  practical  and  successful 
business  man  the  financial  condition  of  the  State  naturally 
attracted  his  attention  and  somewhat  alarmed  him.  He  spread 
the  figures  of  the  State  debt,  some  $45,000,000,  before  the 
members  of  the  Great  and  General  Court  and  the  public,  and 
declared : 

"The  lesson  which  the  figures  of  this  debt  statement  teach  is, 
that  Massachusetts  has  reached  a  limit  of  indebtedness  beyond 
.which  she  should  not  go.  It  is  time  to  call  a  halt.  In  looking  over 
these  items  it  will  be  found  in  almost  every  instance  that  the  object 
is  a  worthy  one,  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  Commonwealth  has  re- 
ceived full  value  for  the  moneys  expended.  The  question  for  us  to 
consider,  however,  is,  not  the  propriety  of  past  expenditures,  but 
to  take  heed  of  the  conditions  which  now  confront  us. 

"The  Commonwealth  needs  a  breathing  spell  for  financial  re- 
cuperation. This  is  doubly  true  of  the  Metropolitan  district.  The 
cities  and  towns  in  that  district  are  just  beginning  to  feel  the  bur- 
dens in  the  way  of  taxation  which  the  great  enterprises  under- 
taken for  their  benefit  have  thrown  upon  them.  It  was  necessary 
that  there  should  have  been  an  increased  water  supplj^  improved 
drainage  and  sanitation,  and  it  was  a  wise  foresight  that  projected 
the  great  parks  that  now  adorn  the  metropolitan  district;  but  the 
time  has  come  when  no  ne\y  work  in  these  directions  should  be 
authorized.  I  recommend  that  a  stop  be  made  at  once  to  the 
authorization  of  iexpenditures  for  new  work  in  this  district.  I 
cannot  too  strongly  urge  this  matter  upon  your  attention.  Rigid 
economy    must    be    exercised    in    appropriations    and    expenditures." 

On  the  question  of  the  multiplicity  of  State  commissions 
he  said : 

"I  believe  in  the  main  that  the  duties  committed  to  these  com- 
missions have  been  faithfully,  wisely  and  efficiently  discharged. 
Inquiry  and  reflection,  however,  have  confirmed  an  opinion  for  some 
time  held  by  me  that  the  best  interests  of  the  public  service  will 
be  advanced  by  a  revision  of  some  of  the  commissions,  and  I 
recommend  this  important  subject  to  your  careful  consideration." 

He  discussed  the  needs  of  the  State  institutions,  con- 
gratulated the  State  on  the  passage  of  the  law  the  year  before 
requiring  life  insurance  contracts  to  be  protected  by  an  ade- 

88 


quate  reserve,  asked  the  Legislature  to  memorialize  Congress 
to  widen  and  deepen  the  harbor  channel,  recommended  that 
the  cost  of  maintaining  the  State  highways  be  assessed  on 
the  counties,  cities  and  towns,  declared  that  there  must  be  no 
letting  down  the  restrictive  bars  on  liquor  selling,  and  con- 
demned the  tendency  of  the  Legislature  to  interfere  too  much 
in  the  local  afiEairs  of  cities  and  towns. 

The  Legislature  was  strongly  Republican.  James  J. 
Meyers  v/as  chosen  Speaker  of  the  House  and  George  E. 
Smith  once  more  presided  over  the  Senate. 

There  was  a  lively  contest  for  Speaker  on  the  Republican 
side  of  the  House,  James  J.  Meyers  of  Cambridge  defeating 
Frank  P.  Bennett  of  Saugus  and  Charles  R.  Sanders  of  Boston 
for  the  caucus  nomination,  the  vote  being:  Meyers,  84;  Ben- 
nett. 55 :  Sanders,  24. 

A  movement  was  started  to  repeal  the  old  law  by  which 
Roger  Williams  was  banished  from  Massachusetts  because 
of  his  religious  views,  but  the  Legislature  refused  to  do  it 
on  the  ground  that  even  if  they  did  repeal  the  statute  Mr. 
Williams  would  not  return,  Mr.  Williams  having  died  a  great 
many  years  before  any  of  the  members  of  the  Great  and  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts  of  1900  were  born. 

The  repeal  of  the  poll  tax  law  was  refused.  Saloons  were 
ordered  closed  election  day.  Cities  and  towns  were  authorized 
to  grant  pensions  to  teachers  and  firemen.  The  House  went 
en  record  for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the 
people. 

A  resolution  was  adopted  in  favor  of  the  Boers  of  South 
Africa  and  hoping  for  freedom  of  the  Transvaal  in  its  fight  for 
independence  against  English  aggression.  The  leases  of  the 
Fitchbnrg  Railroad  to  the  Boston  &  Maine  and  the  Boston  & 
Albany  to  the  New  York  Central  were  authorized  after 
assurances  had  been  received  from  the  lessors  that  the  service 
would  be  improved  and  everything  would  be  done  that  could 
be  done  to  encourage  the  export  business  from  the  port  of 
Boston. 

The  Legislative  session  lasted  196  days  during  which 
Gov  Crane  signed  479  acts  and  108  resolves.  He  vetoed  nine 
acts  all  of  which  were  upheld  by  the  Legislature. 


89 


CHAPTER  XI. 

NATIONAL.    AND    STATE    CAMPAIGN    OP    1900— REPUBLICANS    RE- 
ELECT Mckinley— DE  MOCRATS  for  bryan. 

LED  by  George  Fred  Williams  as  head  of  the  delega- 
tion, the  Massachusetts  Democrats  journeyed  to  Kansas 
City  in  1900  to  help  renominate  William  J.  Bryan  for 
IVesident.  The  other  Delegates-At-Large  were  Albion  C. 
Drinkwater.  William  S.  McNary  and  Christopher  T.  Calla- 
han. Mr.  Williams  was  the  acknowledged  mouthpiece  of  the 
Bay  State  delegation.  Many  leading  Democrats  of  the  State 
still  held  aloof  from  their  party.  They  refused  to  contest  with 
Mr.  Williams  for  the  control  of  the  delegation  and  made  up 
their  minds  to  vote  for  McKinley,  the  Republican  candidate, 
if  the  Democrats  insisted  on  Bryan  and  free  silver.  As  a 
result  of  this  decision  by  the  Gold  Democrats  not  to  contest 
with  the  Silver  men  for  the  control  of  the  delegation  Mr. 
Bryan's  followers  in  the  State  had  things  their  own  way. 

A  few  of  them  had  a  kindly  feeling  for  David  B.  Hill  of 
New  York,  but  Mr.  Hill  was  not  a  very  important  factor  at 
Kansas  iCity.  Nor  was  he  popular  with  the  Cleveland  wing  of 
the  party,  so  that  he  foiuid  himself  with  little  influence  In 
cither  camp.  Mr.  Hill  went  to  the  National  convention,  but 
for  all  the  good  he  accomplished  in  behalf  of  his  sound  money 
ideas  he  might  just  as  well  remained  at  *'Woolfert's  Roost," 
his  home  in  New  York  State. 

Indeed  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  George  Fred 
Williams  was  a  bigger  man  at  this  convention  than  the  ex- 
Governor  and  ex-Senator  of  New  York,  in  shaping  the  plat- 
form and  naming  the  ticket.  Mr.  Hill  worked  hard  to  prevent 
a  16  to  1  Silver  plank,  but  he  was  out-voted.  He  bowed  to 
the  will  of  the  majority  and  supported  the  ticket.  Four  years 
before  as  one  of  the  leaders  for  sound  money  he  retired  to  his 
home  after  his  defeat  and  remained  silent  in  the  campaign. 
He  was  one  of  the  members  of  the  committee  on  resolutions 
at  the  Kansas  City  convention  and  aroused  a  lot  of  enthusiasm 

90 


President   McKinle}'. 


by  announcing-  in  a  brief  speech  his  intention  to  support  trie 
ticket,  although  he  did  not  helieve  in  the  money  plank  in  the 
platform. 

George  Fred  Williams  was  the  Massachusetts  member 
of  the  platform  committee  and  stood  out  uncompromisingly 
for  a  16  to  1  plank.  While  the  committee  on  resolutions  was 
in  session  David  B.  Hill  received  the  following  telegram: 

"Boston — ^July  4 — Hon.  D.  B.  Hill:  Democratic  members  Massa- 
chusetts Legislature  repudiate  Williams  advocacy  of  16  to  i.  They 
are  with  you  to  finish.      (Signed)   James   F.   Mullen." 

The  message  was  wired  to  their  papers  by  the  corre- 
spondents covering  the  convention  and  made  quite  a  little  stir 
in  Boston  and  Kansas  City,  but  it  had  no  influence  on  the 
attitude  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  who  followed  Wil- 
li.ims  and  Bryan  in  every  move  they  made  at  the  convention. 
Mr.  Mullen  was  a  Boston  business  man  but  there  was  no 
evidence  that  he  had  consulted  the  Democratic  members  of 
the  Legislature  on  the  subject. 

At  the  session  of  the  platform  committee,  George  Fred 
AVilliams  made  a  spirited  argument  for  a  specific  declaration 
on  the  question  of  ratio.  He  asserted  that  the  Democratic 
party  had  become  a  new  party  since  it  had  incorporated  the 
financial  question  in  its  declaration  of  principles.  It  had  be- 
come a  virile  and  live  party  since  1896  and  this  fact  was  due 
solely  to  the  circumstance  that  the  monev  question,  which 
was  the  question  of  the  people,  had  been  made  the  paramount 
issue.  He  eulogized  Mr.  Bryan,  spoke  of  his  self-abnegation 
and  patriotism,  and  said  that  it  would  be  cowardly  to  ask  that 
gentleman  to  recant  what  he  had  been  preaching  throughout 
the  country  for  the  past  four  years. 

Mr.  Bryan,  said  Mr.  Williams,  had  gone  up  and  down 
the  nation  preaching  bimetallism  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  and 
no  Democrat  had  presumed  for  a  moment  to  question  his 
authority  for  such  declaration  or  to  pretend  that  he  was  in 
any  wise  misrepresenting  the  sentiment  of  his  party.  It  was, 
in  his  opinion,  too  late  now  to  condemn  Mr.  Bryan's  course 
and  a  failure  to  make  positive  pronouncement  on  this  question 
would  amount  to  this. 

While  not  pretending  to  say  what  Mr.  Bryan  would  do, 
Mr.  Williams  asserted  emphatically  and  significantly  that  if 
placed  in  Mr.  Bryan's  position  he  would  decline  a  nomination 

91 


upon  an  equivocal  platform.  As  for  himself  he  did  not  believe 
in  deserting  those  people  who  had  left  their  own  parties  to 
support  the  Democratic  policy  of  four  years  ago  for  the  pur- 
pose of  regaining  the  support  of  the  traitors  and  trimmers 
who  had  left  the  Democratic  party  (because  of  its  financial 
position. 

"There  is  no  reason,"  he  exclaimed,  "for  making  any  con- 
cession to  treason."  Continuing,  he  asked:  "Are  we  going 
to  drive  the  Populists  into  the  middle  of  the  road  in  order  to 
get  back  those  traitors?  Are  we  going  to  sell  our  principles 
to  the  Tories  of  the  Democratic  party  and  desert  our  real 
friends?"  He  predicted  that  if  this  course  was  to  be  pursued 
the  trusts  would  take  complete  control  of  the  Democratic 
party  as  they  had  already  taken  possession  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  in  that  event  there  would  no  longer  be  any  ark  or 
refuge  for  the  plain  people. 

By  a  close  vote  after  12  hours  of  wrangling  the  committee 
incorporated  the  16  to  1  plank  in  the  platform.  Those  who 
attended  the  session  of  the  committee  say  that  it  was  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  political  gatherings  in  American  his- 
toiy.  As  finally  adopted  the  innocent-looking  but  far-reaching 
and  important  plank  read  as  follows : 

"We  reiterate  the  demand  of  the  platform  of  1896  for  an  Ameri- 
can financial  system  made  by  the  Americans  for  themselves  which 
shall  restore  and  maintain  a  bimetallic  price  level,  and,  as  part  of 
such  system,  the  immediate  restoration  of  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  i,  without 
waiting  for   the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation." 

On  that  issue  four  years  before  Mr.  Bryan  had  received 
the  votes  of  more  than  6,000.000  of  his  countrymen  and  he 
was  loath  to  abandon  any  such  capital  campaign  issue.  His 
orders  to  his  lieutenants  on  the  battle  ground  were  to  insist 
on  a  16  to  1  plank. 

A  majority  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates  followed  Mr. 
Williams  in  supporting  Towne  for  Vice-Presidential  candi- 
date. Towne  had  been  a  prominent  Minnesota  Free  Silver 
Republican  and  his  nomination,  it  was  felt,  would  keep  this 
element  in  line  for  Bryan. 

Senator  Lodge  headed  the  Massachusetts  delegation  this 
year  to  the  Republican  National  Convention,  which  was  held 
at  Philadelphia.  His  associates  were  Samuel  W.  McCall,  a 
member  of  Congress;  William  B.  Plunkett  of  Adams,  a  per- 

92 


sonal  Mend  of  President  McKinley,  and  Walter  Clifford  of 
New  Bedford,  son-in-law  of  William  W.  Crapo,  Senator 
Lodge  was  made  permanent  chairman  of  the  convention.  He 
set  forth  in  his  virile  style  the  accomplishments  of  the  party, 
the  achievements  of  the  McKinley  administration  and  the 
issues  of  the  campaign.  Senator  Lodge's  speech  was  a  bold 
defiance  of  the  Democrats  to  battle.  There  was  no  equivoca- 
tion, no  ambiguity  in  the  speech  of  the  permanent  chairman 
on  the  platform. 

It  was  at  this  convention  that  Col  Roosevelt  was  nomi- 
nated for  Vice-President.  It  was  only  after  much  urging  and 
persuasion  that  he  consented  to  accept  the  nomination.  The 
Colonel  was  Governor  of  New  York  at  the  time  and  head  of 
the  New  York  delegation  to  the  convention.  He  felt  that 
some  of  the  New  York  political  bosses  were  trying  to  shelve 
him  politically  when  they  suggested  him  for  Vice-President. 
He  was  interfering  too  much  with  their  carefully  laid  political 
plans  and  was  too  independent  for  them. 

For  hours  they  labored  with  the  Colonel  to  accept  and  he 
finally  consented  and  received  the  nomination.  He  toured 
the  doubtful  States  in  the  campaign  and  the  Republicans 
were  again  triumphant.  If  the  political  bosses  really  meant 
to  shelve  him,  making  him  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate, 
it  was  another  case  of  "The  best  laid  plans  of  mice  and  men 
aft  gang  aglee," 

It  is  quite  true  that  the  office  of  Vice-President  is  not  one 
which  an  active  man  like  Col  Roosevelt  would  care  for.  The 
Senate  is  a  prosaic  body  and  it  is  the  last  place  in  the  world 
which  a  friend  would  select  for  a  Rough  Rider. 

McKinley 's  second  administration  was  but  six  months 
old  when  the  President  was  stricken  down  by  the  bullet  of 
Czolgosz,  a  demented  man,  while  he  was  holding  a  public 
reception  at  the  Buffalo  exposition  and  Vice-President  Roose- 
velt succeeded  to  the  presidency.  Thus  the  man  whom  the 
New  York  .bosses  thought  they  had  politically  shelved  was 
elevated  to  the  chief  magistracy. 

Massachusetts  was  glad  to  vote  for  Roosevelt  for  Vice- 
President  at  the  Philadelphia  convention.  He  was  Senator 
Lodge's  old  and  intimate  friend.  The  two  agreed  on  many 
things  political  and  had  to  some  extent  been  partners  in  litera- 
ture. The  Massachusetts  delegation  was  unanimous  for 
Roosevelt's  nomination  for  second  place.    Michael  J.  Murray, 

93 


now  a  judge  of  the  Municipal  Court,  was  chosen  to  second 
Roosevelt's  nomination.  Mr.  Murray  had  long  been  recog- 
nized as  one  of  the  best  speakers  in  the  Republican  party  of 
this  State.  He  began  stumping  for  the  party  before  he  was  21 
in  the  famous  Blaine-Cleveland  presidential  contest.  Mr. 
Murray  discharged  the  duty  with  credit  to  himself  and  the 
delegation.  As  chairman  of  the  committee  to  notify  the 
President  of  his  second  nomination  at  the  hands  of  his  party, 
.Senator  Lodge  performed  that  duty  July  12  at  McKinley's 
modest  home  in  the  little  city  of  Canton,  Ohio. 

The  Republicans  carried  the  State  for  McKinley  and 
Roosevelt  by  over  80,000  plurality,  the  vote  being  McKinley 
238,886;  Bryan,  156,997.  They  also  elected  10  of  the  13  Con- 
gressmen and  the  Legislature  chosen  was  Republican.  The 
vote  for  Bryan,  however,  showed  that  the  Democracy  of 
Massachufietts  was  getting  back  its  normal  strength,  but  the 
vote  for  Governor  was  a  disappointment  to  tlie  Bryan  men. 
The  Democrats  named  as  their  candidate  young  Robert  Treat 
Paine.  Mr.  Williams  considered  him  loyal  enough  to  transfer 
to  his  hands  the  Bryan  banner.  The  Bryan  men  worked  hard 
foi  him  but  his  vote  was  26,000  less  than  that  cast  for  Mr. 
Bryan.  The  Republican  nominee  for  Governor,  W.  Murray 
Crane  of  Dalton,  carried  the  State  by  almost  lOO.OCX)  and  this 
without  mnking  a  speech.  Indeed  Mr.  Crane  has  never  been 
noted  for  speech-making. 

The  Democratic  nominee  for  Lieutenant  Governor  was 
John  B.  O'Donnell  of  Northampton,  a  prominent  lawyer  in 
the  Western  part  of  the  State  and  an  enthusiastic  Bryan  man. 
His  Republican  opponent,  John  L.  Bates,  carried  the  State 
by  104,000  plurality  over  him.  Boston  returned  to  the  Demo- 
cratic column  this  year  and  begrudgingiy  gave  Mr.  Bryan  a 
scant  10,000  plurality.  Democratic  Congressmen  were  elected 
in  the  third,  ninth  and  tenth  districts. 


94 


CHAPTER  XII. 

GOV   CRANE'S    SECOND   AND   THIRD   TERMS — DECLINES   OFFER    OF 

PRESIDENT    ROOSEVELT    TO    MAKE    HIM    MEMBER    OP    HIS 

CABINET — SETTLES   GREAT    STRIKE   OF. TEAMSTERS 

—SUCCEEDED      BY      JOHN      L.       BATES — COL 

GASTON     DEMOCRATIC     CANDIDATE. 

BEFORE  he  discussed  the  affairs  of  State  administration 
in  his  inaugural  address  of  1901,  Gov.  Crane  paused  long 
enough   to   pay   the   following  tribute   to   the   late   Gov. 
Wolcott  whom  he  succeeded  as  chief  executive  of  the  State: 

"Almost  on  the  eve  of  your  assembling,  my  predecessor  in  office, 
who  so  recently  stood  in  this  place  to  speak  words  of  suggestion 
and  counsel  to  the  General  Court,  passed  away,  mourned  sincerely 
by  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth.  Roger  WolcoU  had  given  the 
ripest  years  of  his  life  to  the  service  of  the  State,  discharging  every 
public  duty  with  distinguished  ability  and  splendid  integrity.  He 
leaves  the  best  legacy  a  man  can  transmit  to  posterity, — the  memory 
of  a  useful,  successful   and  well   spent   life." 

He  renewed  his  recommendation  of  the  year  before 
against  further  and  unnecessary  expenditures  in  the  metro- 
politan district,  saying:  ' 

"The  salaries  paid  by  the  Commonwealth  are,  in  the  main,  ade- 
quate, and  increases  should  not  be  authorized  except  in  manifestly 
deserving  cases.  You  cannot  be  too  vigilant  in  guarding  the  public 
treasury.  The  tendency  of  the  times  is  to  pile  up  debt  without 
taking  sufficient  thought  as  to  the  means  of  payment.  Simplicity 
of  method  and  economy  in  administration  should  be  the  watchword 
of  every  department  of  the  public  service," 

The  work  in  progress  by  all  of  the  State  commissions 
was  reviewed  and  concisely  set  before  the  Legislature  to- 
gether with  helpful  suggestions  for  improvements  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  various  departments.  He  advocated  the  con- 
solidation of  the  Metropolitan  Water  and  Metropolitan  Sew- 
erage board  on  the  grounds  of  efficiency  and  economy.  The 
Governor  entered  an  emphatic  objection  to  further  appropria- 
tions for  the  topographical  survey  and  map  of  the  Comm')n- 
wealth,  begun  in  1884  on  an  appropriation  not  tc  exceed 
$40,000  but  which  had  exceeded  $250,000.     He  urged  the  ap- 

95 


pointment  of  commissioners  to  revise  the  public  statutes. 
The  last  revision  was  in   1880. 

"Except  for  demands  of  the  most  exigent  public  necessity,  the 
laws  restricting  expenditures  for  municipal  purposes  should  not  be 
suspended    by    the    legislature," 

said  the  Governor,  touching  on  municipal  legislation.  He 
pointed  with  pride  to  the  substantial  increase  in  population 
of  the  State  as  shown  by  the  12th  Federal  census  and  the 
healthy  industrial  growth  of  the  Commonwealth. 

"The  product  of  the  industries  of  the  Commonwealth  now  ap- 
proximates $1,000,000,000  annually,  giving  employment  to  5(X»,ooo 
wage  earners,  whose  annual  earnings  are  about  $225,000,000,"  he 
declared. 

"So  far  as  they  may  require  regulation  by  law,  to  your  hands 
for  the  current  year  are  committed  these  great  human  and  material 
interests.  It  is  a  great  trust,  and  one  that  will  need,  to  discharge 
it  well,  intelligent  and  industrious  attention  to  duty.  From  every 
one  of  us  the  Commonwealth  has  a  right  to  expect  honest,  loyal, 
disinterested    service. 

"During  the  last  century  our  fathers  built  up  here  from  small 
beginnings  a  great  Commonwealth,  the  pride  of  our  own  poeple  and 
the  admiration  of  all  others.  Let  us  make  a  start  in  this  opening 
year  of  the  new  century  which  will  be  an  example  and  an  incentive 
to  those  who  shall  come  after  us." 

Gov.  Crane  did  his  part  and  practiced  what  he  preached, 
but  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  members  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. Everybody  who  thinks  he  has  a  panacea  for  any  civil 
ill  runs  to  the  Legislature  with  it  and  if  they  make  noise 
enough  usually  succeed  in  incorporating  it  in  the  blue  book. 
The  Legislative  session  of  1901  lasted  until  June  10.  Rufus 
R.  Sonle  of  New  Bedford  was  President  of  the  Senate  and 
James  J.   Meyers  Speaker  of  the  House. 

Senator  Hoar  whose  term  as  United  States  Senator  was 
expiring  March  3  following  was  re-elected  for  his  fifth  term 
He  was  not  in  favor  of  the  Philippine  policy  of  the  adminis- 
tration but  that  did  not  make  any  difference  in  the  attitude 
of  the  Legislators  of  his  party  towards  him. 

Richard  Olney,  who  had  been  Attorney  General  and 
Secretary  of  State  in  the  second  Cleveland  administration 
was  the  Democratic  candidate  against  .Senator  Hoar.  Senator 
Ploar  on  receiving  the  official  notification  of  his  re-election, 
wrote  the  presiding  officer  of  both  branches  thanking  the 
Legislature  through  them  for  its  confidence  in  him  and  that 

96 


Reporters    Interview  ino    Col.    Roosevelt   at    Bufifalo. 


Secretary     Cortelyou     Giving     Out     l.ullelinri,     at      I'.iiffalo,     llie     Day 
President    McKinlev    Died. 


he  fully  appreciated  the  great  honor  of  representing  the  old 
Commonwealth  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

Early  in  the  session  the  Legislature  set  aside  a  day  for 
eulogies  of  the  late  Gov.  Wolcott.  All  political  parties  joined 
in  paying  him  tribute. 

During  the  Legislative  session  Vice-President  Roosevelt 
visited  the  State  House  and  made  a  brief  address  and  held  a 
reception.  The  motion  to  invite  Col.  Roosevelt  to  address 
the  House  w^as  made  by  Representative  Dean  of  Brookline, 
father  of  "Dud"  Dean,  a  famous  foot  ball  player  at  Harvard 
and  member  of  Col.  Roosevelt's  Rough  Rider  regiment. 

All  the  Greater  Boston  schemes  were  sent  over  to  the 
next  General  Court.  A  new  grade  crossing  law  was  passed 
on  the  lines  suggested  by  Gov.  Crane  in  his  inaugural. 

The  Governor  vetoed  the  Washington  St.  Subway  bill 
and  insisted  on  the  city  building  it  and  leasing  it  to  the  street 
railway  company,  a  policy  which  had  been  pursued  by  the 
municipality  since  it  undertook  to  improve  the  transit  facili- 
ties of  Boston.  The  veto  was  a  popular  one  and  made  many 
friends  for  Gov.  Crane.  After  stating  his  reasons  for  disap- 
proving this  bill,  the  Governor  summed  up  his  objections  as 
follows : 

"I  am  unable  to  give  my  assent  to  a  bill  which  thus  restricts 
the  Tights  of  the  public  on  the  one  hand  while  on  the  other  hand 
it  insures  valuable  exclusive  privileges  to  the  company  in  question 
for  so  long  a  period,  and  that  too  without"  any  public  exigency  re- 
quiring the   passage   of  so   extraordinary   a  measure." 

The  Metropolitan  Water  and  Sewerage  board  was 
created  consisting  of  three  members.  The  office  of  Prison 
Commissioner  was  abolished  and  a  new  Board  of  Prison 
Commissioners  was  appointed  by  authority  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. The  liquor  laws  were  stiffened  up  and  it  was  made  a 
misdemeanor  to  sell  or  give  away  cigarettes  to  those  under 
16.  The  Bucket  Shop  bill  was  passed  this  year,  putting  that 
class  of  ''stockbrokers"  in  the  class  with  the  gamblers  and 
wiped  them  out  of  existence. 

Street  railways  were  authorized  to  carry  U.  S.  mail  and 
newspapers.  A  law  was  passed  making  kidnapping  punish- 
able by  25  years  imprisonment.  The  pure  food  law  was 
strengthened  to  protect  the  public  against  antiseptic  and  pre- 
servative substances. 

When   the    Legislature   was   prorogued   it  was   to   meet 

97 


again  Nov.  13  for  the  purpose  of  considering  such  revision 
of  the  statutes  as  a  special  committee  of  50  should  recom- 
mend. At  this  special  session  the  report  of  the  committee 
on  the  revision  was  accepted  and  7500  copies  were  ordered 
printed. 

Resolutions  on  the  death  of  President  McKinley  were 
adopted  at  the  adjourned  session,  the  President  having  died 
at  Buffalo,  September  14th. 

At  the  November  election  the  Republicans  carried  the 
State  without  much  effort  re-electing  their  ticket  of  the  year 
before.  The  Democrats  nominated  as  their  candidate  for 
Governor  Josiah  Quincy,  who  consented  to  lead  the  forlorn 
hope.  The  vote  for  Governor  was :  Crane,  Republican,  185,- 
809;  Quincy,  Democrat,  114,362;  Lewis,  Prohibitionist,  4780; 
Wrenn,  Democratic-Socialist,  10,671 :  Berry,  Socialist-Labor 
8898.     The  Legislature  was  heavily  Republican. 

Gov.  Crane  was  inaugurated  for  the  third  time  Jan.  2, 
1902.  The  growing  State  debt  and  increasing  expenditures 
of  the  Commonwealth  were  again  called  to  the  attention  ot 
the  public  and  the  Legislature  was  cautioned  to  avoid  extra- 
vagance and  increasing  outlays  of  public  monies.  The  Gov- 
ernor recommended  an  appropriation  of  $5,000,000  to  h€ 
spent  at  the  rate  of  $500,000  a  year  for  the  abolition  of  grade 
crossings.  He  thought  that  the  street  railways  having  lines 
upon  crossings  to  be  abolished  should  bear  some  part  of  the 
expense  of  abolition.  On  the  subject  of  municipal  legislation 
he  felt  justified  in  complimenting  the  law  making  body  on 
the  good  start  it  had  made  in  refusing  to  pass  many  measures 
which  should  be  regulated  by  local  ordinance  rather  than 
statute  law,  saying: 

"I  am  glad  to  bear  witness  that  last  year  there  was  great  im- 
provement in  respect  to  this  class  of  legislation;  and  I  trust  that 
in  your  consideration  of  municipal  measures  this  year  you  will  find 
it  advisable  to  exercise  still  further  restraint." 

He  expressed  the  hope  that  there  would  be  little  amend- 
ing of  the  statutes  inasmuch  as  the  revised  laws  went  into 
effect  Jan.  1,  1902  having  been  gone  over  thoroughly  by  a 
competent  commission  appointed  for  that  purpose  in  1896, 
saying  : 

"It  is  more  important  that  the  law  be  permanently  fixed  and 
easily  accessible  than  that  experiments  in  new  legislation  should  be 
constantly   tried," 

98 


Referring  to  savings  banks  and  national  banks  being 
controlled  in  many  instances  by  the  same  person  he  declared : 

"The  statute  of  1898  which  was  enacted  as  a  remedial  measure, 
did  not  appear  to  aid  in  the  separation  of  these  institutions,  but 
operated  rather  to  encourage  the  continuance  of  such  connection 
where  it  existed,' 

and  he  therefore  recommended  additional  laws  which  would 
effectively  prevent  such  control.  He  would  go  still  further 
in  order  to  protect  the  public  and  provide 

"That  no  person  holding  the  position  of  president  or  cashier 
of  a  national  bank  or  trust  company  shall  be  eligible  for  the  office 
or  perform  the  duties  of  president  or  treasurer  of  a  savings  bank." 

There  were  then  in  the  Commonwealth  186  savings 
banks,  with  aggregate  deposits  of  $560,000,000.  This  great 
amount  of  money  is  an  important  factor  in  the  business  life 
of  the  Commonwealth,  and  the  institutions  holding  the  same, 
Gov.  Crane  maintained,  should  be  protected  by  every  reason- 
able and  proper  safeguard.  The  number  of  depositors  in  the 
savings  banks  Nov.  1,  1901,  was  1,593,640,  so  that  the  Gov- 
ernor was  trying  to  throw  safeguards  around  the  savings  of 
half  the  people  of  the  State  and  encourage  the  others  to  be- 
come  thrifty. 

On  that  old  time  subject  of  State  Commissions  Gov. 
Crane  said  in  his  last  inaugural  that  the  authority  imposed 
upon  these  boards  and  commissions  had  been  in  the  main 
exercised  wisely. 

"The  only  fair  criticism  that  can  be  made  of  the  system,"  Faid 
he,  "is  the  tendency  to  unnecessary  multiplication;  in  other  words, 
to  the  establishment  of  special  commission  to  care  for  interests  of 
a  trivial  character,  which  might  properly  be  delegated  to  boards 
already  in   existence." 

He  recommended  that  certain  commissions  be  abolished 
and  their  powers  and  duties  be  transferred  to  other  existing* 
bo?rds. 

The  Legislature  of  1902  was  heavily  Republican  in  both 
branches.  Both  of  last  year's  presiding  officers  were  reelect- 
ed. This  year  Prince  Henry  of  Prussia,  brother  of  the  Kaiser, 
visited  Boston  and  the  two  Socialist  members  of  the  House 
protested  the  invitation  of  the  Legislature  to  the  distinguish- 
ed visitor  to  meet  the  members  of  the  Great  and  General 
Court  in  joint  convention.  The  Prince  came  and  his  visit  was 

99 


a  most  enjoyable  one.  Recepti6ns,  luncheons  and  dinners 
were  crowded  into  the  few  hours  that  he  remained  in  Boston 
and  when  he  departed  he  left  a  wholesome  impression  among 
the  people  of  the  State. 

During  the  hearings  before  the  Committee  on  Constitu- 
tional amendments  organized  labor  numbering  700  marched 
to  the  State  House  and  asked  that  the  committee  report  a  bill 
which  would  allow  on  petition  of  50,000  legal  voters  consti- 
tutional amendments  be  submitted  to  the  people. 

The  Sunday  laws  were  also  tinkered  again  with  a  view 
of  liberalizing  them.  Once  more  the  Governor  was  authoriz- 
ed to  name  a  tax  commission  to  consider  that  subject.  A 
bill  was  passed  for  the  purpose  of  separating  national  banks 
and  savings  banks  and  officers  of  same  were  prohibited  from 
holding  offices  in  both  classes  of  banks.  The  office  of  State 
Aid  Commissioner  was  created  merging  the  offices  of  Pen- 
sion Agent  and  State  Aid  Agent.  The  duties  of  the  Fire 
Marshal  were  transferred  to  the  district  police.  Vaccination 
was  made  compulsory,  and  the  speed  of  automobiles  was 
regulated. 

It  was  dunng  Governor  Crane's  administration  that  the 
following  enactment  received  his  sanction: 

"The  calender  week  beginning  with  the  last  Sunday  of  July  in 
each  year,  designated  as  old  home  week,  shall  be  set  apart  as  a 
season  during  which  the  cities  and  towns  may  conduct  appropriate 
celebrations  in  honor  of  returning  sons  and  daughters  of  the  Com- 
monwealth." 

Other  bills  which  received  his  approval  were :  An  enact- 
ment »by  which  army  nurses  shall  be  eligible  to  receive  State 
aid ;  a  provision  for  the  relief  and  burial  of  army  nurses ;  a 
bill  whereby  every  person  is  entitled  to  vote  without  loss  of 
employment;  a  bill  making  it  illegal  for  a  person  not  a  mem- 
ber of  a  labor  union  to  wear  any  insignia  of  a  labor  union; 
an  enactment  allowing  the  sale  of  confectionery  and  soda  on 
the  Lord's  Day;  a  provision  for  the  iburial  of  the  indigent 
v/ives  and  widows  of  the  Spanish  war  veterans ;  an  enactment 
that  all  employes  discharged  shall  be  paid  upon  the  next 
regular  pay  day.  He  also  approved  the  bill  for  a  10-hour  day 
and  a  58-hour  week  for  women  and  children  employed  in 
manufacturing  and   mercantile  establishments. 

In  1902  President  Roosevelt  appointed  Chief  Justice 
Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  of  the  Massachusetts  Supreme  Court 

100 


Judge     Holmes. 


Judge    Moody. 


[ 

- 

'1 

K  ■iflp'^^m 

«..  Ji 

^^-     ^.^.^H 

/^w% 

;4 

Judge    Knowlton. 


Judge    Murray. 


to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Judge  Hohnes 
is  a  son  of  the  Poet  Holmes,  a  jurist  of  high  standing  and  in- 
clined to  lean  to  liberal  interpretations  of  the  laws.  Massa- 
chusetts' loss  was  the  Nation's  gain  and  Justice  Holmes  has 
upheld  the  high  reputation  of  Massachusetts  in  the  high- 
est court  of  the  land.  In  place  of  Chief  Justice  Holmes,  Gov. 
Crane  named  Justice  Marcus  P.  Knowlton  of  Springfield. 
Mr.  Knowlton  was  promptly  confirmed  and  served  for  several 
years  until  failing  eyesight  compelled  him  to  take  advantage 
of  the  retirement  act. 

The  Legislature  authorized  the  appointment  of  three  ad- 
ditional judges  of  the  Superior  Court  and  Gov  Crane  named 
Charles  A.  DeCourcey,  Robert  O.  Harris,  Lemuel  L.  Holmes. 
The  bill  for  abolishing  capital  punishment  was  again  defeat- 
ed as  was  the  bill  giving  preference  to  Spanish  War  veterans 
in  the  public  service. 

Quite  a  stir  was  caused  when  Gov.  Crane  refused  for 
some  time  to  surrender  a  negro  criminal  on  the  requisition 
of  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina.  The  man  was  under  in- 
dictment for  arson.  Leading  members  of  the  negro  rate  pro- 
tested against  giving  him  up  on  the  ground  that  if  he  were 
returned  he  would  be  lynched.  Although  the  Governor  of 
North  Carolina  had  promised  him  protection  against  \iolence 
the  fact  that  two  lynchings  had  taken  place  under  his  admin- 
istration they  said  proved  that  the  negro  could  not  get  a 
fair  deal  if  he  were  returned.  There  was  a  long  hearing  on 
the  subject  and  after  some  further  delay  Gov.  Crane  finally 
honored  the  requisition. 

In  September,  1902,  when  President  Roosevelt  was  com- 
pleting his  tour  of  New  England,  he  visited  Gov.  Crane  at 
the  latter's  residence  in  Dalton.  While  returning  from  a 
visit  to  the  venerable  Senator  Dawes,  at  Pittsfield,  and  on 
the  way  to  Stockbridge,  where  he  was  to  again  board  his 
special  train,  the  carriage  containing  the  President,  Gov. 
Crane,  and  Secretary  Cortelyou,  was  struck  by  an  electric 
car,  resulting  in  the  death  of  the  President's  personal  body- 
guard, seriously  injuring  the  driver  of  the  carriage,  and 
throwing  its  occupants  into  the  street.  The  President  and 
Gov  Crane  received  a  severe  shaking  up  but  sustained  no 
bruises.  The  motorman  of  the  car,  Luke  J.  Madden,  was 
arrested  and  at  his  trial  Gov  Crane  ap]")eared  as  one  of  the 

101 


witnesses  for  the  government.  Madden  was  sentenced  to  a 
short  term  in  jail. 

President  Roosevelt  was  anxious  to  get  Mr.  Crane  to 
accept  a  place  in  his  cabinet.  He  was  offered  the  Treasury- 
Department  before  Secretary  ShaAv  was  appointed.  He  also 
was  tendered  the  place  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  succeed 
John  D.  Long.  Both  places  he  declined  for  business  and 
family   reasons. 

Probably  the  most  noteworthy  act  of  Gov.  Crane's 
administration  was  the  settlement  of  the  great  teamsters* 
strike  of  March,  1902,  a  strike  which  threatened  to  tie  up 
every  commercial  interest  in  the  city.  Every  day  of  the 
strike  meant  thousands  of  dollars  lost.  For  days,  he  de- 
voted himself  to  the  task  of  relieving  the  situation.  All  his 
personal  and  official  influence  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
leaders  of  both  sides.  Conferences  at  the  State  House  were 
held  daily.  Both  sides  were  for  a  time  inexorable.  But  Gov. 
Crane's  diplomacy  won  in  the  end.  The  striking  teamsters 
and  the  railroad  men  returned  to  work  and  one  of  the  great- 
est calamities  that  ever  threatened  Boston  was  averted.  As 
a  result  of  the  Governor's  success  in  settling  the  teamsters' 
strike,  he  was  called  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania coal  operators  and  their  striking  operatives.  Previous 
to  this  meeting,  President  Roosevelt  conferred  with  Gov. 
Crane,  and  many  of  the  latter's  suggestions  proved  of  as- 
sistance to  the  President  in  settling  this  great  strike. 

There  were  live  tickets  in  the  field  that  year  for  Govern- 
or. The  Democrats  nominated  Col.  William  A.  Gaston  over 
Charles  S.  Hamlin  after  a  sharp  contest.  Col.  Gaston  was 
the  son  of  Gov.  William  Gaston  who  was  elected  as  a  Demo- 
crat in  1874  on  the  Prohibition  issue.  Gov.  Gaston  favored 
license.  Mr.  Hamlin,  Col  Gaston's  opponent,  was  a  popular 
Democrat  and  had  been  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
in  the  second  Cleveland  administration.  The  Brj'^an-Wil- 
liams  men  were  opposed  to  Gaston.  Col.  Gaston's  friends 
controlled  the  convention  and  adopted  a  platform  which  had 
little  sympathy  with  the  Kansas  City  platform  on  which 
Bryan  had  run  two  years  before.  The  Bryan  men  headed  by 
George  Fred  Williams  brought  in  a  minority  report  on  the 
resolution,  but  it  was  rejected. 

The  Republicans  nominated  John  L.  Bates  and  gave 
Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  his  old  antagonist  for  second  place  three 

102 


years  before,  second  place.  The  Republican  platform  was  an 
unqualified  endorsement  of  the  Republican  national  platform. 
It  commended  the  administration  of  President  Roosevelt,  also 
the  administration  of  the  retiring-  Governor. 

John  C.  Chase  was  the  candidate  of  the  Socialists. 
Michael  T.  Berry  of  the  Socialist-Labor  party,  William  H. 
Partridge,  of  the  Prohibitionists.  The  result  of  the  election 
Nov.  2nd  was  another  sweep  bv  the  Republicans,  althougli 
Col.  Gaston's  vote  was  the  largest  the  Democratic  candidate 
had  received  since  the  party  split  of  1896.  The  vote  wasr 
Bates,  Republican,  196,296;  Gaston,  Democrat,  158.155;  Giase, 
Socialist,  33,629;  Berry  Socialist-Labor,  6079;  Partridge, 
Prohibitionist,  3538.  The  Republicans  chose  10  out  of  the 
14  congressmen  that  year  and  notice  of  contest  was  served 
on  the  Congressman-elect  John  A.  Keliher  in  the  ninth  district 
by  his  opponent,  Congressman  Joseph  A.  Conry,  who  was 
defeated  for  a  renomination  by  Keliher  in  the  primaries  and 
ran  as  an  Independent  at  the  polls.  Keliher  was  not  dis- 
turbed by  the  House,  but  the  contest  stirred  up  a  lot  of  feel- 
ing in  Democratic  political  circles  in  Boston. 

Henry  L.  PTigginson,  George  H.  Lyman,  William  Law- 
rence, Robert  Winsor,  William  H.  Lincoln,  Charles  F.  Choate, 
Nathaniel  Thayer,  Eben  S.  Draper,  Lucius  Tuttle,  Charles 
F.  Adams,  2nd,  Charles  G.  Washburn,  and  Francis  H.  Apple- 
ton,  representing  a  large  number  of  business  men,  asked  Mr. 
Crane  after  he  had  retired  from  the  governorship  to  accept 
a  banquet  from  the  business  men  of  the  state  as  a  slight  ap- 
preciation of  his  services  while  Governor.  Mr.  Crane  de- 
clined, accepting  the  good  will  of  those  interested  but  asked 
them  to  forego  the  public  expression  of  it. 


103 


CHAPTER  XIII 

GOV   BATES'    FIRST   TERM— CURTIS    GUILD    JR   LIEUTENANT    GOV- 
ERNOR—BATES'   RAPID   RISE    IN  POLITICS. 

THERE  was  a  new  deal  in  Republican  State  politics  in  the 
Fall  of  1899,  forced  by  the  anti-machine  men.  When 
Lieut  Gov  Crane  was  moved  up  to  the  head  of  the  State 
ticket,  the  organization  leaders  planned  to  nominate  Curtis 
Guild  Jr  for  second  place  but  a  new  political  factor  had 
sprung  up,  a  young  representative  from  East  Boston.  He  had 
made  a  good  impression  in  the  popular  branch  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. When  Speaker  Meyers  left  the  chair  to  become  ambassa- 
dor to  Italy,  this  young  East  Boston  man  was  elected  to  suc- 
ceed him  as  presiding  officer  of  the  House.  As  Speaker  he 
ruled  the  House  with  dignity  and  firmness. 

The  Speaker  of  an  assembly  like  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives is  in  a  position  to  make  friends  among  the  members. 
In  the  course  of  two  or  three  years  in  that  position,  if  he 
plays  his  political  cards  shrewdly  he  will  be  able  to  count  on 
many  friends  and  supporters  in  every  nook  and  corner  of  the 
State,  If  he  is  a  good  campaigner,  he  may  organize  these 
friends  to  promote  his  political  plans.  In  this  way  the 
Speaker  may  build  up  quite  an  influential  political  machine. 
This  is  precisely  what  this  young  East  Boston  representative, 
John  L.  Bates,  did  when  the  question  of  nominating  a  can- 
didate for  Lieutenant  Governor  came  up  in  the  Fall  of  1899. 
"Who  ever  heard  of  an  East  Boston  man  trying  to  be 
nominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor?  Nonsense,"  observed 
certain  critics  who  lived  in  the  more  exclusive  and  aristo- 
cratic sections  of  Boston.  There  was  a  lot  of  feeling  against 
the  State  machine  about  this  time.  There  is  always  a  feel- 
ing against  a  political  organization  by  the  antis  and  every 
so  often  this  feeling  breaks  into  open  rebellion.  This  feeling 
was  manifesting  itself  when  this  contest  began  for  second 
place  on  the  Republican  State  ticket  in  1899.  Some  of  Mr. 
Bates'  friends  worked  the  Back  Bay  and  Silk  Stocking  argu- 

104 


Governor  Bates. 


ment  against  his  opponent,  Curtis  Guild  Jr.,  but  the  truth 
was  that  Mr.  Guild  cared  no  more  for  ward  11  Republicans 
than  he  did  for  ward  one  Republicans.  He  was  a  gentleman, 
whose  Republicanism  was  of  the  stalwart  variety. 

The  contest  for  Lieutenant  Governor  waxed  warmly  and 
resulted  in  the  nomination  of  Bates.  Gov  Crane  gathered 
his  running  mate  to  his  bosom  and  the  two  got  along  to- 
gether for  three  years  like  turtle  doves.  Mr.  Bates  was  a 
good  organization  man  as  soon  as  he  was  elected  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  when  the  time  came  for  Gov  Grane  to  step 
aside  after  serving  the  customary  three  years,  Mr.  Bates  was 
moved  up  with  the  full  consent  of  the  organization  leaders. 
That  was  in  the  Fall  of  1902.  While  Mr.  Bates  was  moving 
up  into  first  place  on  the  State  ticket,  his  former  antagonist, 
Curtis  Guild  Jr.  was  stepping  into  the  second  place  with  no 
objection  from  Mr.  Bates.  And  so  the  year  1903  on  Beacon 
Hill  began  with  Bates  and  Guild  Governor  and  Lieutenant 
Governor,  respectively. 

Quite  a  rapid  stride  in  a  few  years  from  a  member  of  the 
Boston  Common  Council,  to  Representative,  Speaker,  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  and  Governor — with  no  great  social  or  finan- 
cial backing  to  aid  him.  Think  of  East  Boston  having  a 
Governor!  It  was  unthinkable  by  some  Republicans.  One 
prominent  ward  11  voter — a  very  rich  man  and  large  owner 
of  down  town  property  was  reported  to  have  said  that  he 
would  not  vote  for  Bates  because  the  latter  was  the  man  who 
put  through  the  East  Boston  tunnel  underneath  one  of  his 
buildings  at  great  cost  to  the  rest  of  city!  Gov  Bates  was 
the  son  of  a  Methodist  minister  who  was  beloved  by  East 
Boston  people  regardless  of  their  religious  affiliations.  The 
Governor  was  born  in  North  Easton.  He  came  of  good  old 
Puritan  stock. 

The  new  administration  was  sworn  in  Jan  8,  1903.  It 
was  a  great  day  for  the  Bates  Republicans.  His  close  friends 
were  not  of  the  highbrow  order.  Many  of  them  were  of  the 
practical  sort — men  who  could  deliver  their  wards  or  cities 
or  towns.  They  looked  forward  to  the  dawn  of  a  new  era  of 
their  political  careers.  Gov  Bates  paused  at  the  outset  of 
his  inaugural  address  to  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to 
the  example  of  his  immediate  predecessors  in  office,  Wolcott 
and  Crane,  and  he  added : 

105 


"It  is  pleasing  to  note  at  the  beginning  of  our  term  of  office 
that  the  condition  of  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth  is  in  the 
main  satisfactory.  Our  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  reports  that  labor 
is  fully  employed,  and  that  the  amount  disbursed  in  wages  is  greater 
than  ever  before.  Our  Savings  Bank  Commissioners  report  that  on 
October  31,  last,  our  savings  banks  held  to  the  credit  of  depositors 
$586,937,804.30,  represented  by  1,660,814  accounts  with  an  average 
deposit  t'^  the  credit  of  each  account  of  $35S-4o;  or  an  average  of 
more  than  one  account  for  every  two  persons  in  the  commonwealth 
and  an  amount  in  the  aggregate  equal  to  more  than  $200  apiece  for 
every  man,  woman  and  child  within  our  borders.  Our  Prison  Com- 
missioners report  that  our  prisons  and  reformatory  institutions  are 
not  crowded,  as  they  are  when  the  times  are  adverse,  and  our 
Board  of  Health  reports  the  health  of  the  people  as  unsnally  good. 
It  is  probably  within  reason  to  say  that,  notwithstanding  the  un- 
fortunate incidents  connected  with  the  coal  famine,  there  never  was 
a  people  at  any  time,  or  in  any  place,  who,  as  a  whole,  were  better 
supplied  with  healthful  employment,  or  who  received  better  wages, 
or  to  whom  the  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  were  less  rare,  or 
whose  environment  was  more  encouraging,  or  whose  opportunities 
for  recreation  and  education  were  superior,  or  whose  outlook  was 
more   hopeful,   than   that   of  the   people   of   Massachusetts." 

He  sug-g-ested  that  the  State  boards  and  authorities  in 
charge  of  construction  of  public  works  give  such  work  to 
Massachusetts  men  and  that  citizens  be  employed  thereon. 
He  urged  that  the  Legislature  provide  for  suitable  cere- 
monies for  the  dedication  of  the  equestrian  statue  of  Gen 
Hooker  on  the  State  House  grounds  and  recommended  a 
liberal  appropriation  for  the  State's  representation  at  the  St. 
Louis  Exposition  which  was  to  mark  the  100th  anniversar}' 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase  under  President  Jefferson.  The 
needs  of  additional  legislation  affecting  public  education, 
textile  schools,  the  militia,,  the  control  of  the  foot  and  mouth 
disease  among  cattle,  the  need  of  additional  accommodation 
for  the  insane,  the  more  humane  treatment  of  prisoners  and 
their  employment  on  waste  lands,  harbor  improvements  in 
Boston,  and  the  abolition  of  the  fee  system  were  dwelt  upon 
by  the  Governor. 

Under  the  head  of  labor  he  said: 

"This  is  pre-eminently  an  industrial  Commonwealth,  and  upon 
the  character  and  intelligence  of  those  who  are  employed  in  our 
factories  and  workships,  as  well  as  upon  their  standard  of  living, 
the  welfare  of  the  entire  community  largely  depends.  Our  legisla- 
tion, intended  to  protect  the  workman  in  his  employment,  to  safe- 
guard his  wage  and  to  open  the  widest  social  opportunitiess,  serves 
as  a  model  for  other  commonwealths.  With  due  regard  to  all  the 
interests   involved,   there    should   be   no   lowering   of   this   standard." 

He  advocated  a  party  enrollment  law,  saying: 

106 


■'It  would  seem  to  be  just,  to  provide  by  legislation  for  an 
enrolment  of  the  voters  on  party  lines,  such  enrolment  to  be  made 
by  the  public  authorities,  and  sufficiently  far  in  advance  of  a  caucus 
as  to  be  made  under  normal  conditions,  and  with  such  provisions 
for  a  change  in  party  enrolment  as  may  be  necessary  to  prevent 
errors  and  to  permit  the  voter  to  fully  exercise  his  free  v/ill.  Such 
legislation  will  not  only  tend  to  the  purity  of  the  ballot  at  the 
primaries,  but  will  also  tend  to  fix  party  responsibility,  which  is 
of  the  greatest  importance.  No  party  can  be  held  responsible  for 
the  candidates  of  its  caucuses,  if  the  choice  of  these  candidates 
was  rendered  possible  by  the  vote  of  those  who  were  not  members 
of  the  party,  but  who,  nevertheless,  under  the  prevailing  system. 
were  enabled  to  participate  in  its  caucus  and  dictate  its  choice." 

Gov  Bates  favored  a  limited  referendum  law  on  which 
subject  he  had  this  to  say: 

"Our  fathers  here  established  a  representative  form  of  govern- 
ment. In  most  matters  that  come  before  the  General  Court  its 
members  must  take  the  responsibility  and  decide  for  the  people. 
But  it  is  not  an  attempt  to  shift  the  burden  of  responsibility  for  a 
legislature  elected  to  make  laws  for  a  single  year,  to  refer  to  the 
people  of  a  special  locality  for  their  direct  decision  such  matters  as 
the  granting  of  franchises  where  the  people  of  that  locality  alone 
are  to  be  aflFected,  where  their  interests  only  are  to  be  subserved, 
and  where,  as  the  result  of  such  action,  their  welfare  is  concerned, 
not  for  one,  but  for  many  years.  I  am  in  entire  accord  with  the 
views  of  those  who  believe  that  legislation  in  such  cases  would 
be  referred  for  the  approval  or  rejection  of  the  voters  of  the  com- 
munity most  interested." 

On  the  question  of  home  rule,  the  Governor  observed 
that  he  believed  in  it,  but  when  a  community  failed  to  do  it'-- 
duty  the  Legislature  was  bound  to  step  in  and  see  to  it 
that  the  laws  were  properly  enforced.  He  favored  a  tax 
for  public  franchises  from  corporations  or  individuals  to 
which  such  privileges  were  granted. 

"It  seems  to  me  that  no  franchise  should  hereafter  be  granted 
to  such  corporations  except  upon  conditions,  not  restrictive  or  bur- 
densome yet  such  as  would  insure  just,  direct  compensation  to  the 
public  for  the  privilege  enjoyed,"  he  said. 

Under  the  head  of  corporate  political  influence,  the  Gov- 
ernor took  a  firm  stand  against  public  officials  seeking  favors 
from  public  service  corporations  saying: 

"Public  service  corporations,  rightfully  managed  are  of  great 
benefit  to  the  people.  But  the  interests  of  stockholders  sometimes 
conflict  with  those  of  the  public.  It  is  important,  therefore,  that 
those  jepresenting  the  people  should  avoid  placing  themselves 
under  obligations  to  such  corporations.  For  years  there  has  been 
a  growing  tendency  on  the  part  of   certain   public   officials    in    state 

107 


»nd  city  governments  to  request  employment  of  their  constituents 
from  such  corporations. 

"It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  in  the  majority  of  cases  this  has 
been  done  with  any  expectation  on  the  part  of  the  official  that  in 
seeking  such  favors  he  was  placing  himself  under  any  obligation, 
such  as  would  result  in  his  either  consciously  or  unconsciously  re- 
garding requests  for  legislation  or  other  public  concessions  in  a  more 
favorable  manner  than  he   otherwise   would. 

"But  that  the  custom  has  resulted,  and  necessarily  must  result 
in  giving  a  hold  upon  men  which  is  inconsistent  with  the  entire 
freedom  of  their  actions,  when  weighing  conflicting  interests,  must 
be  admitted.  Tt  is  time  for  legislation  that  will  prevent  such  use  of 
labor  patronage  by  making  it  an  offence  for  any  official  to  make 
or  any  corporation   to   grant   directly  or   indirectly  such   a  request." 

He  recommended  a  law  compelling  cities  and  towns  to 
adopt  a  uniform  system  of  municipal  accounts  and  the  con- 
solidation of  the  office  of  controller  of  county  accounts  with 
the  auditor's  department.  Because  of  the  large  amount  of 
business  before  the  courts  Gov  Bates  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  two  additional  justices  of  the  Superior  Court, 
suggested  reforms  in  procedure  in  the  lower  courts  and  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  it  would  be  right  and  proper  to  trans- 
fer divorce  cases  to  the  probate  court  "where  they  stem  to 
belong." 

He  followed  up  the  suggestion  of  his  predecessors  to 
make  the  laws  even  more  stringent  than  they  were  for  the 
protection  of  those  who  had  invested  their  savings  in  life 
insurance.  He  also  recommended  liberalizing  the  corporation 
laws  of  the  State. 

"Most  of  these  statutes,"  said  the  Governor,  "were  enacted  many 
years  ago,  when  business  operations  were  upon  a  very  small  .<:cale, 
and  when  the  state  undertook  to  exercise  strict  control  over  the 
corporations  which  it  chartered.  This  resulted  in  the  imposition 
of  many  restrictions  which  have  become  burdensome.  That  this 
is  so,  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  it  is  becoming  more  and  more 
common  for  our  citizens  to  incorporate  under  foreign  charters  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  on  their  business  enterprises;  while  our 
domestic  corporations,  as  they  extend  their  operations,  often  feel 
compelled  to  surrender  their  charters,  and  reincorporate  under  the 
laws  of  some  other  jurisdiction. 

"The  corporate  form  today  is  essential  in  conducting  large  busi- 
ness enterprises;  and  our  laws  should  be  such  that  Massachusetts 
citizens  can  employ  Massachusetts  capital  under  a  Massachusetts 
charter  in  any  legitimate  business,  whether  it  be  conducted  within 
or  without  the  borders  of  our  state;  and  the  taxation  incident  upon 
such  incorporation  should  flow  into  our  treasury,  rather  than  into 
the  treasuries  of  other  states." 

A  special  committee  was  recommended  to  consider  what 

108 


action  should  be  taken  on  a  report  on  the  subject  submitted 
by  a  special  committee  authorized  by  the  last  Legislature  on 
the  subject.  The  Governor  said  that  he  believed  that  the 
time  had  come  when  more  attention  should  be  paid  to  the 
beautifying  of  the  highways  of  the  State,  and  particularly  to 
the  matter  of  planting  trees  and  shrubbery.  At  slight  addi- 
tional expense  such  assistance  could  be  given  to  nature  that 
would  result  in  highways  famed  not  merely  for  the  utility 
of  their  construction  but  also  for  their  beauty. 

Discussing  the  State  debt,  the  Governor  said  that  he  had 
been  informed  that  computations  most  carefully  made  indi- 
cated that  there  would  be  an  immense  saving  under  the 
serial  payment  plan. 

Having  dealt  with  the  practical  problems  of  State,  the 
new  Chief  Executive  allowed  his  fancy  to  turn  back  the  pages 
of  history.  Hastily  but  eloquently  he  sketched  a  graphic 
word  picture  of  some  of  the  achievements  of  Massachusetts 
men  who  had  written  their  names  in  the  hall  of  fame  and 
he  asked  those  who  were  to  share  with  him  the  management 
of  the  State  to  keep  the  latter's  aims  and  their  deeds  jn  mind, 
saying: 

"Senators  and  Representatives:  It  has  been  given  to  but  few 
men  to  write  their  names  prominently  in  our  history.  There  were 
Carver  and  Bradford  from  Plymouth  Rock;  Endicott  and  Winthrop 
from  Massachusetts  Bay;  there  was  Otis,  who,  from  the  peaceful 
forum  of  the  Old  South  meeting-house,  hurled  his  firebrands  of 
revolution;  there  was  Warren,  whose  blood  helped  to  make  our 
Bunker  Hill;  there  was  Lincoln,  the  trusted  major-general  of  the 
great  Washington;  there  were  Phillips  and  Garrison,  who  awakened 
a  nation's  conscience  into  life;  there  was  Webster,  who  wrote  his 
name  across  the  Constitution,  and  Sumner  who  wrote  his  across 
the  human  heart;  there  were  Banks  and  Bartlett  and  Hooker,  who 
commanded  great  hosts;  there  was  Mann,  who  consecrated  his  life 
to  the  cause  of  education,  and  Howe,  who  opened  the  book  of  the 
world  to  the  blind;  there  were  Shaw  the  purist  and  Franklin  ihe 
philosopher  and  Agassiz  the  naturalist;  there  was  Morton  who  ban- 
ished pain,  and  Morse  who  banished  space;  there  were  Bancroft  and 
Prescott,  who  wrote  the  records  of  men;  there  was  Emerson  who 
thought,  and  Whittier  and  Holmes  and  Bryant  and  Longfellow 
who  sang;  and  there  were  Edwards  and  Clianning  and  Brooks  who 
preached.  But  these  were  not  Massachusetts.  She  is  more  than 
these;  she  is  a  living  force;  a  vital  factor  in  the  affairs  of  men  be- 
cause she  has  stood  for  ideals  and  ventured  all  for  principles.  Would 
we  serve  her?  It  is  not  necessary  to  wrhe  our  names  in  her  hall 
of  fame.  We  have  but  to  be  true  to  her  ideals;  to  be  faithful  to 
the  people's  interests;  to  be  watchful  to  protect  them  from  in- 
sidious attacks,  to  recognize  the  rights  of  men,  to  'call  no  man  master, 
but  to  be  slaves  to  principles  ever.'     With  such  our  purpose  we  will 

109 


look  confidently  toward  the  future,  praying  that,  as  with  our  fathers, 
so  with  us  may  be  the  God  of  commonwealths." 

The  Legislature  organized  with  James  J.  Meyers,  of  Cam- 
bridge Speaker  of  the  House  and  George  R.  Jones  of  Meh-ose, 
President  of  the  Senate. 

During  the  session  of  the  Legislature  of  1903,  482  acts 
and  104  resolves  were  passed  and  received  the  approval  of 
Gov  Bates.  Three  acts  and  one  resolve  became  laws  without 
his  signature  not  having  been  returned  within  the  five  days 
allowed  by  the  constitution.  Fourteen  acts,  all  special  laws 
were  vetoed  and  the  action  of  the  Governor  was  upheld  in 
each  case.  The  Legislature  was  prorogued  June  26,  at  8:45 
P.  M.,  having  occupied  171  days. 

Resolutions  on  the  deaths  of  three  members  of  the  House 
were  adopted,  also  on  the  death  of  Ex-Senator  Henry  L. 
Dawes,  who  died  ','during  the  session.  Resolutions  were 
adopted  by  both  branches  favoring  legislation  by  Congress 
to  protect  the  forests  of  the  White  Mountains  by  including 
them  in  a  national  park;  permanent  control  and  ownership 
of  anthracite  coal  mines  prompted  by  the  country-wide  suf- 
fering caused  by  the  great  coal  mines  strike ;  endorsing  Sena- 
tor Lodge's  bill  for  the  establishment  of  a  library  Post,  pen- 
sions for  persons  in  the  U  S  Life  Saving  service  and  relative 
to  the  proposition  to  make  Castle  Island,  Boston  Harbor,  a 
part  of  the  city  park  system.  Onfe  constitutional  amendment 
was  proposed,  whereby  on  petition  of  50,000  voters  they  may 
submit  amendments  to  the  State  constitution. 

Dr.  Willia:m  Everett,  of  Quincy,  one  of  the  original 
Mugwumps  of  this  State  and  a  unique  character  in  the  poli- 
tics of  Massachusetts  died  Feb  16,  1903.  He  had  been  in 
failing  health  for  some  years  and  had  not  participated  in 
public  affairs  in  the  last  years  of  his  life.  He  was  eccentric, 
independent  and  courageous  and  added  spice  to  every  cam- 
paign in  which  he  participated. 

John  E.  (Russell  died  Oct.  22,  1903.  In  his  death  the 
Democracy  of  Massachusetts  lost  one  of  its  ablest  cham- 
pions, and  the  State  one  of  its  most  accomplished  sons.  He 
was  a  Democrat  of  the  old  school,  a  strict  constitutionalist. 
He  loved  his  books  and  his  acres  on  the  Leicester  Hills  too 
well  to  give  them  up  for  the  drudgery  of  office  holding.  He 
might  have  graced  the  cabinet  of  Grover  Cleveland  or  repre- 

110 


sented  this  country  abroad,  Mr.  Qeveland  having  tendered 
him  his  choice  of  a  portfolio  in  his  cabinet  or  an  important 
diplomatic  post,  but  he  did  not  court  such  honors  or  respon- 
sibilities. He  preferred  a  place  in  the  ranks,  fighting  for 
what  he  believed  to  be  right  and  just.  He  was  the  last  of 
that  distinguished  name  in  this  generation  to  be  enrolled  in 
the  service  of  his  State  and  party. 

His  remains  were  borne  back  to  his  native  town  and 
tenderly  laid  beside  those  of  his  ancestors  who  were  among 
the  pioneers  in  the  Deerfield  Valley. 


Ill 


CHAPTER  XIV 

BATES  RENOMINATED  AND  REELECTED — COL,  GASTON  HIS  DEMO- 
CRATIC   OPPONENT — BATES    PARTS    COMPANY    WITH    FORMER 
POLITICAL    SUPPORTERS — APT^OINTMENT    OP    JUDGE    EM- 
MONS   POLICE    COMMISSIONER    UNPOPULAR. 

IN  THE  Fall  of  1903  the  Republicans  renominated  Bates 
and  Guild  at  the  State  convention  October  2nd,  held  in  Bos- 
ton. Congressman  Samuel  L.  Powers  of  Newton  was  the 
permanent  chairman.  The  platform  was  read  by  Ex-Gov 
Crane.  Mr.  Crane,  always  brief  and  direct,  his  platform  typi- 
fied the  man.    It  read  as  follows: 

"The  Republicans  of  Massachusetts  in  convention  assembled, 
give  their  cordial  endorsement  to  the  administration  of  President 
Roosevelt. 

"An  able,  honest,  fearless  chief  executive,  we  pledge  to  him 
our  loyal  support  for  the  campaign  of  1904. 

"We  reaffirm  our  belief  in  the  policy  of  protection  to  American 
industries.  While  admitting  that  tariff  schedules  should  be  revised 
from  time  to  time,  to  meet  changing  industrial  conditions  or  to  se- 
cure the  benefits  which  may  be  obtained  by  reciprocity,  we  declare 
that  the  present  tariff  law  should  not  be  revised  or  changed  until 
the  need  of  such  action  and  the  benefits  to  be  obtained  from  it  are 
clearly  shown.  Whenever  industrial  conditions  shall  require  a  re- 
adjustment of  the  tariff  the  work  will  be  undertaken  by  the  repub- 
lican party,  the  friend  and  defender  of  protection,  without  unneces- 
sary disturbance  to  business  or  commerce,  and  with  fairness  and 
justice   to   all   American   interests. 

"To  uphold  law  and  order  should  be  the  first  duty  of  every 
American  citizen.  In  many  sections  of  the  country  there  is  a  dis- 
regard of  law  which  is  bringing  discredit  to  the  nation.  All  parties 
should  insist  that  public  officials  should  be  firm  and  resolute  in  the 
enforcement  of  law,  regardless  of  personal  or  political  consequences. 
In  this  land  dedicated  to  liberty  and  freedom,  the  rule  of  the  mob 
should  be  suppressed. 

"The  Republican  party  favors  legislation  that  is  just  and  fair 
to  all  interests;  that  encourages  and  protects  the  enterprises  of 
capital  and  promotes  and  safeguards  the  welfare  of  labor. 

"We  heartily  endorse  the  administration  of  Gov  Bates,  as  able, 
safe  and  successful,  and  confidently  submit  it  to  the  voters,  for  their 
approval  at  the  election  in  November." 

Chairman  Powers  spiced  his  speech  with  his  wit  at  the 
expense  of  the  Democrats  and  kept  the  delegates  in  the  best 

112 


■1 

■1 

w^^^K^^^- 

^^^1 

1 

^^ 

f  - 

M 

^^^^■-4 

JilHl 

"tj^H 

'3h 

a 

b 

WM 

■ 

Charles    S.    Hamlin. 


Col.  William  A.  Gaston. 


Charles   S.   Stratton. 


Andrew  J.  Peters. 


of   humor   by   his    stories    illustrative    of    the    points    in    his 
address. 

"If  it  were  not  for  our  annual  State  Election  we  should  rarely 
ever  hear  any  adverse  criticism  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Republi- 
can party  administers  our  State  afi'airs,''  said  Mr.  Powers.  "During 
two  months  in  each  year,  just  preceding  the  State  election,  the 
leaders  of  the  minority  party  express  bitter  patriotic  grief  and  shed 
copious  political  tears  over  a  mismanaged  and  misguided  Common- 
wealth. The  grief  however,  of  our  Democratic  friends  is  like  that 
of  the  undertaker — 'strictly  professional.'  Each  year  some  new  cru- 
sader, with  the  dauntless  courage  of  a  Navarre,  leaps  into  the  saddle 
of  the  old  Democratic  war  horse  and  sounds  the  clarion  trumpet, 
calling  upon  the  voters  to  follow  him  to  death,  it  may  be,  for  the 
rescue  of  the  dear  old  State  from  the  political  foes  who  seek  her 
destruction. 

"The  charge  is  always  spirited,  but  when  the  repulse  comes  it 
IS  always  accompanied  by  such  a  philosophic  resignation  in  the  re- 
sults of  the  battle  that  we  are  inclined  to  doubt  somewhat  the  ap- 
parent sincerity  of  the  appeal  to  arms,  just  before  the  onset.  When 
some  one  once  told  Dr.  Sam  Johnson,  the  famous  English  philoso- 
pher, that  a  certain  mutual  friend  had  just  married  his  third  wife 
he  calmly  replied.  'That  is  a  splendid  illustration  of  the  triumph  of 
hope  over  experience.'  So  it  is  with  our  Democratic  friends.  Each 
year  they  come  up  smiling  and  hopeful  from  the  defeat  of  the  pre- 
vious year,  and  furnish  to  the  world  another  sublime  example  of  the 
triumph  of  political  hope  over  political  experience." 

Having  arrived  at  that  part  of  the  convention  proceedings 
when  the  nomination  of  candidates  was  in  order  the  ven- 
erable Senator  Hoar  arose  and  renominated  Gov  Bates.  It 
was  the  last  State  convention  of  his  party  the  senior  senator 
was  to  participate  in.  In  placing  Gov  Bates  in  nomination 
for  a  second  term  Senator  Hoar  said : 

"Mr.  President  I  rise  for  a  mere  matter  of  routine.  It  is  the 
good  fortune  of  the  Republican  party  that  its  matters  of  routine  are 
always  so  delightful. 

"There  are  two  things  the  country  confidently  expects  from 
Massachusetts.  One  is  a  handsome  Republican  majority  in  the  com- 
ing election.  The  other  is  an  example  of  wise  and  honest  govern- 
ment throughout   the  coming  year. 

"We  come  here  today  to  make  both  these  things  certain.  It 
is  our  supreme  good  fortune  that  both  these  things  are  matters  ol 
course. 

"Is  not  that  party  worth  belonging  to,  in  whose  history  wise 
and    honest   government,    quiet,    happiness,    are    commonplace? 

"Everybody  I  think  has  been  satisfied  with  Gov  Bates.  We 
expected  from  him  a  great  deal.  But  he  has  risen  to  the  demands 
of  his  high  office  beyond  our  highest  expectations. 

"I  do  not  think  there  is  a  citizen  of  Massachusetts  of  any 
party  who  has  read  Gov  Bates'  State  papers,  or  heard  his  addresses 
to  the  people  on  important  occasions,  without  being  delighted  and 
surprised  to  see  how   he  has   filled   the   stature  and   the   demands   of 

113 


his  great  office.  He  has  not  only  given  us  some  examples  of  ex- 
cellent English,  but  he  has  shown  that  he  fully  comprehends  the 
proper  use  of  the  Latin  word  veto. 

"There  was  one  act  of  legislation  last  winter  of  which  any 
considerable  criticism  is  heard.  As  our  Democratic  brethren  se- 
lected the  principal  author  of  that  statute,  day  before  yesterday, 
as  the  best  man  they  could  find  to  declare  the  doctrine  of  a  pure 
democracy,  we  anticipate  no  considerable  objection  from  them  on 
that  account. 

"I  suppose  all  of  us  will  look  with  some  anxiety  to  see  whether 
they  have  let  down  the  bars  in  the  matter  of  protecting  the  public 
from  dishonest  and  fraudulent  use  of  corporate  power.  If  experience 
shall  show  that  any  mistake  has  been  made,  we  can  depend  upon 
the  parties  who  united  in  making  it,  to  unite  in  correcting  it. 

"I,  therefore,  Mr.  President,  move  that  His  Excellency  John  L. 
Bates,  be  nominated  by  acclamation,  for  the  office  of  Governor  of 
the   Commonwealth  for  the  coming  year." 

The  Democrats  renominated  Col.  Gaston  and  John  C. 
Crosby  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor,  respectively. 
Col  Gaston  proved  that  he  was  a  vote  getter.  His  strength 
compelled  the  Republicans  to  call  out  their  reserves  the 
year  before.  The  Republican  leaders,  aware  of  Bates'  weak- 
ness with  certain  Republicans  and  Gaston's  strength  among 
business  men,  made  the  campaign  of  1902  and  1903  largely 
personal  contests  against  Col  Gaston  calling  attention  to  his 
banking,  street  railway  and  gas  interests.  But  the  Repub- 
licans did  not  have  to  do  this  alone.  The  Williams  Democ- 
racy, smarting  under  defeat  in  the  convention  of  1902  when 
they  lined  up  against  Gaston  for  Hamlin  charged  that  the 
Democratic  State  leaders  sold  out  the  party  to  the  corpora- 
tions and  that  certain  public  corporations  with  which  Col 
Gaston  was  connected  supplied  the  campaign  funds.  The 
work  of  Gaston  and  his  friends  in  organizing  the  Democrats 
of  the  State  was  effective  and  his  vote  of  the  year  before 
showed  that  there  was  a  steadily  growing  opposition  to  the 
Republicans  and  that  once  more  the  Democracy  which  had 
been  buried  time  and  time  again  was  showing  signs  of  real 
life. 

Gov.  Bates'  first  year  in  office  was  not  a  happy  one. 
Several  of  those  who  had  been  among  his  most  active  friends 
in  placing  him  in  the  Governor's  chair  were  disappointed  and 
in  open  rebellion.  The  first  serious  split  came  when  these 
men  urged  him  to  name  their  choice  for  chairman  of  the  Bos- 
ton Police  Board  in  place  of  Robert  F.  Clark  whose  term  ex- 
pired in  1902.    The  Governor  declined  to  do  so  and  selected 

114 


a  personal  friend  and  neighbor,  Judge  Emmons,  of  the  East 
Boston  district  court.  Emmons'  appointment  was  not  popu- 
lar. 

The  Governor  instructed  the  State  police  to  see  to  it 
that  pool  selling  at  horse  races  was  stopped.  That  aroused 
further  opposition  to  him.  In  the  midst  of  the  campaign  a 
prominent  lawyer  and  ex-member  of  the  Legislature  took 
the  Democratic  stump  and  charged  that  Gov.  Bates  had  bor- 
rowed money  from  an  insurance  lobbyist,  Walter  J.  Holden, 
who  had  been  one  of  Gov.  Bates'  most  enthusiastic  backers 
in  his  contest  for  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Governor.  Pho- 
tographic copies  of  the  checks  drawn  by  Holden  to  the  order 
of  Bates  were  exhibited.  The  charge  created  a  sensation. 
The  Governor  acknowledged  that  he  had  borrowed  $3000  of 
Holden  to  pay  some  of  his  campaign  debts,  but  that  he  had 
repaid  the  loan  with  6%  interest  in  a  short  time.  He  de- 
clared that  Holden  had  vowed  vengeance  on  him  when  he 
refused  to  appoint  a  prominent  militaiy  man  Police  Commis- 
sioner of  Boston  at  the  former's  request  and  that  Holden  was 
working  with  his  political  enemies  to  defeat  him. 

The  public  generally  believed  Gov.  Bates'  statement,  but 
the  feeling  was  that  he  erred  in  accepting  financial  assistance 
from  a  prominent  member  of  the  Third  House,  a  representa- 
tive of  a  corporation  likely  to  be  seeking  legislation  on  which 
the  Chief  Executive  would  be  called  upon  to  pass  judgment, 
the  very  thing  he  admonished  the  members  of  the  Legisla- 
ture in  his  inaugural  address  and  suggested  that  a  law  be 
passed  prohibiting  such  relations  between  corporations  and 
lawmakers.  The  Governor  was  the  object  of  a  good  deal  ol 
sympathy  and  his  supporters  felt  that  he  had  been  tricked  bj 
a  smart  politician. 

The  Democrats  felt  that  the  check  exposure.  Judge  Em- 
mons' administration  of  the  Boston  police,  and  the  en- 
forcement of  the  anti-pool  selling  law  would  cost  Bates  a  lot 
of  votes.  The  Republicans  seeing  that  they  had  a  hard  fight 
on  hand  redoubled  their  efforts  and  pulled  the  head  of  the 
ticket  through  with  a  plurality  of  35,000.  The  dwindling  Re- 
publican plurality  for  Governor  was  evidence  that  the  Re- 
publicans were  heading  for  the  political  toboggan.  The  fail- 
ure of  Col  Gaston  to  win  on  his  second  try  disappointed  him 
and  his  friends. 

For  the  second  time  Gov  Bates  took  the  oath  of  office 

115 


as  Chief  Executive  of  the  State  on  January  7,  1904.  His 
inaugural  was  a  long  one,  the  chief  recommendations  and 
points  in  it  being: 

"Continued   state    support    of   textile   schools. 

"The  first  duty  of  every  educational  board,  State  or  Municipal 
should  be  to  make  certain  that  the  youth  under  it  are  educated  in 
the  essentials  that  will  make  them  self-supporting,  effective  men 
and  women. 

"Civil  Service — The  civil  service  commissioners  suggest  that  a 
law  be  enacted  which  shall  regulate  the  removal  of  persons  in  the 
classified  service,  and  I  commend  the  suggestion  to  your  considera- 
tion. 

"Fees — I  renew  my  recommendations  of  last  year  for  legislation 
to  provide  for  the  consolidation  of  the  department  of  the  Controller 
of  County  Accounts  with  that  of  the  Auditor,  for  the  adoption  of  a 
uniform  system  of  municipal  accounting  throughout  the  Common- 
wealth, and  for  the  paying  of  all  fees  received  by  salaried  officers 
into  the  treasury  of  the  State,  county  or  municipality,  as  the  case^ 
may  be. 

"New  Corporation  Law — Act  is  working  well  but  it  should  be 
given  further  trial  before  it  is  amended. 

"Metropolitan  Thoroughfares — I  suggest  that  an  unpaid  com- 
mission be  appointed  to  examine  the  process  of  transportation  with- 
in the  metropolitan  district,  and  report  upon  the  feasibility  of  es- 
tablishing somie  joint  agency  having  authority  to  plan  and  control 
the  future  development  of  main  thoroughfares  and  passenger  rail- 
ways, with  a  view  to  securing  the  maximum  of  efficiency,  economy 
and  convenience. 

"National  Encampment  G.  A.  R.  in  Boston,  1904 — I  ask  the 
Legislature  to  make  some  provision  for  the  entertainment  of  the 
gray-headed  men  who,  in  the  dawn  of  their  manhood,  carried  the 
guns   that  defended  the  homes  of  Massachusetts. 

"Right  of  Women  to  vote — I  recommend  that  you  grant  to 
women  the  right  ito  vote  for  municipal  officers.  If,  after  trial,  the 
results  are  not  satisfactory,  the  Legislature  can  repeal  the  law;  and 
in  this  connection  I  call  your  attention  further  to  the  fact  that  the 
municipal  governments  of  Great  Britain,  where  women,  although 
not  eligible  to  office,  have  the  right  to  vote  under  certain  conditions, 
do  not  suffer  by  comparison  with  the  municipal  governments  of 
America. 

"Manufactures — It  behooves  us  to  at  all  times  keep  in  mind  the 
fact  that  any  legislation  which  tends  to  place  unreasonable  restric- 
tions upon  the  employer  tends  with  equal  certainty  to  work  hard- 
ship  to   the   employee. 

"Trust  Companies — Two  years  ago  a  commission  was  directed 
to  investigate  and  report  a  general  law  for  the  formation  of  trust 
companies.  You  will  soon  receive  the  report  of  that  commission. 
I  believe  it  to  be  time  for  the  adoption  of  such  a  law. 

"Executive  Responsibility — Were  we  to  contrast  the  State  with 
the  National  system,  with  the  experience  of  the  Federal  govern- 
ment 'before  us,  we  should  unquestionably  favor  the  National  sys- 
tem, where  responsibility  is  fixed  in  the  President,  and  where  that 
responsibility  is  made  possible  by  giving  to  him  the  power  of  ap- 
pointing the  heads  of  the  chief  departments  of  State. 

"A  year's   experience   convinces  nie   that  there   have   been    ether 

116 


restrictions  placed  upon  the  Executive,  which  not  only  were  not 
demanded  by  the  Constitution,  but  are  probably  inconsistent  with 
it,  in  so  far  as  they  have  resulted  in  taking  away  that  executive; 
power  which  the  Constitution  contemplates  the  Executive  shall  have, 
and  have  vested  it  in  various  commissions  and  boards  which  are 
not  responsible  to  him,  nor  to  the  people,  nor  to  the  General  Court 
except  as  the   latter  may  control  them  by  legislation." 

The  Leg-islature  of  this  year  was  divided  politically  as 
follows:  Senate,  Republican  31;  Democrats  9;  House.  Re- 
publicans 155;  Democrats  82;  Socialists  one.  There  were 
ties  in  Franklin  and  Suffolk  Counties.  Louis  A.  Frothingfhani 
of  Boston  was  chosen  Speaker,  succeeding-  James  J.  Meyers 
of  Cambridge  who  retired  at  the  end  of  his  fourth  term. 
George  R.  Jones  of  Melrose  was  re-elected  President  of  the 
Senate. 

The  General  Court  was  prorogued  Thursday,  June  9  at 
9.49  P.  M.,  having  been  in  session  156  days.  460  acts  and  110 
resolves  were  passed  and  received  the  approval  of  the  Gov- 
ernor. He  vetoed  14  acts,  most  of  them  affecting  Boston. 
Among  the  most  important  acts  passed  were  those  establish- 
ing the  school  for  Crippled  and  Deformed  children,  trans- 
ferring the  powers  and  duties  of  the  Fire  Marshal's  office  to 
the  State  police,  making  the  number  of  Aldermen  in  the  city 
of  Boston  13  instead  of  12  and  dividing  the  city  into  13  alder- 
manic  districts,  taxing  coupons,  stamps,  etc.,  used  in  the  sale 
of  merchandise,  a  new  charter  for  the  city  of  Pittsfield,  an 
act  relative  to  the  expense  of  candidates  for  public  office,  an 
act  relative  to  the  instruction  of  prisoners,  an  act  relating  to 
children  bound  out  in  families,  another  relative  to  the  powers 
and  duties  of  the  bar  examiners  and  the  admission  of  attor- 
neys at  law  to  practice,  incorporation  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A. 
Evening  law  school  and  the  amending  of  the  caucus  laws. 

Rev.  Edmund  Dowse,  who  had  been  for  25  years  chap- 
lain of  the  Senate  resigned.  That  body  passed  an  appropriate 
resolve  in  recognition  of  his  long  and  faithful  services  and 
elected  in  his  place  Rev.  Dr.  Edward  A.  Horton.  Resolutions 
were  also  adopted  by  the  House  on  the  death  of  Marcus  A. 
Hanna,  late  chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee. 

The  Legislature  authorized  the  appointment  of  two  addi- 
tional Superior  Court  judges  and  Gov.  Bates  named  Lloyd 
E.  White  and  Lorance  E.  Hitchcock. 

In  the  Fall  of  1904  Judge  Phelps  of  the  Lee  Police  Court 
imposed  a  fine  of  $25  on  Hugh  Gurney,  third  secretary  of  the 

117 


British  Embassy  at  Washington  for  overspeeding  an  auto- 
mobile in  Lee.  Gurney  refused  to  plead  whereupon 
Judge  Phelps  ordered  a  plea  of  "not  guilty"  to  be  entered  and 
fined  the  British  attache  $25  for  contempt  of  court  on  the 
ground  that  he  defied  the  authority  of  the  court  by  his  lan- 
guage and  demeanor.  Gurney  appealed  to  the  British  am- 
bassador and  the  case  was  laid  before  the  State  department. 
It  created  a  tempest  in  the  diplomatic  tea  pot  and  was  the 
subject  of  long  despatches  between  Washington  and  London. 
Judge  Phelps  was  only  a  trial  justice — not  even  a  lawyer  and 
he  was  not  aware  that  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps  were 
immune  from  arrest.  The  Secretary  of  State  demanded  an 
explanation  from  Gov  Bates.  The  Governor  apologized  for 
the  Judge's  mistake,  and  the  Judge,  through  Gov.  Bates  and 
the  State  Department  made  amends  to  Mr.  Gurney. 

The  Governor  did  not  mince  words  though  in  referring 
to  the  violation  of  the  law  of  the  Commonwealth  by  the  Brit- 
ish third  secretary.  In  dignified  yet  pointed  language  he 
suggested  that  the  attention  of  the  Ambassador  of  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty  be  invited  to  the  breach  of  the  laws  of  the  State 
and  the  incident  was  closed.  While  the  excitement  lasted 
the  gold  laced  colony  in  Washington  and  the  State  Depart- 
ment treated  the  amusing  incident  as  if  it  might  lead  to  war. 

The  dedication  of  the  fine  equestrian  statue  of  Gen.  Jos- 
eph Hooker,  one  of  the  noted  Union  commanders  during  the 
Civil  War,  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  took  place  during  the 
administration  of  Gov.  Bates  as  did  the  annual  encampment 
of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. 


18 


President  Roosevelt. 


CHAPTER  XV 

NATIONAL    AND    STATE    CAMPAIGNS    1904— ROOSEVELT'S    NOMINA- 
TION— DEMOCRATS   TURN  PROM  BRYAN   TO   PARKER — BAY 
STATE     DEMOCRATS     URGE     OLNEY'S     NOMINATION 
—HEARST'S      LOSING      FIGHT. 

DEMOCRATS  and  Republicans  named  their  delegates 
to  their  National  Conventions  in  April.  The  former 
chose  as  their  four  delegates-at-large,  Patrick  A.  Col- 
lins and  Col.  William  A.  Gaston  of  Boston,  William  L.  Doug- 
las of  Brockton  and  John  R.  Thayer  of  Worcester.  The 
Bryan  men  with  George  Fred  Williams  as  leader  made  a 
determined  fight  for  Hearst  delegates  but  the  Conservatives 
were  in  the  saddle,  and  the  most  the  Bryan-Hearst  men  could 
muster  when  they  counted  noses  in  the  State  convention  Avas 
270  votes,  cast  for  Williams.  George  E.  McNiel,  one  time 
prominent  in  labor  circles,  Joseph  A.  Smith  and  Charles  A. 
Dean  with  Williams  made  up  the  Bryan-Hearst  slate.  Wil- 
liams had  for  his  floor  lieutenant  in  convention  for  the  choice 
of  delegates  Mayor  John  P.  Feeney  of  Woburn. 

Into  the  trained  hands  of  Charles  S.  Hamlin,  Guy  VV. 
Currier,  Josiah  Quincy  and  James  B.  Carroll,  the  Gaston 
or  Conservative  forces  placed  their  fortunes  for  the  day.  John 
J.  Flaherty  of  Gloucester  was  made  permanent  chairman  of 
the  convention.  In  his  address  Mr.  Flaherty  steered  clear 
of  the  fight  over  National  delegates  and  began  his  speech  with 
this  tribute  to  the  New  England  Democracy,  saying : 

"You  will  pardon  me  if  I  devote  a  few  words  to  an  accasatioDi 
of  the  Republicans — a  lack  of  patriotism  and  public  spirit  on  tht 
part  of  the  Democrats  of  this  country.  I  do  not  pretend,  of  course, 
to  speak  for  the  Democrats  of  this  great  Nation.  That  has  already 
been  done  by  men  far  more  eloquent  than  I.  But  whenever  I  hear 
those  accusations  made,  I  turn  almost  instinctively  to  those  irspiring 
words  of  Henry  Grady:  'The  best  product  of  New  England  is  the 
procession  of  17,000  Vermont  Democrats  that  for  22  years,  undi- 
minished by  death,  unrecruited  by  birth  or  conversion,  have  marched 
over  their  rugged  hills,  cast  their  Democratic  ballots  and  n;arched 
home  to  pray  for  their  unregenerate  neighbors,  and  awoke  to  read 
the  record   of  26,000   Republican  majority.' '' 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  presiding  officer's  address  the 

119 


convention  proceeded  to  vote  for  the  four  delegates-at-large 
and  four  alternates.  The  resohitions  were  reported  by  James 
B.  Carroll  endorsing-  Richard  Olnex  for  the  Democratic  pres- 
idential nomination  concluding-  as  follows : 

"We  hereby  instruct  the  delegates  and  alternates  chosen  to  at- 
tend the  National  convention  at  St.  Louis,  iby  this  convention  and 
by  the  congressional  district  conventions,  to  place  in  nomination 
the  name  of  Richard  Olney  as  the  choice  of  Massachusetts  for  the 
Democratic  nomination  for  President,  and  we  further  instruct  said 
delegates  and  alternates  to  cast  the  vote  of  Massachusetts  as  a  unit 
for  him  in  the  convention  until  the  nomination  shall  be  made,  or 
his  name  shall  be  vi^ithdraw^n  by  authority." 

When  that  part  of  the  resolutions  were  read  instructing 
the  delegates  to  vote  for  Olney  the  Hearst  men  in  the  con- 
vention shouted  "No".  This  element  presented  a  minority 
report  through  John  A.  Coulthurst,  the  final  clause  of  which 
endorsed  William  Randolph  Hearst  for  the  Democratic  pres- 
idential nomination.  Through  his  newspaper,  the  Boston 
American,  and  his  political  lieutenants,  Mr.  Hearst  conducted 
a  noisy  campaign  for  delegates.  Most  of  them  had  been 
prominent  in  the  Bryan  campaign.  Mr.  Bryan  favored  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Hearst  this  year.  The  latter  had  enthu- 
siastically supported  the  Nebraskan  in  1896  and  1900. 

The  Hearst  men  entered  an  emphatic  protest  against 
instructing  the  delegates.  After  a  half  dozen  of  them  had 
spoken  Mr,  Williams  got  the  floor  and  opposed  the  resolution 
instructing  the  delegates  for  Olney.  In  the  course  of  his 
speech  Mr.  Williams  prophesied  that  if  the  resolution  were 
passed,  there  would  be  a  contest  on  the  question  before  the 
National  convention.  He  argued  that  the  State  convention 
had  no  right  to  instruct  the  district  delegates,  several  of 
whom  he  declared  favored  another  candidate.  The  Olney 
men  were  in  control  and  the  majority  report  of  the  committee 
on  resolutions  was  adopted.  The  unit  rule  was  also  voted  on 
motion  of  Josiah  Quincy,  but  before  the  vote  Mr.  Williams 
entered  a  vigorous  protest.  He  advised  the  district  conven- 
tion to  adopt  resolutions  denouncing  the  "usurpation"  of  the 
State  convention. 

When  the  delegation  met  to  organize  before  their  de- 
parture for  the  National  convention  they  dislodged  Mr.  Wil- 
liams from  his  position  on  the  National  committee  and 
elected  Col.  Gaston  to  that  office.  Gen.  Collins  was  elected 
chairman  of  the  delegation. 

120 


Mr.  Williams  preceded  the  Massachusetts  delegation  to 
St.  Louis,  the  convention  city.  He  found  that  the  delegates 
and  most  of  the  Democratic  leaders  were  bent  on  ignoring 
Bryan.  Mr.  Bryan  must  have  realized  that  his  own  influ- 
ence in  1904  had  greatly  diminished  from  that  of  1900  and 
1896,  when  he  dominated  both  gatherings  of  his  party.  Leader 
after  leader  denied  their  old  master.  Staunch  political  lieu- 
tenants of  former  battles  deserted  him.  It  was,  indeed,  a 
trying  time  for  Mr.  Bryan.  Some  politicians  under  similar 
circumstances  woulcj  have  fled  the  scene,  but  Mr.  Bryan  re- 
mained until  the  last  shot  had  been  fired.  He  kept  his  temper. 
He  was  primed  for  a  contest  in  the  committee  on  resolutions 
for  his  political  principles,  but  he  was  willing  to  abandon  a 
specific  16  to  1  declaration  for  the  sake  of  harmony.  It  was 
apparent  that  the  convention  would  nominate  Judge  Parker 
of  New  York  and  that  it  would  refuse  to  be  guided  in  any 
matter  of  importance  by  the  twice  nominated  candidate  foi 
President. 

The  promised  contest  before  the  National  committee  re- 
garding the  Massachusetts  instructions  did  not  materiali:^e 
at  St.  Louis  and  on  the  first  ballot  the  32  votes  of  Massachu- 
setts were  cast  for  Richard  Olney  under  the  unit  rule.  It 
should  be  said  in  justice  to  Mr.  Olney  that  he  never  en- 
couraged his  followers  to  believe  that  he  could  be  or  would 
be  nominated  and  he  was  reluctant  to  allow  the  use  of  his 
name,  but  having  given  it  he  allowed  his  friends  to  present 
his  claims  to  the  convention.  The  Olney  boom  got  little  en- 
couragement outside  its  native  heath.  It  was  gingerly  handled 
by  those  to  whom  it  had  been  entrusted.  Its  exchequer  was 
limited  and  there  was  no  attempt  to  make  a  big  splurge  at  the 
convention  city.  The  truth  was  that  no  considerable  number 
of  delegates  outside  Massachusetts  took  the  Olney  movement 
seriously.  Everybody  spoke  highly  of  the  ex-Secretary  of 
State,  admired  him  as  a  man  and  praised  his  steadfast  democ- 
racy, but  the  day  had  passed  when  either  of  the  two  leading 
parties  contemplated  nominating  a  New  Englander  for  Chief 
Magistrate. 

When  Gen  Collins  left  Boston  he  carried  in  his  pocket 
a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Olney  withdrawing  from  the  contest 
to  be  used  in  his  discretion,  but  the  delegation  insisted  on 
Olney's  nomination  and  also  on  voting  for  him.  Gen  Collins 
carried  out  their  wishes.    The  letter  of  withdrawal  written  by 

121 


Mr.   Olney   was   never  made   public.       Gen   Collins'   speech 
placing  Mr.  Olney  in  nomination  was  as  follows : 

"Massachusetts  has  the  honor  to  present  the  name  of  her  mosl; 
distinguished  son,  her  most  eminent  statesman,  her  foremost  Dem- 
ocrat, Richard  Olney.  We  do  not  name  him  as  a  mere  '  itizen  oi 
Massachusetts,  but  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
We  do  not  claim  him  as  exclusively  our  own,  for  he  belongs  to  tht. 
great  Militant  Democracy  of  the  whole  Union.  He  is  yours  as  well 
as  ours. 

"I  am  aware  of  the  tradition,  the  contention,  and  the  claim  that 
only  states  whose  electoral  votes  are  in  doubt  should  venture  to 
present  a  candidate.  But  while  the  country  is  divided  into  states 
for  administrative  purposes  and  conveniences  we  are  still  one  peo- 
ple, and  above  all  no  surveyor's  line  divides  the  Democracy  into 
sections.  A  Massachusetts  Democrat  is  as  good  as  the  best  in  New 
York  or  Texas  or  Missouri. 

"The  Democrats  of  the  Union  are  entitled  to  nominate  their 
strongest  man  wherever  his  cradle  was  rocked,  and  the  people  of 
the  Republic  are  entitled  to  their  choice  regardless  of  the  domicile 
of  their  candidates.  Under  the  narrow  rule  Jefferson  and  Jackson 
and  other  great  Democrats  who  shed  lustre  on  the  presidency  would 
have  been  denied  room  and  the  country  have  been  robbed  of  their 
services  had  they  lived  in  Oregon  or  Massachusetts.  When  all  is 
said  and  done,  Democrats  vote  the  Democratic  ticket,  i.^o  matter 
where   their   candidate  lives. 

"Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  break  the  old  tradition  now  and 
come  to  Massachusetts.  We  do  not  introduce  Mr.  Olney  to  this) 
convention,  to  this  country,  or  to  the  world.  He  has  written  his 
name  in  imperishable  characters  in  the  annals  of  the  Republic,  and 
no  history  of  international  relations  will  ever  be  printed  without  o 
shining  page  for  Richard  Olney.  If  nominated,  he  can  be  elected, 
for  the  country  wants  a  steady  hand  like  his  to  steer  the  ship  of 
state  to  the  safe  anchorage  of  the  Constitution,  and  when  elected 
he  can  write  his  name  high  on  the  scroll  which  bears  only  the  name.') 
of  men  who  have  been  supremely  useful  to  this  free  people." 

Parker  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot.  Mr.  Olney  had 
38  out  of  1000  votes  in  the  convention.  Parker  had  669  and 
Hearst  194.  The  six  votes  Mr.  Olney  received  outside  of 
this  State  came  from  Maine  4,  Nebraska  1,  Oklahoma  1. 

The  Massachusetts  member  of  the  committee  on  resolu- 
tions was  Charles  S.  Hamlin.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  particularly 
well  qualified  for  the  position.  As  Assistant  Secretarj'-  of  the 
Treasury  under  John  G.  Carlisle  in  the  second  Cleveland  ad- 
ministration he  gained  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  money 
question.  He  declined  to  support  Bryan  and  Free  Silver  in 
1896  and  stumped  the  State  for  the  Gold  Democratic  National 
and  State  tickets.  The  St.  Louis  platform  as  reported  and 
adopted  by  the  convention  was  silent  on  the  money  question. 

After  Judge  Parker  had  been  nominated  and  learning  that 

122 


the  platform  had  not  taken  a  stand  on  the  money  question 
the  nominee  sent  a  telegram  to  William  C.  Sheehan,  of  New 
York,  his  personal  representative  in  St.  Louis,  which  read  as 
follows : 

"I  regard  the  gold  standard  as  firmly  and  irrevocably  estab  • 
lished  and  shall  act  accordingly  if  the  action  of  the  convention 
today  shall  be  ratified  by  the  people. 

"As  the  platform  is  silent  on  the  subject,  my  views  should  b(t 
made  known  to  the  convention,  and  if  it  is  proved  to  be  unsatisfac- 
tory to  the  majority,  I  request  you  to  decline  the  nomination  for 
me  at  once,  so  that  another  may  be  nominated  before  adjourn inent. 

(Signed)    A.   B.   Parker." 

It  was  a  bold  thing-  to  do  but  Judge  Parker  felt  that  it 
was  the  only  course  open  to  him,  a  sound  money  man.  The 
reception  of  the  telegram  created  a  sensation  when  it  was 
read  in  the  convention.  There  was  a  heated  discussion  over 
the  attitude  of  the  nominee  and  as  to  what  course  the  con- 
vention should  pursue  in  the  matter.  The  discussion  lasted 
for  hours.  It  was  finally  voted  to  send  the  following  tele- 
gram to   Mr.  Parker: 

"The  platform  adopted  by  this  convention  is  silent  on  the 
question  of  the  monetary  standard,  because  it  is  not  regarded  by  us; 
as  a  possible  issue  in  this  campaign,  and  only  campaign  issues  were 
mentioned  in  the  platform. 

"Therefore  there  is  nothing  in  the  views  expressed  by  you  in 
the  telegram  just  received  whic^h  should  preclude  a  man  entertain- 
ing them  from  accepting  a  nomination    on   said  platform." 

Charles  S.  Hamlin  who  was  a  member  of  the  sub-commit- 
tee of  the  committee  on  resolutions,  made  a  three-minute, 
forceful  speech  in  the  convention  during  the  debate  on  the 
Parker  telegram. 

Mr.  Hamlin  stood  out  in  the  committee  on  resolutions 
longer  almost  than  any  other  man  in  favor  of  a  recognition 
of  the  gold  standard.  He  had  seriously  contemplated  intro- 
ducing a  minority  report  and  had  been  urged  by  members 
of  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  particularly  by  Col.  Gaston, 
to  present  in  a  minority  report  a  gold  standard  plank.  He 
was  persuaded,  however,  almost  against  his  better  judgment, 
to  stand  with  the  other  members  of  the  committee  against 
any  reference  to  the  money  question.  In  his  speech  in  which 
he  advised  sending  the  telegram  to  Judge  Parker  he  ex- 
plained why  no  minority  report  had  been  presented. 

The  convention  decided  to  allow  the  platform  to  stand 

123 


as  adopted.  The  Massachusetts  delegates  got  into  line  with 
the  rest  and  nominated  Henry  Gassaway  Davis  of  West  Vir- 
ginia for  Vice  President  and  returned  home  feeling  that  they 
had  at  last  succeeded  in  shaking  off  Bryan  and  his  radical 
political  ideas,  for  a  while  at  least. 

The  Massachusetts  delegation  to  the  Republican  Na- 
tional convention  at  Chicago  this  year  was  a  representative 
body.  The  four  delegates-at-large  were  Senator  Lodge, 
chairman,  ex-Gov.  Long,  ex-Gov.  Crane  and  Col.  Everett  C. 
Benton.  The  President  was  to  be  nominated  by  acclamation 
but  there  was  a  lively  contest  for  Vice  President.  Very  few 
Republicans  doubted  the  success  of  the  ticket  they  would 
name  at  Chicago.  Prosperity  abounded  and  the  party  leaders 
felt  cocksure  of  a  continuance  of  Roosevelt  in  office  four 
more  years. 

Mark  Hanna  the  departed  Republican  chieftain  was  not 
forgotten  at  the  gathering.  A  large  portrait  of  him  back  of 
the  presiding  officer's  chair  was  the  only  picture  in  the  hall. 
The  National  committee  honored  its  departed  chairman 
by  excluding  all  other  portraits.  The  banner  of  the  Boston 
Home  Market  Club  hung  high  upon  one  of  the  end  walls, 
proclaiming  the  doctrine  of  "American  wages  for  American 
workingmen ;  the  American  markets  for  the  American  people 
and  the  protection  of  American  homes." 

Coupled  with  this  banner  was  a  reminder  by  these  high 
priests  of  protection  that  both  Harrison  and  McKinley  were 
twice  nominated  under  the  selfsame  fold. 

It  was  the  first  convention  of  the  Republican  party  since 
its  formation  that  Ohio  did  not  have  a  candidate  to  offer 
for  the  presidency.  Elihu  Root  was  temporary  presiding 
officer.  That  the  delegates  had  not  forgotten  the  services  oi 
Mark  Hanna  for  the  party  was  proven  when  the  call  for  the 
convention  was  read  signed  by  the  late  chairman  of  the  Re- 
publican National  committee.  In  the  time  intervening  be- 
tween the  issuing  of  the  call  to  the  meeting  of  the  convention 
Mr.  Hanna  died. 

Senator  Lodge  wa§  the  personal  choice  of  President 
Roosevelt  as  chairman  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  and 
on  the  second  day  of  the  proceedings  when  he  stepped  upon 
the  stage  with  his  White  House  inspired  typewritten  plat- 
form he  read  it  in  an  impressive  manner  evoking  frequent 
and  hearty  applause.     Twenty  years  before  Mr.  Lodge  and 

124 


Mr.  Roosevelt  as  delegates  sat  in  the  convention  of  1884  in 
the  same  city. 

What  a  change  had  come  over  the  political  fortunes  of 
both  in  two  decades !  In  1884  both  were  young  and  inexperi- 
enced in  public  affairs.  The  nomination  suited  neither  of 
them.  Many  of  their  personal  friends  bolted  the  nomination 
and  joined  the  Mugwump  movement  in  that  memorable  cam- 
paign. Lodge  and  Roosevelt  were  not  enthusiastic  over 
Blaine,  but  they  remained  regular.  It  would  seem  as  if  it 
paid  to  maintain  one's  party  regularity. 

Ex-Governor  Long  was  one  of  the  committee  named  to 
escort  Speaker  Cannon  from  the  Illinois  delegation  to  the 
platform  where  Mr.  Cannon  received  the  gavel  from  Mr.  Root 
and  piloted  the  convention  proceedings  from  that  out. 

"Uncle  Joe"  got  a  splendid  reception  and  he  proceeded 
to  deliver  his  speech.  His  Western  style  of  oratory  caught 
the  fancy  of  the  immense  throng  and  the  famous  old  Roman, 
about  the  last  representative  in  public  life  of  a  hardy  race  of 
pioneers  who  founded  and  built  up  the  Commonwealths  of 
the  great  West,  never  appeared  to  better  advantage  than  he 
did  at  this  convention  deridixig  the  Democrats  and  praising 
his  own  party.  The  ticket  Roosevelt  and  Fairbanks  Avas 
unanimously  nominated  and  all  records  broken  for  smooth- 
ness and  harmony. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  was  the  first  Republican  Vice-President 
to  be  nominated  for  President  and  the  first  Vice-President  to 
be  nominated  for  President  by  any  leading  party  since  Mar- 
tin van  Buren,  nearly  70  years  before,  for  Millard  Fillmore 
was  only  the  choice  of  the  "Knownothings"'  and  John  C. 
Breckenridge  of  a  faction  of  the  Democrats.  Martin  van 
Buren  owed  his  nomination  to  his  alliance  with  the  all-power- 
ful Jackson. 

One  more  precedent  was  violated  by  this  convention.  Il 
was  the  first  time  that  the  Republican  party  went  to  the  State 
of  New  York  for  a  presidential  candidate.  William  H.  Se- 
ward in  1860,  Roscoe  Conkling  in  1876  and  Chester  A.  Arthur 
in  1884  were  rejected.  Thus  Mr.  Roosevelt  had  done  what 
they  could  not  do.  The  Republican  party  never  but  once 
before  when  it  nominated  Blaine  had  crossed  the  Alleghenies 
for  a  standard  bearer,  and  then  it  went  to  defeat.  This  pre- 
cedent was  to  be  broken  by  Mr.  Roosevelt  at  the  polls  in 

125 


November.  The  ticket  was  satisfactory  to  Massachusetts 
Republicans. 

Roosevelt  carried  the  State  in  November  by  over  90,000, 
the  vote  being  Roosevelt,  .257,822,  Parker  165,712.  Of  the 
13  Congressman  elected  three  only  were  Democrats.  On 
local  issues  the  electors  reversed  themselves  electing  Douglas 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  over  Bates  on  a  vote 
divided  thus:  Douglas,  Democratic,  234,700;  Bates,  Republi- 
can, 198,681 ;  J.  O.  A.  Adam.s,  Socialist,  10,391 ;  Cobb,  Prohi- 
bitionist, 3,156;  Berry,  Socialist   Labor,  2,002, 

The  Legislature  elected  was  heavily  Republican.  In  the 
Senate  only  six  Democrats  were  elected  against  34  Republi- 
cans. For  the  lower  house,  69  Democrats  and  171  Republi- 
cans were  elected. 

Gov.  Bates'  appointment  of  Judge  Emmons  of  East  Bos- 
ton, an  old  friend  and  neighbor,  as  chairman  of  the  Boston 
Police  Board  was  a  very  unpopular  move.  Judge  Emmons 
was  a  good  man  personally  but  he  attempted  to  run  a  cos- 
mopolitan city  like  a  little  back  country  village  and  the  public 
rebelled.  The  Governor's  veto  of  the  Overtime  bill  was  an- 
other issue  in  the  campaign,  which  cost  him  a  lot  of 
votes.  Organized  labor  was  up  in  arms  over  this  matter 
and  flocked  to  the  standard  of  the  Democratic  candidate,  Wil- 
liam L.  Douglas  of  Brockton,  who  had  the  reputation  of 
treating  his  shoemakers  well. 

Many  practical  politicians  who  had  helped  Bates  beat 
the  Republican  machine  candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor 
and  whooped  it  up  for  him  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  took 
delight  in  knifing  him  because  he  had  refused  to  do  their  bid- 
ding when  he  was  elected  Governor.  Some  of  these  men 
felt  that  he  had  without  cause  turned  his  back  on  them  and 
they  took  keen  pleasure  in  his  defeat.  One  of  Gov  Bates'  old 
political  backers  remarked  after  election  that  the  Governor 
had  exchanged  his  friendship  of  these  men  for  a  bowing  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Nabobs  of  the  Republican  party,  with 
the  result  that  he  had  gone  down  to  defeat. 

A  story  is  told  that  after  Gov  Bates  had  been  defeated 
he  called  up  one  of  these  old  friends  and  suggested  a  recon- 
ciliation to  which  the  latter  replied :  "There  is  no  difference 
between  us,  my  dear  Governor.  I  have  absolutely  no  feeling 
against  you,    I  took  as  much  pleasure  in  your  defeat  as  Gov- 

126 


emor  as  I  did  in  your  election."     Another  exclaimed  that  at 
last  he  was  convinced  that  there  was  a  God  in  Israel. 

The  Democratic  candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor, 
John  C.  Crosby  of  Pittsfield,  was  beaten  by  Lieut  Gov 
•Curtis  Guild  Jr  the  Republican  candidate  by  30,000  plurality. 
The  vote  was :    Guild,  214,788,  Crosby,  184,082. 


127 


CHAPTER  XVI 

GOV     BATES'     THIRD     NOMINATION     AND     DEFEAT — COL     GASTON 

DECLINES   TO   RUN   AGAIN — WILLIAM   L.    DOUGLAS, 

DEMOCRAT,    ELECTED    GOVERNOR 

AFTER  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature  and  the 
holding  of  the  National  conventions,  the  political  lead- 
ers began  to  plan  for  the  State  campaign.  The  Repub- 
lican program  was  the  renomination  of  their  old  State  ticket, 
Bates  and  Guild.  They  had  not  as  yet  departed  from  their 
time  honored  custom  of  according  the  Governor  three  suc- 
cessive terms  —  the  act  of  succession,  some  called  it. 

It  was  generally  believed  that  Col  Gaston  would  again 
be  the  candidate  of  the  Democrats.  He  had  done  a  lot  of 
organizing  work  and  the  Democrats  were  more  united  than 
they  had  been  since  the  days  of  Cleveland  and  Russell.  Gas- 
ton's friends  were  in  a  majority  on  the  State  committee  and 
he  had  just  been  elected  National  Committeeman  from  Massa- 
chusetts. The  Presidential  candidate,  Judge  Parker,  was  sat- 
isfactory to  him,  but  he  didn't  like  the  way  things  were  run 
at  local  headquarters.  The  latter  officials  resented  Col  Gas- 
ton's establishment  of  independent  campaign  headquarters 
the  year  before  from  which  his  contest  for  Governor  was  di- 
rected. It  did  not  look  as  if  the  chairman  of  the  State  Commit- 
tee would  consent  to  a  reorganization  of  that  body  without 
a  row  and  that  Col  Gaston  did  not  desire.  He  felt  that  the 
party  had  had  all  the  quarrelling  the  voters  would  stand  for 
and  announced  that  he  would  not  run  again.  He  and  his 
friends,  on  looking  over  the  field,  determined  to  support  Wil- 
liam L.  Douglas  of  Brockton,  a  large  shoe  manufacturer,  a 
life-long  Democrat  and  a  man  who  had  always  shown  a 
friendly  interest  in  party  affairs. 

The  State  convention  accordingly  nominated  Douglas 
for  Governor  and  John  C.  Crosby  of  Pittsfield  for  Lieutenant 
Governor.  Mr.  Douglas'  nomination  was  popular.  He  was 
not  objectionable  to  the  radical  wing  of  the  Democracy  and 
he  was  on  good  terms  with  the  labor  organizations.  Mr. 
Douglas  had  been  for  years  a  large  advertiser  in  the  news- 

128 


papers.  He  believed  in  advertising.  It  sold  his  shoes.  His 
picture  always  accompanied  his  shoe  "ads."  The  chances  are 
that  had  the  question  been  submitted  to  the  people  of  the 
State  who  was  the  best  known  citizen  of  Massachusetts 
the  Democratic  gubernatorial  candidate  would  have  won  over 
Lydia  Pinkham  or  Father  John,  whose  benign  countenances 
have  for  years  adorned  the  newspapers  and  periodicals  of 
the  land  "top  of  column,  next  to  reading  matter." 

Everybody  felt  that  they  knew  the  Democratic  guberna- 
torial candidate  of  1904.  His  face  was  familiar  to  them,  but 
Mr.  Douglas  took  no  chances.  His  campaign  advertisers  cov- 
ered the  dead  walls  of  the  State  with  his  photograph  and  a 
picture  of  his  immense  shoe  factory  together  with  catchy 
campaign  reading  matter.  The  newspapers  were  not  slighted. 
At  last,  the  Democrats  had  hit  the  right  idea.  Never  before 
had  they  nominated  a  candidate  for  Governor  who  was  in 
a  position  to  get  so  many  favorable  newspaper  notices.  Mr. 
Douglas  was  a  good  customer  of  the  press  and  the  press 
ought  not  to  be  expected  to  offend  a  big  advertiser  any  more 
than  the  grocer  or  the  provision  dealer  would  knowingly 
offend  a  good  customer,  notwithstanding  the  impossible  ideals 
set  by  press  uplifters  who  have  had  little  or  no  practical 
experience  in  running  a  newspaper. 

Gov  Bates'  veto  of  the  Overtime  bill  offended  the  labor 
men  and  they  flocked  to  the  Democratic  standard.  Under 
the  proposed  law  no  woman  or  minor  under  18  years  could 
work  in  any  factory  more  than  10  hours  a  day  except  to  make 
up  for  time  lost  through  the  breaking  of  machinery  on  a 
previous  day  of  the  same  week,  or  to  make  up  time  so  that  a 
Saturday  half  holiday  might  be  had.  The  labor  leaders 
claimed  that  the  law  was  not  lived  up  to  and  sought  to  com- 
pel employers  to  do  so.  They  organized  "Flying  Wedges" 
and  went  after  the  Governor's  political  scalp  with  vengeance. 

Douglas  made  but  few  speeches  and  didn't  waste  time  or 
money  on  either  Parker,  the  Presidential  candidate  or  his 
running  mate  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  It  was  a  personally 
conducted  campaign  for  and  by  Mr.  Douglas.  He  paid  the 
freight  and  felt  that  he  had  the  right  to  limit  the  number  ofi 
passengers. 

It  was  soon  evident  that  Gov  Bates  was  pulling  against 
a  strong  head  tide.  Judge  Emmons  and  the  Overtime  bill 
were  proving  a  heavy  load  for  the  lone  oarsnian.     Foimer 

129 


supporters  aided  and  abetted  the  Democratic  candidate.  The 
chilly  Fall  River  reception  of  the  Governor  indicated  whali 
was  going  to  happen  at  the  polls. 

Other  mill  centers  showed  their  chagrin  over  the  veto 
of  the  Overtime  bill.  Almost  invariably  Fall  River  could  be 
counted  upon  to  accord  the  Republican  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor a  cordial  reception,  but  from  the  moment  that  Gov 
Bates  stepped  off  the  train  until  he  left  that  city  on  his  cam- 
paign visit,  there  were  unmistakable  signs  of  a  revolt  among 
the  mill  operatives  of  that  city.  The  parade  of  the  Republi- 
can Club  and  affiliated  organizations  was  the  smallest  in 
years  and  when  the  Governor  took  his  seat  on  the  platform 
of  the  hall  where  the  meeting  was  held,  there  were  hisses  and 
cat  calls.  Such  a  popular  politician  as  Congressman  Green 
of  that  city  was  continually  interrupted  in  his  speech  intro- 
ducing the  Chief  Executive.  So  unruly  was  the  audience 
that  one  man  felt  obliged  to  rise  and  appeal  for  a  respectful 
hearing  for  the  speakers. 

The  Governor  faced  the  music  manfully,  but  he  must 
have  realized  that  he  could  not  expect  to  convert  his  hostile 
audience.  He  sketched  the  record  of  the  Republican  party  on 
labor  legislation,  told  of  the  advanced  ground  the  party  had 
taken  in  the  interest  of  the  working  people  and  then  went  into 
the  details  of  the  Overtime  bill.  He  had  no  apology,  he  said, 
to  oft'er  for  his  course  in  vetoing  the  Overtime  bill  and  he 
declared  that  the  gain  for  labor  as  proposed  by  the  measure 
would  have  been  very  slight. 

"Not  only  have  the  labor  leaders  who  have  condemned  the 
Governor  for  vetoing  this  pernicious  bill  failed  to  induce  their  can- 
didate for  Governor  to  say  that  he  vi^ould  have  signed  the  bill,  but 
they  have  also  in  their  misrepresentations  claimed  that  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  Governor  had  never  been  anything  but  a  friend 
to  labor  organizations,"  said   Gov.   Bates. 

"Now  it  so  happens  that  before  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
Governor  surrendered  to  the  labor  organizations  he  waged  with 
them  one  of  the  most  bitter  labor  fights  ever  waged  in  this  Com- 
monwealth.    Let  me  now  invite  your  attention  for  a  moment  to  it. 

"I  do  not  know  whether  he  was  right  or  wrong  in  his  attitude, 
but  I  do  know  that  the  record  illustrates  the  inconsistency  and  the 
misrepresentation  of  the  men  who  were  fighting  him  then  and  who 
are  now  advocating  his  candidacy." 

There  were  many  other  indications  in  the  campaign  that 
the  electorate  was  getting  ready  for  a  change  in  their  Chief 
Executive.    The  Republican  managers  worked  hard  but  they 

130 


were  unable  to  stop  the  outgoing  political  tide.     The  inde- 
pendent vote  stalked  abroad. 

Everything  seemed  to  be  going  the  Democrats'  way. 
Douglas'  splendid  business  record  helped  him  with  the  monied 
men.  The  party  was  united  for  him.  Several  years  previous 
he  had  served  in  the  House  and  Senate.  He  was  popular  in 
his  own  section  and  the  Democrats  all  over  the  State  turned 
to  him  as  their  Moses.  He  left  the  local  issues  involved  to 
his  party  associates.  The  few  speech-es  he  made  dealt  with 
the  broader  issue  of  the  tariff.  Mr.  Douglas  was  in  favor  of 
free  raw  materials  especially  leather.  The  Republicans 
charged  him  with  being  a  free  trader  but  the  issue  was  not 
free  trade,  it  was  Douglas  vs.  Bates. 

Mr.  Douglas  set  up  his  own  campaign  bureau  and  adver- 
tising organization,  but  he  managed  to  keep  both  camps 
within  his  own  party  good  natured.  Labor's  "Flying  Wedges" 
were  cutting  the  ground  from  under  Gov  Bates.  The  latter  was 
charged  with  having  gone  over  to  the  manufacturers'  side 
since  he  had  become  Governor.  The  labor  men  forgot  or  ig- 
nored all  of  the  votes  he  had  cast  for  labor  measures  while 
he  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Boston  was  strongly  Democratic  that  year.  Mayor  Col- 
lins was  a  popular  Chief  Executive  and  the  Boston  Demo- 
crats worked  like  beavers  for  Douglas.  The  Democratic  ral- 
lies were  well  attended.  Early  returns  indicated  a  Demo- 
cratic victory.  Later  returns  proved  beyond  a  doubt  that  Gov 
Bates  was  beaten.  As  early  as  six  o'clock,  so  decisive  was 
the  result,  it  was  known  that  Douglas  was  elected.  The  final 
tabulation  of  the  votes  gave  Douglas  a  plurality  of  35,000  over 
Bates. 

.  The  pluralities  for  the  National  and  State  tickets  with 
the  exception  of  that  of  Governor,  the  continued  ascendency 
of  the  Republican  party  in  the  Legislature  and  its  large  per- 
centage in  the  congressional  delegation  proved  that  the  elec- 
tion was  a  personal  drive  at  Bates,  but  the  Governor  accepted 
the  verdict  of  the  people  good  naturedly  and  has  always  been 
loyal  to  his  party  and  enthusiastic  for  its  success.  Gov  Bates' 
friends  believed  that  he  was  more  sinned  against  than  sin- 
ning. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Douglas  was  elected  the 
Democrats  got  out  their  bands  and  paraded  the  streets  of 
Boston   and    Brockton.      There    were   Democratic    jubilation 

131 


meetings  in  different  parts  of  the  State  and  the  faithful  looked 
forward  to  a  great  year  on  Beacon  Hill,  but  their  hour  of  joy- 
was  soon  to  be  exchanged  for  a  period  of  gloom  and  depres- 
sion.    Mr.  Douglas  was  not  partisan  enough  to  suit  them. 


132 


GEORGE  FRISBIE  HOAR  i 

BORN  IN  CONC0«U>  AUGUST  29  \m 

D!ED  IN  WORCESTER  SEPTEMBER  JO  1>?04 

L\m'ER  SCHOLAR  ORATOR  STAHSMAN 

CITIZEN  OF  WORCESTER 

K*R  hiC'U  TH\N  HUF  XCENTIR^ 

MEMS^LR  OF  !.t\>s^CHUbErT>  HOUi-E  oF 

'  RtRRf  ^ENTVriVtS  lix-: 

MLMbER^-FM\>^NCHUsEnsWF. 

UT^  SOUCITUROF  Wi>Ra>TER' 
KUMblkvH  fHElWril'NT\3tsH0l 
RErRl^tNr\TI\tMn>^'-"o 


Scnatdr    Hoar's   Statue  at    W'orctster. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

DEATH    OF    SENATOR    HOAR  — EX-GOV    CRANE    NAMED    BY    GOV 

BATES  AS  HIS   SUCCESSOR— HOAR'S   CHARACTER  AND 

SERVICE    TO   THE   STATE    AND   NATION. 

SENATOR  Hoar  died  at  his  home  in  Worcester,  Sept.  30, 
1904.  He  was  78  years  old  and  had  been  engaged  in 
public  affairs  almost  a  half  century.  He  had  served  his 
municipality  as  City  Solicitor  his  representative  and  sena- 
torial districts  in  the  State  Legislature,  and  with  such  signal 
ability  that  his  party,  without  solicitation  on  his  part  nomi- 
nated him  for  Congress.  He  served  in  the  41st,  42nd,  43rd 
and  44th  Congresses.  He  succeeded  George  S.  Boutwell  as 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  March  5,  1877  and  continued 
in  that  body  until  his  death.  He  died  a  poor  man  compara- 
tively, but  he  left  a  rich  legacy  to  his  family — a  good  name, 
an  unblemished  public  record,  untainted  by  selfishness  or  sor- 
did motives.  In  his  long  public  career  at  the  Nation's  capital 
he  saw  men  in  the  public  service  grow  rich,  some  honorably 
and  others  not  over  scrupulous  how  they  acquired  Avealth, 
but  the  breath  of  avarice  never  polluted  his  nature.  He 
was  a  man  of  lofty  ideals.  His  partizanship,  at  times  was 
intense.  If  he  did  a  man  an  injury  and  he  discovered  it,  he 
manfully  apologized  and  did  everything  in  his  power  to  right 
the  wrong  he  had  inflicted. 

He  never  hesitated  to  say  that  his  party  or  his  associates 
in  public  life  were  wrong  if  that  was  his  belief.  He  in- 
herited !his  independence  from  his  ancestors.  Puritan  of 
Puritans,  Senator  Hoar  was  cosmopolitan  and  broad-minded 
in  most  things.  A  Unitarian  in  religion,  he  respected  the  re- 
ligious views  of  his  fellow  citizens  who  worshipped  at  different 
altars.  A  man  of  culture,  he  saw  things  from  a  broad  view 
point.  To  the  immigrant  of  alien  races,  he  extended  the  hand 
of  fellowship  and  bade  them  partake  of  the  bread  of  liberty. 
His  great  heart  went  out  to  the  poor,  the  suffering,  strug- 
gling peoples  of  the  world.  His  eloquent  voice  was  ever 
raised  for  freedom  and  he  took  his  stand  beside  the  patriot 

133 


in  every  effort  for  equal  rights  wherever  the  contest  was 
waged. 

Senator  Hoar's  neighbors  felt  honored  when  he  was 
among  them.  When  he  died  they  reared  a  noble  bronze 
statue  to  him  in  Worcester  where  he  made  his  home  after 
he  reached  manhood's  estate.  He  came  from  a  virile  race — a 
race  which,  sad  to  relate  is  dying  out.  Fortunately  for  the 
State  and  the  Nation  that  race  has  left  such  an  impressi.m  on 
the  character  and  institutions  of  the  country  that  its  influence 
will  be  felt  for  all  time.  There  is  a  disposition  today  to 
decry  the  Puritan  and  the  Pilgrim.  They  had  their  faults, 
to  be  sure,  but  their  virtues  outweighed  their  short  comings. 

Senator  Hoar's  friendship  once  formed  was  as  true  and 
as  constant  as  the  needle  which  guides  the  mariner  across  the 
pathless  sea.  His  political  opponent  found  in  him  a  foe 
worthy  of  his  steel.  His  genuine  sincerity  appealed  to  every- 
one who  met  him  and  this  impression  grew  stronger  the  more 
intimately  one  knew  him.  The  beauty  of  his  home  life  and 
his  devotion  to  his  family  and  friends  were  among  his 
strong  traits  of  character.  Few  among  his  contemporaries 
could  sway  an  audience  as  he  could.  He  was  a  game  fighter 
in  any  cause  he  undertook  to  champion.  He  gave  and  received 
heavy  blows  in  politics.  His  conception  of  his  duty  to  his  con- 
science was  demonstrated  when  he  stood  in  his  place  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  and  parted  political  company  with 
the  friends  of  a  lifetime  because  he  could  not  bring  himself  to 
believe  that  President  McKinley's  "benevolent  assimilation' 
of  the  Philippines  conformed  with  American  ideals  of  popular 
self-government. 

In  the  great  contest  which  he  made  against  what  he  be- 
lieved to  be  an  un-American  doctrine,  he  risked  office  and 
reputation  and  invited  political  ostracism,  but  he  suffered  the 
loss  of  none.  The  Republican  party  was  committed  to  the 
retention  of  the  Philippines.  His  colleague,  Senator 
Lodge  endorsed  the  administration  policy.  Apparently  the 
bulk  of  the  Republicans  favored  the  policy  of  the  administra- 
tion in  its  imperialistic  tendency  but  when  his  term  as  Sena- 
tor was  about  to  expire,  Massachusetts  approved  his  inde- 
pendence and  unanimously  reelected  him  for  another  term. 

That  one  act-  of  the  State  meant  more  to  him  than 
the  plaudits  of  the  entire  country.  He  spoke  of  it  in  his 
autobiography  and  printed  the  legislative  resolution  endors- 

134 


ing"  him.  His  great  loss  to  the  State  and  Nation  was  testified 
to  by  the  public  expressions  of  representative  men  of  all  races 
and  creeds  when  they  learned  that  Senator  Hoar  was  no 
more. 

Senator  Hoar  was  a  National  figure  and  treated  most 
subjects  that  came  before  him  in  Washington  as  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States.  He  had  that  trait  of  his  family  which  could 
see  the  sunny  side  of  life.  Wit  and  humor,  dry  though  it  was, 
ran  through  his  public  utterances.  He  could  be  as  harsh  on 
his  critics  as  he  was  tender  with  his  friends. 

He  lived  to  see  his  old  enemies  of  the  South  regard  him 
as  their  best  friend  and  invite  him  to  their  shattered  fire- 
sides after  the  war  of  the  Rebellion.  He  could  and  cften  did 
rise  above  the  slough  of  partizanship  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
worth  and  character  of  a  political  opponent.  A  great  national 
character,  he  and  his  wife  lived  in  modest  quarters  in  Wash- 
ington which  many  a  department  clerk  would  rebel  at.  He 
kept  neither  coach  nor  footman.  He  couldn't  afiford  such 
luxuries  even  if  he  cared  for  them.  The  street  car  was  his 
favorite  conveyance  in  Washington  and  at  home.  His  mod- 
est dwelling  in  Worcester  was  a  store  house  of  cultivated  in- 
tellect, which  meant  more  to  him  and  his  neighbors  than  the 
castle  of  a  King,  who  levies  taxes  on  subjects  to  maintain  his 
gaudy  trappings. 

The  only  thing  Senator  Hoar  asked  of  his  fellow  titi- 
zens  was  an  appreciation  of  his  services  as  their  representa- 
tive. That  he  had  in  its  fullest  measure.  He  died  sur- 
rounded by  the  surviving  members  of  his  family  and  two 
faithful  servants,  his  private  secretary  E.  C.  Goodwin  and  his 
messenger,  Edward  W.  Doherty.  He  was  carried  back  to 
his  boyhood  home,  Concord,  where  his  remains  w^ere  laid  be- 
side her  who  shared  his  joys  and  sorrows  for  more  than  half 
a  century. 

Gov  Bates  was  called  upon  to  name  a  successor  to  Sen- 
ator Hoar  pending  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which 
would  select  a  Senator  to  fill  the  unexpired  term.  Several 
candidates  were  mentioned  but  the  Governor  named  Ex-Gov 
Crane,  whose  selection  was  confirmed  by  the  Legislature 
when  that  body  met  in  January,  and  he  was  formally  chosen 
as  Senator  Hoar's  successor. 

Gov  Douglas,  in  his  inaugural  address,  suggested  a  per- 
manent memorial  to  Senator  Hoar  saying: 

135 


"His  life  work  was  devoted  to  our  people,  and  in  his  death 
every  loyal  son  of  Massachusetts  mourned  the  passing  of  one  of 
nature's  noblemen,  an  honest  man. 

"I  recommend  to  you  the  appointment  of  a  joint  committee 
for  the  purpose  of  devising  a  permanent  memorial  to  the  life  and 
character  of  the  late  Mr.  Hoar,  and  ask  of  you  to  appropriate  such 
money  as  is  necessary. 

"I  also  recommend  that  joint  action  be  taken  setting  aside  a 
day  of  the  General  Court  when  tributes  to  his  memory  may  be  paid 
in  this  hall  by   those  who  knew  and   lovcyl  him  best." 

The  Legislature  paid  its  tribute  in  due  time  and  the 
people  of  Worcester  started  a  popular  subscription  fund  for 
a  memorial  to  their  foremost  citizen.  In  June,  1908,  the  dedi- 
cation ceremonies  of  his  life  size  statue,  which  stands  on  the 
City  Hall  plaza,  took  place  in  the  presence  of  a  large  assem- 
blage of  the  people  of  the  city.  The  sculptor  was  Daniel  C. 
French,  one  of  America's  leading  artists,  who  did  full  justice 
to  his  subject.  The  statue  was  erected  with  subscriptions 
ranging  from  one  cent  to  $100  from  30,000  individuals,  resi- 
dents of  Worcester.  There  were  2648  subscriptions  of  one 
cent,  mostly  school  children,  22,820  from  one  cent  to  25  cents, 
3139  from  25  cents  to  $1,  and  15  above  $100.  The  list  included 
subscriptions  from  128  societies. 

All  classes,  races  and  creeds,  mindful  of  the  public  ser- 
vices of  the  man,  gathered  to  show  their  appreciation  of  his 
worth  and  character.  His  old  and  intimate  friend  Rev.  Dr. 
Edward  Everett  Hale  offered  the  prayer.  Among  the  dis- 
tinguished guests  on  the  occasion  were :  Associate  Justice 
William  H.  Moody,  of  the  U  S  Supreme  Court,  who  was  ora- 
tor of  the  day;  Gov  Curtis  Guild  Jr.,  who  paid  the  tribute 
of  Massachusetts ;  Lieut  Gov  Eben  S.  Draper,  Senator  W. 
Murray  Crane,  his  successor.  Rev.  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale, 
Chaplain  of  the  U  S  Senate ;  Chief  Justice  Marcus  P.  Knowl- 
ton  and  Associate  Justice  Arthur  H.  Rugg  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Supreme  Court;  Judge  Francis  A.  Gaskill  and  Judge 
Henry  A.  King  of  the  Massachusetts  Superior  Court;  Con- 
gressman F.  H.  Gillett  of  Springfield,  Judge  William  T. 
Forbes  of  the  Probate  Court.  Mayor  James  Logan,  Daniel 
Chester  French,  sculptor  of  the  monument;  Bishop  Alexan- 
der H.  Vinton  of  the  Episcopal  diocese  of  Western  Massa- 
chusetts, Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  B.  Warner  of  Boston,  Mrs.  Edward 
L.  Hoar  of  Cambridge,  Roger  Sherman  Hoar  of  Concord, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bradford  and  Miss  Alice  Bradford  of  Con- 
cord,   Mr.    and    Mrs.    Samuel    Hoar    of   Concord,    Mr.    John 

136. 


Senator   Crane. 


Hoar  of  Concord,  Miss  E.  W.  Storer  of  Cambridge,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  George  K.  Dresser  of  Cambridge,  Henry  W.  Lamb  of 
Brookline,  Mrs.  Roger  Wolcott  of  Readville,  Miss  Dresser 
of  Southbridge,  Miss  Mary  Hoar  of  Worcester,  daughter  of 
the  Senator,  and  Mrs.  Rockwood  Hoar,  widow  of  the  late 
Congressman  Rockwood  Hoar. 


137 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

DOUGLAS   AND   HIS    SINGLE   TERM— APPOINTS    LIEUT.-GEN    MILES 

ON   HIS    MILITARY    STAFF — SAYS    A    GOOD   WORD    FOR    PUBLIC 

OWNERSHIP   OF   PUBLIC    UTILITIES— FAVORS    RETURN   OF 

POLICE  MANAGEMENT  TO  BOSTON  AND  FALL  RIVER — 

CONDEMNS    "DEJPLORABLE    CONDITIONS"     IN    FALL 

RIVER        STRIKE— NAMES        FLAHERTY        AND 

CROSBY    SUPERIOR    COURT    JUDGES — 

DEATH  OF  MAYOR  COLLINS. 

WILLIAM  L.  DOUGLAS  entered  upon  his  duties  as 
Governor  January  5,  1905.  He  was  the  fourth  Demo- 
crat to  be  chosen  Chief  Executive  of  the  Common- 
wealth since  the  Republican  party  came  into  power.  Twelve 
years  had  come  and  gone  since  the  Democrats  had  elected  a 
Governor.  They  were  naturally  elated  over  their  victory  and 
they  flocked  to  the  State  House  to  speed  the  parting  Repub- 
lican incumbent  of  that  office,  and  welcome  the  incoming 
Governor  of  their  own  political  faith.  The  booming  of  can- 
non on  the  Common  saluting  the  new  Chief  Executive  was 
followed  by  the  applause  of  enthusiastic  Democrats  who  over- 
ran the  Capitol  as  their  gubernatorial  choice  stood  on  tlie 
Speaker's  rostrum  in  the  Chamber  of  the  House  to  read  his 
inaugural  address. 

With  gratitude  to  the  people  and  a  full  realization  of  the 
responsibilities  placed  upon  him  Gov.  Douglas  said  he  en- 
tered upon  his  duties  with  the  determination  to  be  the  Chief 
Executive  of  all  the  people  of  the  State,  and  to  do  all  in  his 
power  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  Commonwealth  and  its 
inhabitants. 

"The  problems  of  statecraft  are  so  numerous  and  far  reaching 
that  it  is  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  good  are  sifted  from 
the  bad  measures  and  enacted  into  laws.  This  is  a  work  occupying 
the  best  energies  of  our  greatest  minds,  And  each  year  shows  the 
beneficient  results  of  study  for   the  advancement  of  our  people. 

"I  wish  to  urge  upon  you  at  the  outset  the  avoidance  of  so- 
called  class  legislation, — that  is,  legislation  calculated  to  benefit  one 
portion  of  our  citizenship  at  the  expense  of  another,"  were  some  of 
the  opening  paragraphs  of  his  address. 

The  Governor  felt  that  the  $12  tax  limit  on  cities  needed 
the  attention  of  the  lawmakers  because,  he  pointed  out,  that 

138 


Governor  Douglas. 


most  of  the  municipalities  found  it  difficult  to  live  on  this 
rate  and  had  been  forced  to  resort  to  various  questionable 
devices  to  meet  their  financial  needs.  He  therefore  urged 
"that  the  Legislature  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  this 
question,  and  devise  some  reasonable  method  of  relieving  the 
cities  unable  to  comply  with  the  law  as  it  now  stands." 

He  struck  a  popular  chord  with  the  Democrats  in  dis- 
cussing State  control  of  local  police,  saying: 

"In  1885  a  departure  was  made  from  the  time-honored  and  suc- 
cessful system  of  local  self-government,  and  the  control  of  its  own 
police  was  taken  from  the  city  of  Boston  and  vested  in  a  commis- 
sion   appointed    by   the    Governor. 

■'The  assumption  of  this  power  by  the  Commonwealth  has  re- 
sulted in  no  good  to  it,  or  to  any  party  in  it,  and  the  Commonwealth 
should  acknowledge  the  fact. 

"I  recommend  a  return  to  the  principle  of  home  rule  by  the 
enactment  of  a  law  re!=toring  to  Boston  and  Fall  River,  respectively, 
the   control    of  their    own   police    forces." 

On  the  tariff  the  Governor's  inaugural  rang  true  from  a 
Democratic  standpoint.  Under  the  head  of  Massachusetts 
and  the  tariff  he  said  : 

"I  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  a  matter  that,  while  more  Na- 
tional than  local,  and  while  it  is  one  over  which  your  body  has  no 
control  is  yet  ot   vital   importance   to  this   Commonwealth. 

"Massachusetts'  industrial  greatness  is  due  in  a  measure  to  her 
natural  opportunities,  but  more  largely  to  her  freedom  of  trade  with 
the  other  States,  to  her  sturdy,  hardworking,  frugal,  skillful,  intel- 
ligent, honest  and  patriotic  people,  and  to  her  good  government. 

"We  must,  however,  realize  that  conditions  are  changing,  and 
that  it  is  unsafe  for  Massachusetts  to  stand  still  and  to  depend  en- 
tirely for  industrial  success  upon  the  same  factors  that  have  in  the 
past  kept  her  to  the  forefront.  I  believe  that  our  wide-awake  New 
England  people  appreciate  this  situation,  and  I  expect  to  see  them 
solve  these  new  problems  as  they  have  previously  solved  others. 

"Since  the  passage  of  the  present  tariff  law,  in  1897,  the  cost 
of  living  has  increased  about  38  per  cent.  As  prices  have  not  risen 
half  as  much  in  England  since  1897,  it  is  fair  to  suppose  that  a  large 
part  of  the  increased  cost  of  living  m  this  country  is  due  to  tho 
tariflf  law. 

"The  fiow  of  manufactured  goods  the  world  over  demonstrates 
that  high  daily  and  weekly  wages  are  not  a  real  handicap  to  our  in- 
dustries. Everywhere,  with  few  exceptions,  we  see  those  manu- 
factured goods  requiring  the  most  labor,  and  in  which  the  percentage 
of  labor  cost  is  greatest,  flowing  from  the  high  to  the  low  wage 
countries.  Our  exported  wheat,  sown,  harvested,  threshed  and 
ground  by  labor  receiving  from  one  to  three  dollars  a  day,  competes 
in  England  with  wheat  from  Russia  and  India,  grown  and  h;'rvested 
by  labor  receiving  from  twenty  to  fifty  cents  per  day.  It  would 
seem  to  be  almost  a  law  of  trade  that  high  wages  and  low  laboi 
cost  go  hand  in  hand." 

139 


Because  of  her  isolated  condition  as  to  materials  and  food 
supplies  Gov  Douglas  said,  Massachusetts  felt  the  burden  of 
tariff  taxes  more  than  most  other  States.  He  enthusiastically- 
advocated  reciprocity  with  Canada  and  other  countries  and 
asked  for  the  authorization  of  an  Industrial  Commission — 
albeit  the  Governor's  party  had  always  decried  Commissions 
and  claimed  that  the  number  was  too  large — "to  inquire  into 
and  report  upon  the  effect  of  the  present  tariff  laws  upon 
Massachusetts'  industries." 

"This  commission,"  said  he,  "should  be  empowered  to  hold  hear- 
ings, and,  if  necessary,  to  obtain  statistical  and  other  information 
from  without  the  Commonwealth.  It  should  be  required  to  make  a 
final  report  not  later  than  April  lo,  1905.  It  should  consider  the 
advisability  of  a  referendum  vote  on  one  or  more  of  its  conclmions, 
— the  primary  object  of  such  vote  being-  to  obtain  an  expression  of 
opinion  from  the  people  for  the  information  and  guidance  of  our 
representatives  in  the  Congress. 

"The  importance  of  knowing  our  own  tariff  needs,  and  the  pos- 
sibility of  thus  influencing  National  legislation  in  our  favor,  are  so 
great  that  the  small  cost  of  such  a  commission  should  hardly  be 
considered.'' 

Being  one  of  the  largest  shoemakers  in  the  country  it 
was  only  natural  that  Gov  Douglas  should  favor  free  hides. 
He  coupled  free  coal  with  the  same  demand.  "Coal,"  said  he, 
"the  great  source  of  power  for  our  factories  and  of  heat  and 
light  for  our  homes,  is  one  of  the  essentials  to  our  industrial 
life.    It  should  be  as  cheap  as  possible." 

Congress  finally  granted  free  hides  but  the  shoe  manu- 
facturers soon  had  a  new  excuse  for  raising  the  price  of  their 
goods  so  that  the  consumer  was  not  benefited  by  such  action. 

On  the  subject  of  labor  he  said,  among  other  things: 

"Massachusetts  in  many  enlightened  labor  measure.?  has  been 
the  leader  of  the  States;  and  while  much  has  been  accomplished,  there 
yet  remains  more  to  do.  The  fear  of  changed  or  changing  condi- 
tions should  not  turn  us  from  that  broad  and  humane  view  that  the 
laborer  is  indeed  not  only  worthy  of  his  hire,  but  is  entitled  to  the 
leisure,  the  opportunity  and  the  necessary  income  to  provide  for 
the  present  and  future  necessities  of  himself  and  family,  to  elevate 
himself  by  education  into  an  employer,  and  by  fitness  become  the 
instrument  to  lessen  the  burden  of  the  ever  on-coming  toiling 
masses." 

On  the  overtime  question  which  had  been  an  important 
issue  in  the  campaign  for  Governor,  Mr.  Douglas  pleased  the 
labor  leaders  by  his  endorsement  of  their  demands  in  the 
following  language : 

140 


"From  the  mills,  factories  and  workshops  in  all  sections  of  the 
Commonwealth  there  comes  an  appeal  that  should  not  go  unheeded. 
It  is  the  petition  of  the  women  and  minors  for  the  enactment  of  a 
law  prohibiting  the  overtime  work  in  factories  and  mills  after  a  rea- 
sonable hour.  To  such  a  measure,  framed  with  due  regard  for  all 
concerned,    I    commend   your   earnest   consideration.'' 

He  also  urged  "the  necessity  for  doing  what  is  possible 
to  secure  the  enactinent  by  other  States  of  laws  similar  to 
those  of  Massachusetts  concerning  child  labor  and  the  em- 
ployment of  women."  Pointing  out  the  benefits  to  all  of 
conciliation  and  arbitration  in  labor  disputes  and  praising 
the  State  board  for  its  work  in  this  direction  he  said  : 

"The  benefits  of  conciliation  and  arbitration  to  the  community, 
the  worker  and  the  employer  are  not  as  well  understood  as  they 
should  be  for  the  welfare  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  I  trust  the 
General  Court  may  devise  some  method  to  educate  those  most  vit- 
ally interested  in  the  subject  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  wisdom 
of  submitting  grievances  to  an  impartial  board  of  arbiters;  also  that 
you,  gentlemen,  will  favor  such  legislation  as  tends  to  promote  the 
better  working  of  the  system  already  established   in  the  State." 

Regarding  industrial  and  trade  schools,  Gov  Douglas  de- 
clared himself  heartily  in  favor  of  encouraging  those  already 
established  by  liberal  appropriations,  saying: 

"In  my  judgment  Massachusetts  made  a  good  investment  when 
it  gave  financial  encouragement  to  our  textile  school  and  our  nauti- 
cal training  school.  I  believe  we  should  have  similar  schools  in 
other   industries. 

"I  would  also  suggest  the  advisability  of  agricultural  schools, 
where  a  practical  knowledge  of  horticulture,  forestry  and  of  the  ani- 
mal industries  shall  be  taught.  Small  rural  schools  cf  this  kind 
scattered  throughout  the  State  and  inexpensively  conducted  would, 
in  my  opinion,  not  only  do  much  to  keep  the  country  boys  at  home, 
but  would  cause  our  New  England  farms  to  become  as  productive 
and  profitable  as  is  possible.'' 

He  recorded  himself  in  favor  of  direct  legislation,  assert- 
ing that  it  would  be  no  innovation  in  Massachusetts,  point- 
ing out  that  the  Constitution  itself  is  amended  by  popular 
vote,  remarking: 

'If  our  organic  law  is  thus  confined  to  the  direct  vote  of  the 
people,  it  would  be  no  innovation  if  such  a  vote  of  popular  approval 
were  to  be  required  upon  measures  of  legislation  which  are  inferior 
in  dignity  and  importance  to  constitutional  amendments,''  and  he 
recommended  a  law  which  would  allow  direct  legislation,  ob- 
serving that  "Legislatures  would  become  more  cautious  as  they  be- 
came directly  accountable  to  the  popular  judgment." 

141 


He  recommended  legislation  giving  to  cities  and  towns 
wider  powers  in  the  conduct  of  business  which  derives  its 
profits  from  the  necessities  of  the  community.  "The  powers 
already  granted  have  proved  the  economy  and  wisdom  of  the 
conduct  of  such  business  by  the  community  itself,"  said  he, 
and  he  added: 

"Whatever  doubts  may  exist  as  to  the  expediency  of  State  or 
Federal  ownership  of  public  utilities,  the  operation  of  such  under- 
takings by  towns  and  cities  in  this  Commonwealth  both  with  regard 
to  water  supply  and  public  lighting,  that  under  favorable  coriditions 
and  proper  management  the  business  of  gas,  electric  lighting  and 
water  supply  can,  be  conducted  by  municipal  corporations  with  profit 
to  the  inhabitants,  both  in  price  and  in  service. 

"It  is  not  disputed  that,  as  a  rule,  private  corporations  conduct 
their  business  more  economically  than  do  public  corporations.  It  is, 
however,  disputed  that  the  public  usually  obtains  the  benefit  of  this 
economical  management.  In  most  cases,  therefore,  the  publicly 
owned  and  operated  water  works,  sewers,  gas  and  electric  lighting 
plants  have  given  the  public  cheaper  and  better  fervice  than  have 
the  privately  owned  concerns.  For  these  reasons,  I  ask  the  Legisla- 
ture to  give  every  reasonable  facility  to  those  municipalities  which 
■desire  to  conduct  their  own  public-service  utilities." 

That  was  a  longer  step  in  this  direction  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  had  taken  on  this  subject  for  years.  Coming 
from  a  successful  business  man  the  suggestion  caused  quite 
a  little  flurry.  The  lobby  and  the  high  priced  legislative 
counsel,  to  be  sure,  had  to  do  a  little  more  button-holing  of 
members  than  usual  and  the  Governor's  public  ownership 
ideas  died  a  horning. 

Mr.  Douglas  invited  attention  to  the  tendency  among 
those  who  do  not  know  the  lot  of  the  unfortunate  to  treat 
offenders  against  the  law  with  uniform  rigor,  regardless  of 
the  circumstances  which  may  surround  them  and  their  of- 
fences, saying: 

"I  believe  that  the  majority  of  offenders  are  creatures  of  con- 
ditions and  environment  rather  than  of  vicious  natures,  and  that 
just  treatment  may  redeem  many  when  the  rigor  of  punishment  may 
serve  not  to  correct,  but  rather  to  confirm,  evil  impulses. 

"So  far  as  is  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  community,  the 
prison  should  be  only  a  final  resort  for  the  prevention  of  crime. 

"With  respect  to  minor  offences,  it  seems  to  me  that,  the  widest 
scope  should  be  given  to  judges  and  to  charitable  organizations,  so 
that  mercy,  benevolence,  kindness  and  Christian  forgiveness  shall 
be  exhausted  before  the  penalties  of  the  law  are  inflicted.  I  believe 
that  unfortunates,  the  hungry,  the  unemployed  and  the  intoxicated 
should  not  be  taken  to  a  cell  when  a  door  of  charity  is  open  to  them 
and    improvement    may    be    hoped    for    without    punishment.       Some 

142 


discretion  may  also  fairly  be  vested  in  the  police  to  take  offenders 
to  their  homes  rather  than  to  cells,  and  even  to  release  them  under 
proper  safeguards  from  appearance  in  court.'' 

He  had  a  good  word  for  voting  machines  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  the  adoption  of  some  mechanical  device  for 
voting  would  be  considered  by  the  Legislature.  A  very  im- 
portant announcement  was  made  regarding  the  State  militia. 
He  said  that  he  had  asked  the  War  Department  to  detail 
Lieut  Gen  Nelson  A.  Miles,  U.  S.  A.,  retired,  to  report  to 
him  under  the  provisions  of  the  "Dick  Act"  and  that  he  had 
been  notified  by  the  Secretary  of  War  that  the  request  would 
be  granted. 

"It  is  my  intention  to  have  General  Miles  make  a  thorough  in- 
spection of  the  organized  militia  of  the  State.  He  vf\U  report,  in 
writing,  wha't  changes  in  our  militia  laws  and  methods  of  admins- 
tration  are,  in  his  judgment,  desirable  to  better  promote  its  efficiency 
as  a  part  of  the  National  guard,  and  to  obtain  the  benefits  of  National 
co-operation  and  assistance"  said  he. 

Forty-four  years  before  Nelson  A.  Miles,  a  native  of  this 
State  had  raised  and  equipped  at  his  own  expense  a  company 
of  volunteers  when  President  Lincoln  asked  for  defenders  of 
the  Union.  He  was  elected  a  Lieutenant.  His  rise  was  rapid, 
winning  promotion  after  promotion  by  conspicuous  bravery 
and  daring  deeds.  He  was  in  every  engagement  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  with  one  exception  until  the  surrender  of 
Lee  to  Grant  at  Appomattox.  At  25  he  commanded  an 
army  corps  numbering  25,000  men.  Three  times  wounded  he 
was  mustered  out  at  the  close  of  the  war  as  a  Major  General 
of  volunteers.  Entering  the  Regular  Army  at  the  close  of  the 
Civil  War  he  had  seen  the  hardest  kind  of  service  on  the 
frontier,  fighting  Indians.  He  was  the  terror  of  "Sitting 
Bull"  and  other  famous  old  Indian  warriors.  No  man  who 
wore  the  uniform  of  the  U  S  in  his  day  had  had  more 
public  honors  heaped  on  him  than  General  Miles,  but  he  got 
out  of  favor  at  the  White  House  during  Pres  Roosevelt's 
term,  was  snubbed  and  retired. 

Gen  Miles  was  one  of  the  foremost  soldiers  the  State  and 
country  ever  produced  and  yet  he  had  never  seen  the  inside 
of  a  military  school  until  after  he  had  won  his  commission 
as  Major  General.  His  stay  was  brief  as  Gov  Douglas  was 
only  a  one-termer.  Gen  Miles  had  been  away  from  his 
native  State  so  long  that  he  felt  like  a  stranger  on  his  return. 

143 


He  came  without  much  show  or  trappings,  took  the  desk  as- 
signed him  in  the  Adjutant  General's  department  and  gladly 
gave  the  State  the  benefit  of  his  experience  which  was  em- 
bodied in  a  new  militia  bill  and  passed  by  the  Legislature, 
bringing  the  organization  up  to  a  higher  standard.  With 
the  passing  of  the  Douglas  administration  Gen  Miles  departed 
as  quietly  as  he  came. 

Gov  Douglas  gave  his  support  to  the  movement  to  estab- 
lish juvenile  courts  for  handling  the  cases  of  minors  under 
16.  The  prolonged  textile  strike  in  Fall  River  was  handled 
without  gloves  in  the  following  language  in  the  inaugural : 

"The  most  deplorable  conditions  exist  at  Fall  River.  It  seems 
beyond  belief  that  in  these  enlightened  twentieth  century  days,  after 
all  the  study  and  experiments  of  our  best  minds,  it  should  be  possi- 
ble for  us  to  look  upon  such  an  appalling  spectacle  as  the  present 
situation  in  that  city.  Nations  have  met  and  solved  vexed  prob- 
lems by  arbitration;  magnificent  temples  are  being  constructed  where 
world  powers  may  meet  and  settle  their  differences.  Yet  here  in 
Massachusetts — the  citadel  of  wealth,  culture,  refinement  and  pro- 
gressive liberality— is  presented  the  melancholy  sight  of  our  women 
and  children  being  fed  from  soup  houses  and  sent  to  bed  scantily 
clad  in  fireless  homes.  I  cannot  attempt  to  dissect  the  causes  lead- 
ing up  to  this  condition,  but  it  is  sufficient  for  us  to  know  rhat  it 
exists.  If  it  be  possible  in  the  deliberations  of  your  bodies  to  formu- 
late a  remedy  for  existing  conditions  and  prevent  their  recurrence, 
humanity  will  not  have  labored  in  vain. 

"The  situation  in  Fall  River  is  not  only  a  blemish  upon  the  good 
name  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  many  of  its  citizens,  in  no  way  res- 
ponsible for,  or  parties  to,  the  present  state  of  affairs,  are  being 
ruined  financially,  with  no  power  to  save  themselves.  It  should  at 
least  be  a  subject  worthy  of  study  to  devise  some  means  not  only 
for  the  prevention  of  such  desperate  industrial  warfare,  but  for 
the  protection  of  those  interests  in  the  community  not  a  party  to 
the  controversy." 

With  a  Republican  Legislature  and  a  Republican  Execu- 
tive Council,  with  the  other  elected  State  ofificials  on  the 
State  ticket  Republicans,  Gov  Douglas  began  his  administra- 
tion by  appointing  William  R.  Buchanan  of  Brockton,  a  news- 
paper proprietor  and  business  associate,  a  Republican,  his 
private  secretary.  Mr.  Buchanan  came  to  be  regarded  as 
a  Deputy  Governor.  He  knew  practically  none  of  the  Demo- 
cratic politicians  and  it  Avas  not  long  before  he  was  on  the 
black  list  of  several  Democratic  political  leaders.  Pretty 
soon  the  complaint  was  heard  that  Democrats  couldn't  get 
at  His  Excellency.  Rightly  or  wrongly  Buchanan  was  con- 
demned by  the  politicians  and  many  Democrats  stopped  go- 
ing to  the  Executive  department. 

144 


■11.    Mi]e> 


Gen.    Stopford. 


Gen.    Cole. 


Gen.    Pearson. 


John  J.  Flaherty,  of  Gloucester,  chairman  of  the  execu- 
tive committee  of  the  State  Committee  and  John  C.  Crosby 
who  had  been  a  party  draught  horse  for  years  and  had  been 
Douglas'  running  mate  on  the  State  ticket,  were  made  judges 
of  the  Superior  Court.  Charles  H.  Cole  was  made  police 
commissioner  of  Boston.  But  that  was  about  all  the  big 
jobs  that  were  handed  to  the  faithful.  The  small  fry  got 
little  comfort  and  only  a  few  patronage  crumbs  from  the 
Douglas  political  table. 

The  Legislature  was  in  session  143  days  and  on  May  26 
was  prorogued.  It  had  passed  479  acts  and  108  resolves.  Gov 
Douglas  vetoed  four  acts  only  one  of  which  was  passed  over 
his  veto.  Very  few  of  the  changes  in  the  organic  laws  pro- 
posed by  Gov  Douglas  were  adopted. 

Resolutions  on  the  death  of  Ex-Gov  William  Claflin,  Ex- 
Gov  Boutwell  and  Gen  Fitz-Hugh  Lee  were  adopted.  Both 
branches  passed  resolutions  favoring  free  hides,  Cana- 
dian reciprocity  and  the  regulation  of  the  hours  of  labor  by 
Federal  laws.  Most  of  the  work  of  the  Legislature  of  1905 
was  special  legislation  affecting  cities,  towns,  individuals  and 
corporations. 

The  foremost  American-Irishman  of  his  day,  Patrick  A. 
Collins  died  suddenly  at  Hot  Springs,  Va.,  September  13, 
1905,  whither  he  had  gone  for  a  brief  respite  from  his  arduous 
duties  as  Mayor  of  Boston.  The  news  of  his  death  came  as 
a  shock  to  his  friends  and  Boston  was  plunged  into  genuine 
grief  and  mourning.  Gen  Collins'  friends  were  getting  ready 
to  again  urge  him  to  accept  another  term  as  Mayor  of  Boston 
and  he  encouraged  them  to  believe  that  he  would  again  con- 
sent to  head  the  Democratic  mayoralty  ticket.  No  man 
stood  higher  in  the  city  or  State  than  Gen  Collins.  He  was 
easily  the  foremost  man  of  his  race  and  yet  he  was  genuinely 
American  in  every  fibre  of  his  body.  For  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury he  had  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  big  Democrats  of 
the  Nation.  His  counsel  and  advice  was  sought  by  the  party 
leaders  in  National,  State  and  city  affairs.  Honest,  sincere, 
upright  in  character  he  hated  shams  and  meanness  and  stood 
head  and  shoulders  above  his  party  associates  in  the  mael- 
strom of  politics. 

His  character  was  noble ;  his  ideals  lofty  and  inspiring. 
He  had  risen  by  his  own  efforts  from  the  lowly  ranks  of  the 
poor   emigrant   to    high    station    in    public    affairs.      He    was 

145 


honored  by  his  city  and  State  and  Country  with  their  choicest 
laurels  and  when  he  was  no  more,  a  grateful  public  erected 
a  noble  monument  to  him,  hard  by  the  friend  of  his  youth, 
John  Boyle  O'Reilly,  whose  memory  is  also  perpetuated  in 
bronze  by  his  admirers.  No  man  has  yet  appeared  ir,  the 
Democratic  ranks  to  take  the  place  of  Patrick  A.  Collins. 
His  type  of  Democratic  politician  is  becoming  rarer  and  rarer 
every  day. 


146 


CHAPTER  XIX 

DEMOCRATS    NOMINATE   CHARLES    W.    BARTLETT   AND   HENRY    M. 
WHITNEY   FOR    GOVERNOR  AND   LIEUTENANT   GOVERNOR, 
RESPECTIVELY— REPUBLICANS    NAME    GUILD    AND 
DRAPER    AS    THEIR    GUBERNATORIAL    CAN- 
DIDATES     AND      WIN— DEATH      OP 
EX-GOV.      BOUTWELL. 

IT  BEGAN  to  be  whispered  about  in  the  late  Summer  of 
1905  that  Gov  Douglas  had  had  enough  of  the  Governor- 
ship, that  he  desired  to  return  to  private  life  and  keep  his 
business  eye  on  his  shoe  shops.  When  the  definite  announce- 
ment was  made  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate  for  re-elec- 
tion, the  Democratic  leaders  began  to  troop  up  Beacon  Hill 
and  ask  the  Governor  to  reconsider  his  declination.  Men 
who  had  openly  criticized  him  joined  in  the  procession  and 
begged  him  to  run  again,  realizing  that  a  business  min  like 
Douglas  was  an  asset  to  the  party,  but  nothing  that  his  politi- 
cal friends  or  associates  said  was  able  to  induce  him  to 
change  his  mind.  Democrats  began  to  cast  about  for  a  new 
candidate.  Col  Gaston  was  asked  to  run.  His  friends  felt 
that  the  good  work  he  had  done  in  organizing  the  party  made 
it  possible  for  Douglas  to  be  elected.  He,  too,  refused.  Fin- 
ally, Gen  Charles  W.  Bartlett,  a  well-known  lawyer,  a  resi- 
dent of  Newton  and  member  of  Gov  Douglas'  staff  v/as 
agreed  upon  and  was  nominated  at  the  State  convention  held 
in  Boston,  Oct.  7. 

Gen  Bartlett  had  never  been  prominent  in  party  affairs, 
although  he  had  shown  some  interest  in  ward  politics  when 
he  lived  in  Dorchester.  He  was  one  of  the  backers  of  the 
O'Connell  boys  of  Ward  20,  who  represented  what  was  known 
among  the  local  politicians  as  the  "Red  Devil"  Democracy. 
Bartlett  was  New  Hampshire  born  and  bred  and  inherited  his 
politics  from  a  long  line  of  Granite  State  Democrats.  His 
nomination  was  a  popular  one  and  he  had  the  support  of  all 
factions  of  the  party. 

Before  he  was  nominated,  however,  there  were  a  lot  of 
things  requiring  the  attention  of  the  party  doctors.    The  chief 

147 


obstacle  in  the  path  of  those  who  favored  the  nomination  of 
Gen  Bartlett  was  to  get  Mayor  McNamee  of  Cambridge  out 
of  the  way.  McNamee  was  one  of  those  who  felt  aggrieved 
over  Douglas'  failure  to  recognize  the  "Six  o'clock  Demo- 
crats" in  giving  out  the  offices  and  he  was  inclined  to  oppose 
any  Douglas  man.  Up  to  the  meeting  of  the  State  conven- 
tion McNamee  was  still  insurging,  but  Col.  Gaston's  diplo- 
macy was  equal  to  the  occasion  and  he  was  credited  with 
getting  McNamee  to  retire  from  the  contest.  McNamee  went 
further.  He  seconded  the  nomination  of  Gen.  Bartlett  in  the 
convention. 

For  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  it  was  agreed  before- 
hand that  Henry  M.  Whitney,  of  Brookline,  a  prominent 
Boston  business  man  and  promoter  of  big  enterprises  would 
be  the  choice  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  Mr.  Whitney  had 
long  been  an  advocate  of  Canadian  reciprocity.  As  President 
of  the  Boston  Chamber  of  Commerce  he  led  a  non-partisan 
movement  for  closer  trade  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Canada.  On  the  Republican  side  was  Eugene  N. 
Foss.  Foss  went  into  several  Republican  State  conventions 
and  was  defeated  on  the  proposition.  He  incurred  the  politi- 
cal displeasure  of  Senator  Lodge  and  other  Republican  lead- 
ers who  were  not  in  favor  of  the  brand  of  reciprocity  advo- 
cated by  Whitney,  Foss  &  Co. 

In  order  to  pacify  a  large  number  of  business  men  who 
were  in  the  movement,  the  Republicans  put  a  reciprocity 
plank  into  their  platform  this  year  but  it  was  too  ambiguous 
to  suit  the  Reciprocitarians  and  they  insisted  that  the  Repub- 
lican attitude  was  not  straightforward.  As  it  was  settled 
that  the  Republican  ticket  this  year  would  be  Guild  and 
Draper,  and  as  Guild's  position  was  satisfactory  to  them  on 
reciprocity,  the  leaders  of  the  latter  movement  decided  to 
make  their  fight  on  Draper  who  was  an  opponent  of  their 
ideas.  Hence  it  was  that  Mr.  Whitney,  although  of  guberna- 
torial size,  decided  to  contest  the  Lieutenant  Governorship 
with  Draper.  Mr.  Whitney  had  plain  sailing  for  the  Demo- 
cratic nomination.  He,  too,  came  of  an  old  Democratic  fam- 
ily. His  father.  Gen  James  S.  Whitney,  a  Jacksonian  Demo- 
crat, had  been  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of 
1853,  which  was  controlled  by  the  Democrats  and  Free  Soil- 
ers  and  he  was  Collector  of  the  [*ort  of  Boston  before  the 
war.     He  was  a  prominent  business  man.     His  son,  Henry 

148 


M.,  inherited  his  father's  aptitude  for  big  business.  Another 
son,  WilHam  C.  had  been  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  Cleveland's 
first  cabinet. 

Besides  being  engaged  in  the  steamship  business,  Henry 
M.  Whitney  had  brought  about  the  consolidation  of  all  of 
the  street  railways  running  into  Boston.  He  was  a  director 
in  the  Boston  &  Maine  Railroad.  He  had  dabbled  in  the 
gas  combine  in  Boston  and  the  suburbs  and  was  still  looking 
for  other  business  worlds  to  conquer.  The  Republicans 
charged  that  he  was  working  for  selfish  purposes,  pointing 
out  that  under  reciprocity — merely  another  name  for  free 
trade,  they  claimed — the  products  of  Whitney's  Nova  Scotia 
coal  and  iron  mines  would  be  admitted  free  into  the  Ameri- 
<:an  market. 

The  permanent  chairman  of  the  Democratic  convention 
was  Congressman  John  R.  Thayer,  of  Worcester.  Osborne 
Howes,  Jr.,  an  editorial  writer  on  the  Boston  Herald,  was 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  James  E.  Cotter 
and  Charles  H.  Jones,  the  latter  a  large  shoe  manufacturer, 
made  the  nomination  speeches  for  Mr.  Whitney.  The  para- 
mount issue  of  the  campaign  was  declared  to  be  relief  from 
tariff  restrictions,  set  out  in  the  following  plank: 

"The  paramount  issue  at  this  time  before  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts is  relief  from  tariff  restrictions.  The  effect  of  this  policy, 
forced  upon  the  dominant  Republican  partj'  by  the  great  and  sel- 
fish interests,  has  been  to  cut  iMassachusetts  from  its  natural  mar- 
kets of  sale  and  purchase  and  to  push  the  State  towards  ihe  danger 
line  of  industrial  decline.  It  is  shown  in  trade  reports,  financial 
statements  and  census  returns,  that  while  the  industries  of  the  coun- 
try, as  a  whole,  have  materially  increased  in  the  past  decade,  those 
of  this  State  have  remained   nearly  stationary." 

There  was  a  kindly  reference  to  the  retiring  Governor  in 
one  of  the  closing  paragraphs  of  the  platform  reading: 

"We  deeply  regret  that  Gov  Douglas  has  declined  the  highly 
deserved  honor  of  a  renomination.  He  has  shown  in  his  official 
career  an  honesty,  courage  and  dignity  which  have  won  for  him  the 
commendation  alike  of  political  friends  and  opponents.  He  will 
carry  with  him,  in  his  retirement  into  private  life,  the  respect  and 
good  wishes  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts.'' 

Aside  from  a  little  eruption  over  the  manner  in  which  the 
State  Committeemen-at-large  were  to  be  selected,  the  con- 
vention was  as  harmonious  as  could  be  desired. 

149 


Lieut  Gov  Guild,  Jr.,  was  the  choice  of  the  Republicans 
for  Governor.  His  nomination  was  made  by  acclamation  on 
motion  of  Ex-Gov  Bates  who  made  the  nominating  speech  for 
him  in  the  convention.  There  was  a  three-cornered  contest 
for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  and  also  for  the  position 
of  Attorney-General.  The  ballots  for  both  of  these  nomina- 
tions in  the  convention  were  as  follows : 

Whole  number  of  votes,  1523 ;  necessary  for  a  choice, 
762;  Eben  S.  Draper,  890;  August  H.  Goetting,  328;  Fred  S. 
Hall,  303. 

Three  ballots  were  necessary  to  settle  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral contest,  the  last  ballot  being  as  follows : 

Malone,  722 ;  Champlin.  366 ;  Sanderson,  129 ;  French  210. 

Dana  Malone  of  Greenfield  was  nominated  and  elected. 

The  Reciprocitarians  were  represented  in  the  Republican 
convention  by  Henry  B.  Blackwell  and  Eugene  N.  Foss, 
but  they  were  disarmed  at  the  start  by  the  phraseology  of  the 
tariff  plank  in  the  platform  as  reported  by  Congressman  Law- 
rence. The  promised  oratorical  fireworks  were  lacking  at 
the  show  down.  Gen  Draper,  brother  of  the  nominee  for 
Lieutenant  Governor,  disapproved  of  the  effort  of  the  Repub- 
lican leaders  to  pacify  the  reciprocity  element  and  denounced 
the  tariff  plank  of  the  platform  as  weak.  The  year  before 
the  advocates  of  reciprocity  were  flattened  out  by  the  party 
steam  roller.  Because  of  the  more  liberal  attitude  of  the 
Massachusetts  Republican  Congressmen  on  the  question  and 
because  of  the  tariff  plank  this  year  the  reciprocity  men  made 
no  serious  objections  to  the  adoption  of  the  platform. 

Senator  Lodge,  however,  did  not  let  the  opportunity  go 
by  without  expressing  his  opinion  of  the  movement  and  the 
methods  employed  in  securing  signatures  to  reciprocity  peti- 
tions. He  sarcastically  referred  to  the  "five-cent  plank"  of  the 
Committee  of  One  Flundred  which  solicited  the  names  on  the 
petition  and  paid  the  canvassers  five  cents  a  name  for  signa- 
tures, favoring  free  hides,  coal,  iron  ore,  lumber  and  wood 
pulp.  He  also  criticized  the  manner  in  which  Mr.  Foss  had 
expressed  his  views  to  the  convention. 

In  a  statement  after  the  convention,  Mr.  Foss  showed 
the  keenest  resentment  at  Mr.  Lodge's  speech,  characteriz- 
ing it  as  a  direct  insult  to  thousands  of  Republican  voters  in 
Massachusetts.  After  the  tariff  debate  in  the  convention 
Albert  W.  Cobb  of  Winthrop  offered  a  resolution  calling  for 

150 


the  election  of  U  S  Senators  by  popular  vote.  It  had  not 
been  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  and  Congress- 
man Weeks,  the  permanent  presiding  oflFicer  ruled  it  out  of 
order. 

Ex-Gov  Bates'  speech  nominating  Lieut  Gov  Guild  for 
Governor  was  happy,  eloquent  and  eulogistic. 

"We  have  been  together  in  sunshine  and  in  shower,"  said  Mr. 
Bates.  "Together  we  have  seen  the  clouds  break,  heard  the  thunders 
crash  and  watched  the  lightning  play.  The  storm  has  passed;  it  is 
Indian  summer  now;  the  earth  is  clothed  in  autumn  glory;  and  the 
old  party  of  the  Union  and  liberty  is  advancing  once  more  to  claim 
its  own.  Let  no  man  linger  with  the  yesterdays  or  hold  a  griev- 
ance with  the  past,  but  let  the  present  with  its  problems  and  op- 
portunities,   challenge   his   attention. 

"I  am  here  to  ask  no  favor,  although  did  I  desire  ar>ything,  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  ask  it  of  your  generous  hands.  But  the  nom- 
ination which  T  am  going  to  suggest  to  you,  you  would  make  with- 
out my  asking;  and  whether  you  nominate  my  candidate  or  not,  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  party  will  nominate  him,  and  whether  the  party 
nominate  him  or  not,  the  people  will  elect  him  next  November 
Governor  of  Massachusetts." 

All  the  nominations  were  made  unanimous  and  the  cam- 
paign on  both  sides  started  off  with  a  rush.  The  Republicans 
realized  that  they  were  up  against  two  good  campaigners  in 
Bartlett  and  Whitney.  A  few  of  the  extreme  radicals  in  the 
Democratic  ranks  declined  to  support  Whitney.  Foremost 
among  them  was  George  Fred  Williams,  who  wrote  an  open 
letter  to  Mr.  Whitney  charging  him  with  using  corrupt 
methods  in  securing  legislation  for  his  street  railway  con- 
solidation. Mr.  Williams  reviewed  the  famous  West  End  leg- 
islative investigation  of  1890  based  upon  charges  brought  by 
himself  then  a  member  of  the  Legislature  from  Dedham.  In 
his  letter  replying  to  Mr.  Williams,  Mr.  Whitney  said : 

"As  there  was  never  any  sound  ground  for  opposition  to  my 
plans  and  purposes,  in  connection  with  the  transportation  interests 
of  this  city,  I  have  never  been  able  to  see  how  anybody  could  oppose 
them,  except  that  they  had  some  ulterior  purpose  not  connected  with 
the  public  interest. 

"But  you  did  succeed  in  accomplishing  this — you  induced  the 
Legislature  to  withhold  from  the  charter  the  right  of  eminent  do- 
main, without  which  it  was  impossible  to  build  the  road.  This  op- 
erated to  cause  years  of  delay  in  its  construction,  and  the  thousands 
of  men,  women  and  children  who  use  the  system  today,  and  \\  ould 
have  used  it  sooner  if  it  had  been  built,  have  you  to  thank  for  having 
added  during  this  time  minutes  to  their  days  of  toil  in  transit  to  and 
from  their  homes  by  crowded  surface  lines. 

"Gov.   Brackett,  or  any  other  Governor,  never  did  a  more  just 

151 


act,  or  one  more  in  the'  interests  of  the  people,  than  that  of  signing 
the  West  End  bill.  If  in  consequence  thereof  he  has  suffered  poli- 
tically or  otherwise  it  is  not  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  human 
affairs  that  men  have  suffered  from  unjust  causes. 

"I  am  pleased  to  know  that  you  are  not  going  to  vpte  for  me. 
It  relieves  of  even  this  little  obligation  to  you.  But  for  having  given 
me  this  little  opportunity  to  replying  to  your  unjust  and  false 
charges  which  for  more  than  fifteen  years  have  been  repeated  from 
time  to  time,  in  such  manner  and  by  such  authority  that  I  ''ould  not 
reply  to  them,  I  beg  to  tender  you  my  hearty  acknowledgements 
and  thanks." 

Guild  and  Draper  won.  Guild's  plurality  was  22,558  but 
Draper's  was  less  than  2000.  Interest  in  the  contest  between 
Draper  and  Whitney  was  intense.  Election  ni^ht  the  Demo- 
crats, through  Arthur  Lyman,  chairman  of  the  State  com- 
mittee, sent  a  telegraphic  despatch  to  the  chairmen  of  Demo- 
cratic town  and  city  committees  reading  as  follows : 

"Please  prepare  and  file  petition  for  recount  of  vote  for  Lieu- 
tenant Governor.  It  requires  signatures  of  to  registered  voters  in 
each  ward,  with  residence  on  May  i.     Get  t2  signatures  for  safety. 

"One  signer  must  swear  to  it.  Must  be  filed  with  'city  clerk 
before  Friday  at  S  p.  m.  File  Thursday,  however,  to  avoid  legal 
ambiguity.      City    Clerk   has    blanks. 

(Signed)  "ARTHUR  LYMAN, 

"Chairman   Democratic    State    Committee." 

Towns  casting  less  than  100  votes  were  not  asked  to 
secure  recounts.  The  recounts  did  not  change  the  result. 
The  official  vote  declared  Mr.  Draper's  plurality  to  be  1941. 
The  vote  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor  was  as  fol- 
lows : 

Governor:  Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  Republican,  197,469;  C.  W. 
Bartlett,  Democrat,  174,911;  James  F.  Carey,  Socialist,  12,874; 
William  O.  Mylie,  Prohibitionist,  3,286;  William  H.  Carroll, 
Socialist  Labor,  2,774.  Lieutenant-Governor:  Eben  S.  Dra- 
per, 182,037;  H.  M.  Whitney,  180,096. 

Election  night  Gov.  Douglas  congratulated  Mr.  Guild, 
said  he  hoped  he  would  enjoy  his  new  honors  and  thanked 
him  for  his  uniform  courtesy  during  the  year.  The  Legisla- 
ture and  Executive  Council  remained  heavily  Republican. 

George  S.  Boutwell  passed  away  February  27,  1905, 
mourned  by  every  lover  of  freedom  and  defender  of  human 
rights.  He  had  lived  and  labored  beyond  the  biblical  age  of 
three  score  and  10,  serving  his  State  and  country  with  dis- 
tinguished ability  and  patriotic  devotion,  gracing  every  office 

152 


Samuel    L.    Powers. 


Thomas    C.    Tliacher. 


Gen.    Charles    W.    Bartlett. 


Henry    M.    Whitney. 


he  filled  and  winning  the  deserved  enconiums  of  his  fellow 
citizens.  Originally  a  Democrat,  he  became  a  Free  Soiler. 
He  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party  and  be- 
came one  of  its  greatest  leaders  and  moulders  of  public 
opinion.  The  friend  and  confidant  of  Lincoln,  Andrew,  Sum- 
ner and  Wilson,  the  advisor  of  President  Grant,  he  had  been 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1853,  organizer  of  the  Federal 
Internal  Revenue  Department  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Congressman,  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  and  a  recdgnized  authority  on  constitutional 
law.  He  was  one  of  a  group  of  American  statesmen  of  that 
great  epoch  of  American  history  from  1850  to  1880,  which 
left  its  impress  on  public  men  and  events  for  all  time.  He 
was  one  of  the  State's  most  brilliant  sons.  In  the  evening  of 
life  he  became  estranged  from  the  party  he  had  helped  or- 
ganize because  of  its  Philippine  policy  and  was  a  leading 
anti-Imperialist. 

Most  of  his  old  associates  regretted  his  attitude  on  the 
Philippine  policy  but  treated  him  with  gentle  forbearance. 
In  the  campaign  of  1890  when  party  feeling  ran  high  on  the 
subject,  Congressman  Moody  was  a  little  severe  on  him  and 
remarked  in  a  speech  before  the  Essex  Club  that:  "He  (Bout- 
well)  at  least  might  spare  epithets  to  the  party  that  had  show- 
ered upon  him  every  honor  within  its  gift  except  the  Presi- 
dency." 

Mr.  Boutwell  replied,  saying  that  if  he  had  applied  any 
disparaging  epithets  to  the  Republican  party  he  was  not 
aware  of  it,  recounted  his  party  services  and  what  the  party 
had  done  for  him  and  concluded  by  saying:  "If  a  mercantile 
account  current  could  be  written  it  might  appear  that  my  ob- 
ligations to  the  Republican  party  are  not  in  excess  of  the  ob- 
ligations of  the  Republican  party  to  me." 

He  died  poor  in  purse  but  rich  in  the  legacy  of  noble  life 
dedicated  to  his  country  and  his  fellow  citizens. 


153 


CHAPTER  XX 

FIRST    TERM    OF    GUILD    AND    DRAPER— BOSTON    POLICE    BOARD 
REORGANIZED  AND  STEPHEN  O'MEARA  MADE  COMMI.tJSIONKIl, 

CURTIS  Guild  Jr  was  the  logical  candidate  for  the  Re- 
publicans to  nominate  for  Governor  in  the  campaign  of 
1905.  As  Lieutenant  Governor  for  two  terms  under  Gov 
Bates  he  had  had  many  opportunities  to  appear  at  public  func- 
tions and  get  his  views  on  public  questions  before  the  people. 
In  nominating  him  as  their  candidate  for  Governor  the  Repub- 
licans carried  out  their  party  policy  of  promoting  the  second 
man  to  first  place  on  the  State  ticket.  He  was  thus  by  party 
usage  the  heir  apparent  to  the  gubernatorial  throne.  As 
Lieutenant  Governor  under  Douglas  he  had  treated  the  Dem- 
ocratic Governor  in  all  of  his  official  dealings  and  personal 
relations  with  great  courtesy.  By  general  agreement  Mr. 
Guild  was  the  man  of  the  hour  on  the  Republican  side.  He 
was  not  offensive  to  the  Democrats.  While  a  strong  partizan 
he  had  occasionally  refused  to  enthuse  over  some  of  his 
party's  local  candidates  for  public  office.  A  less  popular  man 
might  have  had  difficulty  in  leading  the  Republicans  to  vic- 
tory. 

Curtis  Guild,  Jri,  came  of  good  old  Yankee  stock.  His 
father  was  a  well-known  journalist.  The  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor was  associated  with  him  in  the  publication  of  the  Com- 
mercial Bulletin,  a  weekly  paper.  Its  editorial  page  afforded 
the  son  an  opportunity  to  print  his  views  on  political  and 
economic  questions.  Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  was  graduated  from 
Harvard  and  moved  in  the  best  society,  but  he  was  democra- 
tic in  his  v\^ays,  mixed  with  the  common  people,  sympathized 
with  and  worked  for  many  political  reforms.  For  years  he 
had  been  one  of  the  most  popular  stump  speakers  of  hi» 
party.  When  the  Spanish  War  broke  out  he  resigned  his 
commission  as  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  the  State  militia  and 
went  out  as  Adjutant  and  Lieutenant  of  the  6th  Massachu- 
setts regiment.     Later  influential  friends  at  Washington  pro- 

154 


cured  for  him  an  appointment  on  the  stafif  of  Gen  Fitz- 
Hugh  Lee,  in  command  of  the  7th  Army  Corps,  as  Inspector 
General  with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel.  The  7th  Army- 
Corps  saw  no  fighting,  but  that  was  the  fortune  of  war. 

When  Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  came  to  the  Governor's  chair,  he 
was  well  qualified  for  its  duties.  Since  leaving  college  he 
had  taken  a  deep  interest  in  politics  and  public  questions.  He 
was  a  student  of  public  afiFairs  and  enjoyed  the  friendship  of 
many  prominent  public  men.  His  reputation  as  a  speaker 
was  nation  wide.  He  was  one  of  those  chosen  to  accompany 
Col  Roosevelt  on  the  latter's  Western  tour  in  the  presidential 
campaign  of  1900.  Col  Guild's  style  of  oratory  was  of  an 
earlier  generation — somewhat  flamboyant  and  often  filled 
with  classical  allusions.  No  other  stump  speaker  was  more 
in  demand.  He  was  a  "hero"  at  Spanish  War  Veterans'  gath- 
erings. He  was  one  of  the  few  literary  Governors  of  the 
State.  His  inaugural  addresses  and  other  public  writings 
have  a  finished  literary  touch. 

Eben  S.  Draper,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  had  long  de- 
sired to  blaze  his  way  to  the  Chief  Executive's  chair.  He  was 
rich,  a  member  of  a  family  that  had  made  millions  out  of  cot- 
ton mill  machinery.  He  knew  that  before  he  reached  the 
Governorship  it  was  customary  to  serve  an  apprenticeship  as 
Lieutenant  Governor.  He  had  to  fight  hard  for  the  nomina- 
tion for  second  place.  He  was  opposed  for  the  nomination  by 
Col  August  H.  Goetting  of  Springfield  and  Judge  Hall  of 
Taunton.  The  State  organization  leaders  favored  Draper. 
Years  before  Mr.  Draper  had  served  as  chairman  of  the 
Republican  State  Committee.  He  had  always  shown  a  lively 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Republican  party.  The  Drapers 
were  among  the  heaviest  and  most  cheerful  givers  to  the  cam- 
paign funds.  State  and  National,  and  the  party  rewarded  their 
generosity  by  protecting  their  interests  through  tarifif  bills. 

The  new  administration  was  sworn  in  January  4,  1906. 
Gov  Guild  took  occasion  in  his  first  inaugural  to  answer  the 
Democratic  charge  that  Massachusetts  was  decadent,  attribu- 
table, they  charged,  to  the  high  tariff. 

"We  are  met  in  no  mean  city,"  said  Gov  Guild  wtili  evident 
pride.  "The  real  Boston  is  the  greater  Boston  that  includes  the 
homes  as  well  as  the  workshops  and  counting  houses  of  this  com- 
munity. It  is  a  great  metropolis, — a  greater  metropolis  than  its 
own  citizens  perhaps  appreciate.     It  should  be  developed  as  such. 

155 


"The  comibined  exports  and  imports  of  Boston  are  exceeded  only 
by  those  of  New  York.  This  is  the  second  seaport  in  the  United 
States.  It  must  not  retrograde.  Both  exports  and  imports  exceed 
those  of  last  year.  Measured  by  assessed  valuation  of  the  property 
in  her  borders,  Massachusetts  is  exceeded  by  but  two  States.  Fifth 
from  the  foot  in  area,  Massachusetts  is  third  from  the  top  in  wealth. 

"Nor  is  this  prosperity  the  dwindling  legacy  of  earner  genera- 
tions. The  past  year  has  seen  huge  additions  to  our  industrial  plants, 
notably  to  those  producing  manufactures   of  leather  and   of  wool. 

"The  annual  value  of  the  manufactured  products  of  Massachu- 
setts increased  by  but  $175,173,033  between  1885  and  1895.  It  in- 
creased by  $300,267,558  between  1895  and  1905.  The  total  value  of 
goods    made    in    Massachusetts    was    $1,150,074,860    in    1905. 

"The  increase  in  the  value  of  the  annual  product  of  cotton 
goods  from  1885  to  1805  was  $32,190,463.  From  1895  to  1906,  in  spite 
of  Southern  competition,  it  was  $48,949,280.  The  increase  in  our  wool 
and  worsted  products  between  1885  and  1905  was  $7,400,533.  Be- 
tween 1895  and  1905  it  was  $50,581,514.  The  increase  in  our  shoe 
products  between  1885  and  1905  was  $7,405,548.  Between  1895  and 
1905  it  was  $70,271,966. 

"Through  the  conventions  of  her  two  great  parties,  thiough  her 
General  Court  and  Governor,  Massachusetts  has  already  demanded 
from  the  National  Government  the  immediate  construction  of  a 
tariff  framed  to  meet  the  lines  of  modern  competition.  Massachu- 
setts asks  the  removal  of  duties  as  are  now  needless,  the  reduction 
of  such  duties  as  were  once  just  but  are  now  excessive,  and  the  de- 
velopment not  of  our  commerce  alone  but  of  the  commerce  cf  the 
United  States  by  more  friendly  trade  treaties  with  other  nations. 
In  such  investigation  of  the  real  needs  of  American  industries  Massa- 
chusetts asks  no  exclusive  favors.  We  understand  that  the  removal 
of  the  duty  on  hides  means  a  revision  of  the  duty  on  goods  that  are 
made   from   hides. 

"Massachusetts  stands  at  the  council  board  of  the  Nation  not  as 
a  broken  beggar,  whimpering  for  an  alms,  but  as  a  strong  man,  de- 
manding  aggressive    action   from    his   peers. 

"Such  action  has  already  been  urged  on  President  and  Congress 
through  our  Senators  and  Representatives,  on  whom  alone  the 
Constitution  imposes  the  responsibility  to  the  people  for  such  Na- 
tional  legislation." 

He  suggested  the  extension  of  the  corrupt  practices  act 
to  limit  the  amount  to  be  spent  by  candidates  and  the  prohi- 
bition of  campaign  contributions  by  corporations,   saying: 

"Prosperity,  as  well  as  adversity,  breeds  evil.  The  rapid  accu- 
mulation of  wealth  has  led  to  a  lavish  use  of  money  in  elections. 
This  increase  in  the  use  of  money  is  in  this  Commonwealth  con- 
fined to  no  party,  district  or  variety  of  election.  The  uses  to  which 
much  of  this  money  is  put  are  not  in  themselves  corrupt.  The 
spending  of  scores  of  thousands  of  dollars  on  posters  and  news- 
paper advertising  is  not  corrupt  in  itself;  but  when  a  citizen,  asked 
by  his  fellow  citizens  to  take  public  office,  is  forced  to  contemplate 
such  huge  expenditure  as  a  necessit3%  the  obvious  result  is  to  drive 
the  man  of  modest  means  from  public  life.  The  parsimony  of  the 
United   States   makes  the  richest  nation   in   the   world   the   only   one 

156 


that  cannot  be  represented,  thanks  to  the  expense  of  the  position, 
by  a  poor  man  as  ambassador  to  a  foreign  court.  Franklin  could  not 
afford  to  go  to  France  today. 

"Let  us  not  in  Massachusetts  make  it  impossible  for  some  fu- 
ture Samuel  Adams  to  be  a  candidate  for  Governor." 

Mr.  Guild  was  not  a  rich  man  himself,  although  many  of 
his  friends  and  supporters  could  be  counted  among-  the  mil- 
lionaire class.  He  did  not  believe  in  rich  men  buying  office 
and  sought  to  prevent  them  from  doing  so.  A  life  long 
advocate  of  civil  service  reform  and  extension  of  it,  Gov 
Guild  recommended  that  an  adequate  salary  be  paid,  at  least 
to  the  chairman  of  the  Board,  from  whom  he  said  the  needs 
of  the  work  demanded  daily  attention. 

He  also  recommended 

"That  a  sufficient  appropriation  be  made  to  provide  for  constant 
not  occasional,  inspection  of  pay  rolls;  and,  further,  the  enactment 
of  a  statute  providing  for  the  conspicuous  and  continuous  display,  by 
town  and  city  officials,  of  posters  to  be  prepared  by  the  Civil  Ser- 
vice Commission,  that  the  people  may  know  when  and  where  exam- 
inations are  to  take  place,  what  vacancies  exist,  and,  in  fine,  how 
they  can  secure  the  public  employment  guaranteed  them  by  law 
without  the  intervention  of  influence-mongers  or  partisan  organi- 
zations.'' 

State  finances  were  discussed  at  considerable  length. 
Touching  on  this  subject  which  every  Governor  of  late  years 
has  felt  it  necessary  to  consider  and  urge  more  economical 
habits  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature,  he  said : 

"I  desire  to  urge  upon  your  attention  a  careful  perusal  of  the 
reports  of  the  Treasurer  and  of  the  Auditor,  and  the  annual  and 
special  messages  of  my  three  immediate  predecessors.  With  every 
possible  economy,  we  have  been  forced  to  raise,  by  direct  taxation, 
a  sum  amounting  last  year  to  four  millions  of  dollars.  This  direct 
State  tax  is  caused  by  the  unusual  generosity  of  the  Commonwealth 
to  the  local  governments  of  its  cities  and  towns.  The  Common- 
wealth has  assumed  one  local  burden  after  another.  Its  assumption, 
for  example,  of  the  entire  care  of  the  insane  has  relieved  and  should 
have   reduced   local   taxation   by  over   a   million   dollars    annually. 

"Absolutely  no  additional  revenue  lias  been  provided  to  offset 
this  increased  State  expenditure.  On  the  contrary,  the  Common- 
wealth, like  the  pelican  in  the  fable,  has  opened  her  own  veins  to 
feed    her    hungry   offspring.'' 

He  suggested  that 

"Legislation  be  enacted  to  strengthen  present  laws  by  the  re- 
moval of  any  ambiguity  of  phrase,  with  such  other  action  as  may 
conduce  to  the  effective  prevention  of  unauthorized  banking'  roint- 
ing  out  that  "Since  the  new  business  corporation  law  went  into  effect 

157 


there  has  been  a  growing  tendency  to  organize  corporations  to  en- 
gage in  banking  and  on  the  part  of  foreign  corporations  to  obtain 
admission    into    Massachusetts    for    the    same    purpose." 

Adverting  to  the  Insurance  laws  and  because  of  the  scan- 
dalous showing  made  by  the  investigation  of  the  big  com- 
panies in  New  York  he  said : 

"Not  one  hint  of  graft,  or  even  of  political  interference,  is  di- 
rected, in  this  general  storm  of  criticism,  against  the  Insurance  De- 
partment of  this  Commonwealth.  It  is  the  admitted  standard  for 
efficiency  in  the  country.  Our  Massachusetts  insurance  laws,  more- 
over, have  been  copied  in  part  by  many  States,  and  by  some  States 
almost  in  entirety.  At  such  a  crisis,  with  patent  wrong  crying  for 
redress,  a  Commonwealth  with  such  a  record  cannot  relinquish  lead- 
ership. Our  first  duty  is  to  recodify  our  own  laws,  last  completely 
recodified  in  1887.'' 

Under  the  head  of  railroads,  he  said: 

"I  cannot  too  strongly  recommend  to  you  the  abolition  of  spe- 
cial privileges  and  the  extension  of  general  law  in  every  possible 
branch  of  legislation,  as  urged  upon  th's  honorable  body  by  His 
Excellency  John  L.  Bates.  I  particularly  recommend  the  extension 
of  general    law   to    legislation   affecting   street   and   electric   railways. 

"The  unusual  length  of  our  legislative  sessions  as  compared 
with  those  of  other  States  is  in  part  due  to  the  discussion  of  special 
charters.  They  destroy  wholesome  competition  under  uniform  con- 
ditions. The  special  evil,  however,  of  such  valuable  monopolies, 
granted  by  special  charter,  is  the  daily  temptation  to  the  base  ac- 
tivity of  the  grafter,  the  corruptionist  and  the  professional  commer- 
cial promoter,  not  only  in  the  lobby  of  the  Legislature,  but  in  the 
ward  room  and  at  the  polling  booth.  Certain  states  have  adopted 
constitutional  provisions  against  special  legislation  of  this  character. 
Where  is  such  favoritism  more  out  of  place  than  in  this  Common- 
wealth, whose  founders  made  the  very  opening  sentence  of  its 
frame  of  government  a  declaration  of  the  equality  of  all  men  before 
the   law?'' 

This  was  the  beginning  of  his  opposition  to  the  railroad 
interests  which  never  quite  forgave  him. 

In  his  opinion  the  telegraph  and  telephone  should  be 
supervised  by  some  State  authority  and  he  suggested  that 
power  be  given  the  Highway  Commission. 

The  Governor  told  how  he  had  started  the  government 
machinery  to  collect  certain  moneys  due  soldiers  of  the  Span- 
ish War. 

"Under  a  contract  based  on  percentage  the  Commonwealth  last 
year  paid  to  a  Washington  attorney  a  commission  infinitely  larger 
than  contemplated  by  the  officials,  who  yet  did  make   the  contract 

158 


with  him,  for  the  collection  of  claims  due  on  account  of  the  Civil 
War,"  said  he. 

"The  large  fortune  so  obtained  by  this  attorney  brought  a  host 
of  propositions  to  collect  similar  claims,  not  only  of  the  Common- 
wealth but  of  individual  veterans  of  the  Spanish  War,  the  fee  to  be 
taken  from  the  amount  collected,  in  the  shape  of  a  percentage. 
These  propositions  were  referred  to  me  as  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  military  and  naval  affairs  of  the  Council.  On  consulta- 
tion with  the  Attorney  General,  it  was  clearly  shown  that  the  em- 
ployment of  such  agents  in  such  a  manner  would  be  both  needless 
and  in  direct  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  Commonwealth.  Moreover,  it  seemed  unfair  that  men  who 
had  served  in  war  should  by  the  assumption  of  power  by  the  govern- 
ment be  forced  to  surrender  to  any  claim  agent,  without  even  being 
heard  in  the  matter,  a  portion  of  the  money  due  them  by  the  United 
States. 

"This  view  of  the  case  was  presented  to  His  Excellency.  No 
action  was  taken  by  the  Council.  The  Governor  authorized  the 
Attorney  General  to  attend  to  duties  properly  and  constitutionally 
his.  The  Attorney  General  acted  at  once.  An  officer  selected  by 
him  was  set  to  work.  He  was  aided  by  every  power  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Adjutant-General  in  the  matter  of  searching  records.  He  was 
and  is  to  be  paid  as  others  employed  by  the  Attorney  Genera!  have 
been  paid.  He  has  already  completed  and  liled  at  Washington 
proofs  of  much  larger  sums  than  it  was  believed  were  due  the  sol- 
diers of  this   Commonwealth   in   the   Spanish   War. 

"These  men  will  therefore  receive,  without  being  mulcted,  as 
was  proposed,  of  any  percentage,  the  entire  amount  due  them  from 
the  National  government;  and  Massachusetts  has  re-established  the 
important  legal  precedent,  that  her  debts  are  to  be  collected  by  her 
own  accredited  officials,  working  on  conditions  clearly  understood, 
and  under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  law  officer  of  the  Com- 
monwealth.'' 

He  drew  attention  to  Virginia's  celebration  at  Jamestown 
the  first  English-  settlement  on  American  soil.  "I  believe 
that  Massachusetts  should  be  adequately  represented  at  an 
exposition  especially  designed  to  be  historical  as  well  as  in- 
dustrial," he  said. 

He  took  issue  with  the  Democrats  on  the  police  system 
of  Boston  and  justified  the  State's  interference.  He  recom- 
mended the  establishment  of  an  Excise  Board  which  should 
be  given  the  powers  to  grant  and  regulate  liquor  licenses  then 
possessed  by  the  Board  of  Police  and  advocated  a  single 
Police  Commissioner  for  Boston. 

"Some  twenty  years  ago,''  he  said,  "the  control  of  the  police  of 
Boston  was  transferred  from  the  city  to  the  Commonwealth,  not 
at  the  instigation  of  any  political  organization,  but  on  evidence,  now 
in  my  possession,  furnished  by  the  New  England  Society  for  the 
Suppression  of  Vice,  that  under  local  control  the  police  of  the  me- 
tropolis at   that  time  were    drifting  into  a  condition   not   dissimilar 

159 


from  that  recently  exposed  in  certain  other  great  cities.  The  trans- 
fer has  been  amply  justified.  Though  criticism,  sometimes  just,  has 
been  made  of  a  metropolitan  as  opposed  to  a  purely  local  control  ot 
police,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that,  whatever  the  politics  of  the  Govern- 
or who  has  been  in  office,  the  Boston  police  has  at  least  been  free, 
since  the  Commonwealth  assumed  control,  from  the  graver  scandals 
proved  against  the  police  elsewhere.  No  man  today  inpugns  the 
personal  integrity  of  the  present  commissioners,  or  charges  them 
with  the  use  of  their  great  power  for  graft  or  gain." 

Further  provisions  were  urged  for  the  care  of  the  insane 
and  feeble  minded  "not  merely  in  the  name  of  humanity,  but 
of  law  and  order  and  citizenship." 

Referring  to  child  labor  he  had  this  to  say : 

"Massachusetts  has  ever  been  among  the  foremost  in  the  pro- 
tection of  little  children.  It  is  a  matter  of  congratulation  that  the 
Massachusetts  idea  of  a  National  investigation  of  child  labor,  with 
the  object  of  its  supression  in  every  State,  has  at  last  been  a'lopted 
and  urged  in  a  message  to  the  Congress  by  the  President  of  the 
United   States. 

"It  is  especially  important  at  this  time  that  Massachusetts  prove 
her  sincerity  in  this  reform.  The  force  of  inspectors  of  the  District 
Police  is  no  longer  sufficient  for  thorough  and  frequent  inspection 
of  the  rapidly  increasing  army  of  labor  in  our  industri-^s.  I  suggest 
the  increase  needed  for  the  purpose  of  a  more  effective  enforcement 
of  laws  against  the  employment  of  children." 

The  Legislature  of  1906  added  535  acts  and  109  resolves 
to  the  laws  of  Massachusetts.  The  session  occupied  178  days 
and  adjourned  at  11:45  P.  M.  on  the  night  of  June  29.  Gov 
Guild  vetoed  seven  acts.  Both  branches  adopted  resolutions 
memorializing  Congress  in  praying  that  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment establish  uniform  hours  of  labor  in  all  the  States  and 
passed  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  authorizing  the 
Governor  and  Council  to  remove  justices  of  the  peace  and 
notaries. 

The  Governor  and  Council  were  authorized  to  spend 
the  sum  of  $5000  for  a  portrait  bust  of  Senator  Hoar  for  the 
State  House.  The  Governor  was  empowered  to  name  five 
commissioners  to  have  charge  of  the  Massachusetts  Exhibit 
at  the  Jamestown  Exhibition  and  the  board  was  authorized 
to  spend  $50,000  for  the  State  exhibit.  Twenty-one  Hundred 
dollars  were  appropriated  for  an  oil  portrait  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln to  be  hung  in  Memorial  Hall.  A  licensing  board  for  the 
City  of  Boston  in  pursuance  of  the  suggestions  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's inaugural  was  passed  and  the  old  police  board  was 
abolished  and  made  a  single  headed  commission,  to  which  of- 

160 


fice  the  Governor  appointed  Stephen  O'Meara,  an  old  friend 
and  retired  journalist. 

The  New  York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford  Railroad  got 
through  several  acts  authorizing  its  purchasing  or  leasing 
of  several  street  railways  in  the  Western  part  of  the  State. 
An  additional  school  for  the  feeble  minded  was  established 
this  year. 


161 


CHAPTER  XXI 

ENTRANCE    OF   JOHN   B.    MORAN    INTO    GUBERNATORIAL    FIELD- 
NOMINATED    BY    PROHIBITIONISTS,    INDEPENI^ENCE    LEAGUE 
AND  DEMOCRATS— E.    GERRY   BROWN  HIS   RUNNING  MATE 
—GUILD    AND    DRAPER    RE-ELECTED    AFTER 
STRENUOUS    CAMPAIGN. 

IN  1906  the  radical  wing-  of  the  Democratic  party  found  in 
John  B.  Moran,  District  Attorney,  of  Suffolk  County,  a 
new  and  vigorous  leader,  Moran  had  been  elected  Dis- 
trict Attorney  the  year  before  over  Michael  J.  Sughrue,  who 
had  the  nominations  of  the  Democrats  and  the  Republicans. 
Moran's  election  was  a  great  surprise  to  many.  He  ran  as 
an  Independent.  He  had  a  sharp  tongue  and  he  tised  it  on 
his  opponent  with  telling  effect,  criticizing  the  conduct  of  the 
District  Attorney's  office.  Moran  had  always  been  an  "In- 
dependent" in  politics.  He  didn't  like  the  party  machine 
leaders  and  they  disliked  him.  He  had  supported  Republi- 
cans for  Mayor  and  Governor  and  he  had  long  been  given  up 
by  leading  Democrats  as  irreconcilable. 

As  District  Attorney  he  had  stirred  up  things  in  the  court 
house.  His  opponents  charged  him  with  using  the  great 
power  of  his  office  to  make  political  capital  for  himself.  Men 
of  high  standing  in  the  community  were  hailed  before  him 
and  questioned  as  an  old  time  police  magistrate  would 
examine  a  culprit.  There  is  always  an  element  in  politics 
which  likes  that  sort  of  conduct  on  the  part  of  a  public  offi- 
cial. Moran  did  some  good  in  rattling  the  dry  bones  at  the 
court  house,  but  on  the  whole  the  good  he  did  was  minimized 
by  his  playing  to  the  galleries  for  political  effect. 

Moran  called  politicians  high  and  low  before  him  on  the 
least  provocation.  He  brought  before  him  legislators  and  al- 
dermen on  graft  charges.  He  was  no  respecter  of  persons. 
John  B.  Moran  had  his  faults,  but  among  them  were  not 
personal  dishonesty  or  cowardice.  He  hunted  grafters  big 
and  little  and  for  a  time  his  presence  at  Pemberton  Sq.  had  a 
wholesome  effect. 

When  Moran  made  up  his  mind  to  run  for  Governor, 

162 


Governor   Guild. 


many  of  his  old  opponents  got  into  line  and  began  shouting 
the  praises  of  the  man  they  had  for  years  denounced  as  a 
political  bushwhacker  but  that  was  not  a  novelty  to  those 
who  followed  Boston  politics.  Few  of  the  active  practical 
politicians,  in  Boston  at  least,  could  afford  to  oppose  Moran 
while  he  was  District  Attorney.  When  the  State  Democratic 
convention  was  held,  Moran's  friends  had  control  of  the  State 
committee  and  ran  things  their  own  way.  In  those  days  the 
members-at-large  of  the  State  Committee  were  chosen  in  the 
State  convention.  Moran's  friends  dropped  the  Gastons,  the 
Thayers,  the  Burnetts  and  the  Quincys  and  put  at  the  head 
George  Fred  Williams  who  had  as  his  assistants  men  known 
to  be  ardent  supporters  of  Moran. 

William  R.  Hearst  was  nursing  the  fond  hope  of  being 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  President  in  1908  and  had  or- 
ganized the  Independence  League,  manned  it  by  employees 
of  his  newspapers  and  was  making  a  lot  of  political  noise  in 
his  Boston  organ.  To  satisfy  the  Hearst  men  and  the  so- 
called  labor  element  the  Moran  campaign  managers  nominated 
Eldridge  Gerry  Brown  of  Brockton  for  second  place  on  the 
State  ticket.  Mr.  Brown  was  one  of  the  incorporators  of  the 
Hearst's  Independence  League  in  Massachusetts.  The  Demo- 
cratic State  convention  held  in  Tremont  Temple,  Oct.  4, 
marked  the  passing  of  the  control  of  the  State  organization 
from  the  "safe  and  sane"  wing  of  the  party,  led  by  Gaston, 
Currier,  Quincy  and  John  A.  Sullivan,  to  the  radicals,  headed 
by  Moran,  Williams,  Feeney,  Timothy  W.  and  Daniel  H. 
Coakley. 

It  was  a  Moran  convention,  unanimous  from  beginning 
to  end,  except  for  the  indorsement  of  William  Jennings  Bryan 
as  the  Democratic  nominee  for  the  Presidency  in  1908.  Mr. 
Moran's  campaign  manager,  Granville  S.  MacFarland,  an 
editorial  writer  on  Hearst's  paper,  took  the  platform  and 
emotionally  opposed  the  proposition  of  his  political  sponsor 
and  tutor,  George  Fred  Williams,  to  indorse  Bryan  for  the 
Presidency,  He  vehemently  declared  that  Mr.  Moran  was 
not  in  favor  of  such  action  by  the  convention  and  said  that 
the  indorsement  of  Bryan  would  be  regarded  as  an  insult  to 
William  Randolph  Hearst. 

Mr.  Williams  differed  with  his  political  protege  and  said 
that  in  offering  the  Bryan  resolution  he  was  only  following 
in  the  footsteps  of  Mr.  Hearst,  who  had  publicly  indorsed 

163 


Mr.  Bryan  as  the  next  candidate  of  the  party  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1908.  When  the  Bryan  resolution  was  put,  it  was 
passed  with  only  three  voices  shouting  "No." 

The  State  ticket  from  top  to  bottom  was  a  Moran  ticket. 
The  platform,  read  by  Ex-Mayor  Walter  L.  Ramsdell  of 
Lynn,  who  was  drafted  for  the  purpose  in  the  absence  of  John 
W.  Cummings  of  Fall  River,  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
resolutions,  was  the  result  of  the  joint  efforts  of  candidate 
Moran  and  George  Fred  Williams.  The  platform  was  an 
elaboration  of  the  Moran  declaration  of  principles  issued  some 
time  before  when  Mr.  Moran  formally  announced  his  candi- 
dacy for  the  Democratic  nomination  for  Governor.  Owing 
to  sudden  illness  Mr.  Moran  was  unable  to  respond  to  the 
call  of  the  delegates,  who  sent  a  committee  headed  by  George 
Fred  Williams  to  invite  him  to  present  himself  before  the 
convention  after  his  nomination. 

The  conservative  or  corporation  element  of  the  State 
committee  kept  their  agreement  made  the  week  before  when 
Chairman  Josiah  Quincy  issued  a  statement  saying  that  they 
bowed  to  the  inevitable,  and  as  Mr.  Moran  appeared  to  be 
the  choice  of  the  Democrats  participating  in  the  caucuses, 
no  obstacles  would  be  placed  in  his  way  at  the  State  conven- 
tion. Nothing  was  done  by  the  conservatives  at  the  meeting 
of  the  State  committee  to  hamper  Moran  or  his  friends  in 
the  carrying  out  of  their  program.  When  Josiah  Quincy 
called  the  convention  to  order,  read  the  call  and  turned  the 
convention  over  to  Mr.  Moran's  representative,  John  P. 
Feeney,  he  stepped  down  and  out,  and  the  control  of  the 
State  organization  once  more  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
radicals.  On  the  same  day  Mr.  Quincy  appeared  before 
the  City  Clerk  and  took  the  oath  of  office  as  Transit  Commis- 
sioner, to  which  position  Mayor  Fitzgerald  had  appointed 
him  a  few  days  before. 

Everything  moved  like  clock  work  and  it  looked  as  if  the 
convention  would  be  over  in  an  hour  or  two  until  Ex-Mayor 
Ramsdell,  in  a  deep  voice,  reading  the  platform,  came  to  that 
part  which  referred  to  Hearst.  This  was  the  signal  for 
trouble.  There  were  shouts  of  disapproval,  hisses,  cat-calls 
and  disorder.  Chairman  Feeney  pounded  the  desk  and  asked 
the  convention  to  be  in  order  that  the  resolutions  might  be 
read.  More  confusion  followed,  and  a  man  shouted :  "I  want 
to  know  where  Hearst  comes  in?" 

164 


Mr.  Ramsdell  went  on : 

"We  shall  not  want  for  an  exemplar  of  all  that  is  best  and  tru- 
est in  Democracy.  The  Democracy  of  the  Empire  State  of  New 
York  has  nominated  for  Governor,  a  man  whose  tremendous  and 
effective  efforts  for  the  advancement  of  Democracy  have  been  the 
wonder — '' 

Cries,  groans  and  hisses,  greeted  this  announcement. 
A  voice  cried  out:  "Rats!  rats!"  Then  Mr.  Ramsdell 
said :  "I  trust  the  Democrats  of  Massachusetts  have  got 
sand  enough  as  well  as  courtesy  to  listen  to  the  resolutions." 
He  then  finished  the  reference  to  Hearst  amid  cheers  and 
hisses  and  a  cry,  "We  don't  care  for  New  York.  Give  us 
Massachusetts !"  The  last  expression  in  the  resolutions  of 
hearty  wishes  for  the  success  of  Mr.  Hearst  was  greeted  with 
groans  and  cries  of  "No,  No!"  The  vote  on  the  adoption 
of  resolutions  was  taken  and  at  length  Chairman  Feeney  de- 
clared it  carried,  although  Prof  Clark  of  Williams  College  and 
John  A.  Sullivan  made  speeches  against  referring  to  Hearst. 

George  Fred  Williams  nominated  Moran  and  the  rest  of 
the  State  ticket  was  named  by  acclamation.  Mr.  Williams 
offered  his  resolution  seconded  by  Josiah  Quincy  that  it  was 
the  sense  of  the  convention  that  Bryan  should  be  the  next 
candidate  for  President.  Granville  S.  McFarland  the  recog- 
nized Hearst  leader  objected  in  quite  a  spirited  speech  in 
which  he  said  :  ^ 

"Gentlemen,  T  don't  know  that  this  resolution  will  be  considered 
by  Mr.  Hearst  an  unfriendly  attack  upon  him.  I  cannot  say  that 
I  do  not  say  it;  but  I  say  that  it  ought  to  be  voted  down,  because 
the  men  behind  it,  with  the  single  exception  of  Mr.  Williams  have 
introduced  it  for  a  felonious  purpose  in  this  campaign.  I  do  not 
find  Mr.  Quincy  seconding  a  motion  in  this  convention  with  the  in- 
tention of  being  friendly  to  Mr.  Moran.  When  1  find  the  Greeks 
bearing  gifts  I  am  suspicious  of  them  and  1  hope  the  resolution  will 
fail." 

The  Bryan  resolution  was  adopted  by  a  voice  vote.  The 
convention  over,  the  conservative  Democrats  took  to  their 
cyclone  cellars,  but  they  reappeared  election  day.  Tlje  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  Mr.  Brown,  had 
a  varied  and  checkered  career  in  politics.  He  had  belonged 
to  practically  every  party  in  existence  since  the  Civil  War, 
including  the  Populists.  Election  day  he  polled  a  remarkably 
large  vote. 

In  addition   to  the  Democratic  nomination,   Mr.   Moran 

165 


had  the  Prohibition  nomination  and  the  nomination  of  the 
Independence  League.  The  Drys  nominated  him  in  June.  Mr. 
Moran  was  a  teetotaler,  but  as  to  his  belief  in  prohibition,  his 
friends  had  doubts.  Shortly  after  his  nomination  by  the  Pro- 
hibitionists, June  28,  Mr.  Moran  issued  his  platform  and  ad- 
dressed his  political  principles  to  the  Democrats  of  the  State. 
He  threw  down  the  gauge  of  battle  to  the  Democratic  State 
committee  and  announced  that  his  forces  would  neither  give 
nor  accept  quarter.  The  conservatives  headed  by  Congress- 
man John  A.  Sullivan  tried  to  induce  several  prominent  Dem- 
ocrats to  contest  the  nomination  with  Moran,  but  they  all  ran 
to  cover. 

The  Republicans  met  in  State  convention  at  Boston,  Oc- 
tober 5.  Ex-Gov  Bates  was  the  presiding  officer  and  the  old 
ticket.  Guild  and  Draper  was  renominated  by  acclamation. 
William  H.  Moody  of  Haverhill,  Attorney-General  in  the  cab- 
inet of  President  Roosevelt  read  the  platform. 

In  accepting  the  nomination  Gov  Guild  said : 

"I  am  a  Republican  because  I  believe  as  you  believe  that  pro- 
pressive  legislation  not  in  one  but  in  every  direction  has  been  and 
can  be  best  promoted  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  which  has  ever  stood  fast,  not  only  for  its  own  principles, 
but  for  the  basic  facts  of  popular  government;  for  equal  rights  to 
all,  regardless  of  race  or  creed;  for  good  faith  in  finance;  for  the 
upholding  of  National  honor  abroad  as  well  as  at  home,  rnd,  above 
all,  for  resistance  alike  to  the  rule  of  the  monopolist  or  the  rule  of 
the   mob   in  the  maintenance  of  ordered   liberty  imder   the  law. 

"Those  whom  you  have  entrusted  with  high  office  have  been 
left  to  act  as  judgment  and  conscience  dictated.  The  record  of  the 
year  is  before  you.  He  fails  in  his  duty,  he  is  false  to  his  oath 
of  office  who  seeks  by  the  manipulation  of  that  office  merely  the  pro- 
motion of  his  own  personal  fortunes. 

"One  year  ago  you  chose  me  as  your  candidate  for  Governor, 
and  the  people  at  the  polls  saw  fit  to  ratify  your  choice.  Whether 
I  have  filled  worthily  that  high  trust  is  not  forme  to  say.  But  I 
am  sure  that  I  may  with  propriety  be  permitted  "to  rejoice  that  this 
second  nomination  comes  from  you  only  after  open  discussion 
not  only  of  my  official  acts  but  of  my  known  personal  convictions 
on  public  questions.'* 

The  Republican  platform  was  a  glorification  of  the  State 
and  National  administrations.  The  convention  was  devoid  of 
incident  save  the  oratory  of  Bates,  Guild,  Lodge  and  Moody. 
Melvin  O.  Adams  who  nominated  Lieutenant  Governor  Dra- 
per warned  the  Republicans  that  in  the  Democratic  candidate 
they  had  a  dangerous  opponent  and  advised  the  Republicans 

166 


that  it  behooved  them  to  realize  that  hard  work  must  be  done 
if  they  were  to  re-elect  their  candidate  for  Governor.  Mr. 
Adams  knew  Moran  well.  He  had  seen  him  at  the  bar  try- 
ing cases  civil  and  criminal  and  knew  that  he  was  an  effective 
pleader. 

There  was  a  brief  lull  after  the  Democratic  State  con- 
vention and  some  talk  that  IMoran  might  not  be  a  candid  ite 
after  all.  His  conduct  and  his  words  seemed  to  give  a  degree 
of  credence  to  the  story.  He  hied  himself  lo  New  York  where 
he  remained  in  seclusion  for  several  days  with  a  few  close 
friends,  talked  with  William  R.  Hearst,  came  back  to  Boston, 
accepted  the  Democratic  nomination  and  began  his  campaign. 

The  campaign  was  the  most  exciting  and  sensational 
witnessed  in  many  years.  Moran  was  a  good  campaigner. 
He  drew  big  crowds  in  all  parts  of  the  State  and  he  hit  hard 
at  his  opponent.  He  made  many  charges  against  Gov  Guild, 
among  them  that  he  had  named  Senator  Dana  to  the 
bench  because  the  latter  had  as  President  of  the  Senate 
prevented  the  Overtime  bill  going  to  him — the  same  measure 
that  helped  defeat  Gov  Bates.  Gov  Guild  denied  the  charge 
and  said  that  he  would  have  signed  the  bill  had  it  come  to 
him.  Moran  then  demanded  why  he  had  appointed  the  man 
who  had  killed  the  bill  to  the  bench.  He  accused  Gov  Guild 
of  accepting  money  for  a  eulogy  on  William  McKinley  and 
also  of  protecting  a  grafting  State  commissioner. 

The  Republicans  struck  back  at  Moran  and  claimed  that 
about  all  he  had  done  as  District  Attorney  was  to  use  the 
office  to  further  his  own  political  fortunes. 

"I  know,"  declared  United  States  District  Attorney  French,  at  a 
big  Republican  rally  at  Tremont  Temple,  speaking  of  Moran,  "he 
has  pulled  down  the  screens  from  a  few  hotel  windo^vs  and  has 
been  rewarded  with  the  nomination  of  the  Prohibitionist  party;  he 
has  convicted  of  embezzlement  the  secretary  of  a  Republican  U  S 
Senator;  he  has  unjustifiably  dragged  before  the  grand  jury  a 
college  sophomore  for  a  college  prank,  the  son  of  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate of  the  United  States;  he  has  indicted  the  ice  trust,  so-called — 
and  has  filed  the  indictment  pending  his  political  contest." 

From  every  stump  the  Republicans  kept  pounding  Moran 
along  these  lines.  Moran  hit  back  and  made  it  uncomfortable 
for  his  opponent.  At  one  time  in  the  campaign,  when  the 
Republicans  accused  Moran  of  running  in  the  interest  of 
Hearst  who  was  seeking  the  Presidency,  he  denied  it  saying 

167 


that  if  he  were  elected  Governor  in  1906  and  re-elected  in 
1907  he,  himself,  would  be  a  candidate  for  the  Democratic 
Presidential  nomination. 

Several  times  during  his  stumping  tour  of  the  State,  Mr. 
Moran  collapsed  on  the  platform.  It  was  charged  by  his  op- 
ponents that  this  was  done  to  gain  the  sympathy  of  his  audi- 
ences, but  his  most  intimate  friends  knew  that  he  was  then 
suffering  from  the  disease  which  ere  long  was  to  kill  him. 
Old  campaigners  declared  that  never  had  they  seen  bigger 
or  more  enthusiastic  audiences  than  Moran's.  The  Moran 
campaign  chest  was  practically  empty.  The  expenses  of  the 
campaign  were  defrayed  from  the  lean  pocket  of  the  candi- 
date and  his  personal  friends.  He  declined  financial  assistance 
from  corporations  and  the  few  rich  who  supported  him.  The 
cost  of  his  rallies  was  usually  borne  by  the  local  committees. 
Moran  was  hailed  by  many  as  a  second  Butler.  Because  of 
his  radicalism,  his  sharp  tongue  and  hostility  to  Democratic 
candidates  in  previous  campaigns,  conservative  Democrats 
and  Democrats  who  seldom  hesitate  to  swallow  a  party  candi- 
date refused  to  support  Moran.  Many  of  them  voted  for  Gov 
Guild  but  Moran  received  a  big  vote  from  dissatisfied  Repub- 
licans. 

A  day  or  two  before  election  at  a  meeting  of  the  Norfolk 
Club,  Ex-Gov  Long  cheered  the  Republicans  saying  in  his 
pleasantest  vein : 

"It  does  not  trouble  me  that  great  crowds  flock  to  hear  Mr.  Mo- 
ran. Some  of  you  remember  Daniel  Pratt,  the  great  American  trav- 
eller who  could  go  into  the  village  square  almost  anywhere  and  draw 
a  bigger  crowd  than  President  Eliot  or  President  Roosevelt,  but  he 
could  not  get  votes.  I  am  not  sure  that  the  campaign  has  been  effec- 
tive as  one  of  education,  with  results  which  come  from  a  large  gen- 
eral discussion  of  principles  and  results.  It  is  beginning  to  dawn  on 
the  people  that  there  is  a  figure  in  the  background,  and  through  the 
yellow  color  (meaning  Hearst)  it  is  becoming  more  and  more  plain 
as  it  advances  what  its  success  would  mean  to  the  business  interests 
of  the   Commonwealth   and  the   country  if  it  succeeded." 

Moran's  campaign  ended  in  Boston  with  a  great  indoor 
meeting  and  an  overflow  on  the  Common  of  several  thousand 
people.  Gov  Guild  was  re-elected  by  30,000  and  Draper  by 
9,000,  the  vote  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor  being 
as  follows:  Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  Republican,  222,528;  John  B. 
Moran,  Democrat,  Democrat,  192,295 ;  Carey,  Socialist,  7,938 ; 
Bradford,  Reform,  3,312;  Carroll,  Socialist  Labor,  2,192.    For 

168 


Lieutenant  Governor  the  vote  was :  Draper,  200,747 ;  Brown, 
191,138. 

The  Republicans  elected  11  of  the  14  Cong-ressmen.    The 
Legislature  elected  contained  the  usual  Republican  majority. 


169 


CHAPTER  XXII 

GOVERNOR     GUILD'S     SECOND     TERM— DEMOCRATS     IMPORTANT 

FACTOR  IN  HIS  RE-ELECTION— WANTED  STATE  TO  HAVE  ALL 

OF      CORPORATION      TAX— SOUNDS      WARNING      AGAINST 

RAILROAD    MONOPOLY- ASKS    FOR    LAW    TO    CONTROL 

PRIVATE    BANKS    AND    ANOTHER    TO    CLOSE 

BUCKET  SHOPS. 

IT  WAS  "with  high  appreciation"  of  the  trust  imposed  upon 
him  by  the  people  of  the  State  that  Gov  Guild  for  the  second 
time  took  the  oath  of  office,  January  8,  1907.  And  well  he 
might.  He  had  met  and  defeated  one  of  the  best  vote  getters 
in  the  State  at  the  recent  election.  He  had  done  more  than 
that.  He  could  congratulate  himself  that  few  other  men  in 
his  party  could  have  stemmed  the  tide  which  was  running 
against  the  Republicans.  Many  Democrats  voted  for  Guild 
rather  than  risk  the  reins  of  government  in  the  hands  of 
Moran.  They  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  Moranizing  the  Chief 
Executiveship  of  the  State  and  being  compelled  to  submit 
to  the  same  "reign  of  terror"  on  Beacon  Hill  which  obtained 
for  a  time  on  Pemberton  Square.  Although  the  Democrats 
never  got  much  credit  for  electing  Guild  they  contributed 
largely  to  it.  If  they  expected  reward  they  didn't  get  it  from 
the  Republican  Chief  Executive,  but  then  the  average  New 
England  Democrat  doesn't  expect  his  reward  in  this  world. 
In  the  opening  of  his  second  inaugural  address,  Gov 
Guild  discussed  the  relations  between  capital  and  labor. 

"I  'believe,"  said  he,  "that  better  understanding  is  coming.  In 
the  new  industrial  conditions,  brought  about  by  the  substitution  of 
machinerj^  for  human  hands,  labor  faced  capital  first  with  uncovered 
head,  then  with  clinched  fist;  but  there  are  not  wanting  signs  that  the 
clasped  hands  of  brotherhood  are  in  ihe  future  more  truly  to  sym- 
bolize their  relation. 

"The  possession  of  wealth  does  not  in  itself  provoke  hostility. 
The  vague  ur.rest  that  is  everywhere  prevalent  is  due  not  so  much 
to  envy  of  the  possession  of  wealth  as  to  resentment  against  its 
unfair  acquisition  and  indignation  at  its  arrogant  abuse. 

"It  is  a  somewhat  tragic  foot-note  to  the  history  of  civilization 
that  wealth,  the  fine  old  Saxon  word  meaning  happiness,  should 
have  become  in  modern  English  a  mere  synonym  for  material  riches, 
— that  wealth  should  no  longer  mean  well  being.     It  is  our  happy 

170 


privilege  to  restore  in  part  this  ancient  and  nobler  meaning  of  hap- 
piness to  the  word  wealth,  that  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts 
may  signify  indeed  not  a  mere  abiding  place  of  riches,  but  a  State 
whose  chief  concern  is  for  the  common  happiness  of  all  within 
her  borders." 

He  urged  uniformity  of  legislation  between  States  con- 
cerning such  matters  as  cannot  be  constitutionally  controlled 
by  the  National  Government.  State  finances  were  discussed 
at  considerable  length.  He  was  happy  to  say  that  during  his 
first  year  as  Governor,  the  State  debt  had  been  reduced  12^%. 
He  set  up  the  claim  that  the  whole  corporation  tax  belonged 
to  the  State  instead  of  to  the  cities  and  towns.  In  his  opinion 
the  State  should  receive  one-half  the  liquor  license  fees  in 
order  to  help  defray  the  expenses  entailed  by  the  liquor  traffic. 

Calling  attention  to  the  overcrowded  condition  of  the 
State  House,  he  said  business  sense  and  sound  economy  alike 
required  the  immediate  construction  of  an  office  building  for 
State  departments.  He  favored  a  graduated  tax  on  direct  in- 
heritances.   In  favoring  a  tax  on  motor  cars  he  said : 

"I  recommend  a  tax  on  all  motor  cars  proportionate  to  horse- 
power, the  entire  proceeds  to  be  devoted  to  the  maintenance  of  State 
highways.  I  firmly  believe  that  such  a  tax  would  alike  remove  much 
of  the  present  complaint  against  this  mode  of  locomotion,  and  would 
vastly  add  to  the  comfort  of  all  who  use  the  highways  for  any 
purpose." 

He  recommended: 

"That  the  laws  relating  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  Auditor 
be  so  amended  as  to  give  him  authority  and  require  him  to  audit  the 
accounts  of  all  officials,  boards  and  institutions  which  receive  moneys 
to  be  turned  into  the  treasury  of  the   Commonwealth." 

On  the  subject  of  insurance,  especially  industrial  insur- 
ance, of  interest  to  the  poor  people,  he  urged  a  thorough  in- 
vestigation of  the  high  cost  of  doing  business  which  is  added 
to  the  insurance  cost  with  a  view  of  cheapening  insurance  to 
all  the  people.     He  suggested  a  law 

"That  as  the  sailing  vessel  has  the  right  of  way  over  the  steamer 
on  the  high  seas,  so  the  horse  and  pedestrian  shall  for  like  causes 
be  given,  as  the  weaker,  the  right  of  way  over  the  automobile  on 
crossroad  and  highway. 

"I  further  recommend  the  establishment  of  a  board  of  expert 
examiners  for  chauffeurs,  acting  under  the  Highway  Commission.  I 
recommend  that  no  person,  owner  or  chauffeur,  without  a  certificate 

171 


of  examination  in  reasonable  practical  tests  in  motor  management, 
shall  be  longer  permitted  to  experiment  with  dangerous  engines  on 
the  roads  of  Massachusetts  at  the  risk  of  the  lives  of  the  citizens  of 
this    Commonwealth,''  said  he. 

Labor  must  ever  be  close  to  the  heart  of  the  politician 
who  would  seek  votes.  Organized  labor  generally  felt  that 
Gov  Guild's  heart  beat  true  to  labor,  although  it  received 
quite  a  severe  jolt  when  he  named  President  Dana  of  the 
Senate,  the  man  who  defeated  the  Overtime  bill,  to  a  justice- 
ship of  the  Superior  Court.    Under  the  head  of  labor  he  said : 

"The  General  Court  of  1906  was  especially  progressive  in  labor 
legislation.  It  is  apparent,  that,  to  be  effective,  the  law  establishing 
the  eight-hour  day  needs  amendment.  It  is  also  apparent  that  further 
legislation  is  necessary,  that  womanhood  may  be  better  fitted  for 
motherhood  and  childhood  for  citizenship.  It  is  further  evident 
that  legislation  is  necessary  providing  that  any  employee  of  the 
Commonwealth  becoming  cognizant  in  his  offi-ial  capacity  of  a  viola- 
tion of  the  factory  laws  or  of  any  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  shojld 
be  permitted  to  report  such  violation  to  the  District  Police. 

"European  nations,  not  only  from  religious  motives  but  from 
motives  of  social  economy  and  of  common  humanity,  have  found  it 
necessary  to  provide  at  least  one  day's  rest  in  seven.  If  women  and 
children  are  to  be  forbidden  night  work,  all  workers  of  all  ages 
and  sexes  should  be  given,  as  far  as  possible,  the  one  day's  rest  in 
seven,  especially  demanded  for  a  people  of  strenuous  and  high-strung 
nervous  activity.  Where  work  of  necessity  and  emergency  enforces 
employment  on  Sunday,  an  opportunity  should  be  given  the  Sunday 
toiler  for  some  other  day  of  rest." 

Referring  to  the  dissatisfaction  with  railroad  passenger 
and  freight  service  which  was  then  agitating  the  people  of 
the  State,  Gov  Guild  remarked  that  "the  railroads  themselves 
have  it  in  their  power  materially  to  relieve  congestion,  and 
in  cases  where  they  have  shown  no  disposition  to  exert  such 
power,  they  should  be  compelled  to  do  so." 

He  sounded  a  warning  against  transportation  monopoly 
in  New  England  in  these  words : 

"The  New  York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford  Kailroad  Company 
has  succeeded  in  Rhode  Island  and  Connectirut  in  absorbing  many 
street  railways.  This  tendency  has  been  checked  m  Massachi'sctts. 
Legal  proceedings  brought  by  the  Attorney  Genera",  are  to  d<^cide 
whether  existing  law  does  or  does  not  permit  any  steam  railroad 
company  to  absorb  one  street  railway  after  another,  till  all  are  under 
one  board  of  directors.  Pending  action  of  the  courts.  I  merely  desire 
to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  question  at  .'^'takr  is, 
whether  the  control  of  every  express  package,  every  freight  shipment, 
every  passengt-r  by  through  lines  or  by  trolley  lines  can  be  vested 
in  one  huge  corporation. 

"In  the  proceedings  now  pending,  the  Commonwealth  has  taken 

172 


John    B.    Moran. 


John    P.    Feeney. 


Ro1)crt    M.    Burnett. 


lames    II.   Vahey. 


the  position  that  such  a  complete  monopoly  of  transportation  is  not 
possible  even  under  existing  law. 

"The  regulation  of  railroads  naturally  suggests  other  regulation, 
the  agitation  of  years  has  at  last  culminated  in  a  national  law  for 
the  regulation  of  freight  rates  on  merchandise  affected  by  interstate 
commerce.  It  is  the  business  of  the  State  to  see  to  it  in  other 
respects  that  unjust  discrimination  does  not  prevail  within  its  own 
borders." 

On  many  matters  of  the  day  Gov  Guild  v/as  wiser  than 
his  generation.  How  prophetic  are  these  words  uttered  years 
before  the  failure  of  Henry  Seigel  Co.  disclosing-  the  very 
thing  Gov  Guild  had  forseen  even  before  that  firm  came  to 
Boston  to  filch  the  public : 

"Certain  department  stores  have,  however,  found  a  means  of 
evading  the  spirit  of  the  law,  under  the  guise  of  private  bankers,  and 
are  soliciting  deposits  by  offering  rates  of  interest  thereon  which  are 
likely  to  prove  tempting  to  small  depositors  of  the  class  that  habitu- 
ally use  the  savings  banks.  Such  depositors  do  not  appreciate 
that  they  are  in  reality  lending  their  money  to  merchants,  at  a  rather 
low  rate  of  interest,  and  that  the  failure  of  the  department  store 
would  wipe  their  savings  out  of  existence.  J  recommend  the  safe- 
guarding of  these   small  depositors   against  this  practice." 

Solicitous  for  the  safeguarding  of  the  savings  of  the 
poor,  he  urged  adequate  protection  of  money  deposited  with 
foreign  banking  corporations  by  the  passage  of  a  proper 
law.  This  business  had  grown  to  be  quite  extensive,  es- 
pecially among  the  Italians  who  entrusted  their  hard  earned 
money  to  private  bankers  of  their  own  nationality  who  in 
more  than  one  case,  proved  recreant  to  the  trust  reposed  in 
them  by  their  confiding  countrymen. 

Gov  Guild  was  a  consistent  and  persistent  opponent  of 
the  bucket  shop  and  he  asked  the  Legislature  to  prohibit  it 
from  doing  business  in  the  State,  saying: 

"The  bucket  shop  appeals  primarily  to  those  who  expect  and 
take  a  gambler's  risk.  As  great,  if  not  greater,  evil  is  the  swindling 
not  of  speculators,  but  of  small  investors,  'by  advertisement  of  bogus 
enterprises,  notably  of  questionable  mining  schemes.  We  prohibit 
the  sale  of  poisonous  patent  medicines  and  of  impure  foods.  We 
check  by  laws  against  stock  watering  the  inflation  of  values  of 
genuine  property  that  does  exist.  I  suggest  to  you  the  propriety 
of  legislation  against  the  attempted  sale  through  misleading  adver- 
tising of  properties  which  in  somes  cases  are  known  to  be  worthless 
by  the  promoters  and  which  in  some  cases  do  not  exist  at  all.  Ex- 
perience has  shown  that  there  are  methods  by  which  the  bogus  pro- 
moter can  be  made  to  feel  the  strong  arm  of  the  law.  He  should 
not  longer  be  permitted  to  seek  his  prey  unchecked  in  Massachusetts." 

173 


He  likewise  had  strong  opinions  on  the  subject  of  di' 
vorce,  for  he  said  on  this  subject: 

"The  divorce  laws  of  Massachusetts  have  for  many  years  been 
so  generally  regarded  as  a  model  that  a  suggestion  for  their  amend- 
ment may  seem  superfluous,  especially  w^ith  the  improving  prospect 
of  national  divorce  legislation,  advocated  for  years  in  Massachsuetts. 
But  pending  such  action  I  suggest  an  examination  of  the  laws  re- 
stricting divorce  by  collusion,  adopted  by  other  States.  I  suggest 
to  you  the  propriety  of  giving  the  power  and  means  of  at  least  in- 
vestigating all  uncontested  divorce  cases  to  some  public  official  in 
each  county,  that  it  may  be  known  that  Massachusetts  regards  the 
marriage  vow  as  something  more  than  a  social  convention  to  be 
lightly  assumed  and   as   lightly  abandoned." 

These  comprised  the  chief  points  in  his  second  inaugural 
address.  He  concluded  by  urging-  against  hysterical  clamor 
in  law-making  and  closed  by  saying: 

"The  free  thought  that  has  followed  that  free  government  is  in 
our  own  day  taking  from  a  class  to  give  to  the  people  an  increasing 
opportunity  to  enjoy  a  true  Commonwealth,  a  more  equitable  distri- 
bution of  the  fruits  of  our  prosperity,  a  more  even  condition  of  well 
being. 

"This  cannot  come  by  hysterical  attacks  on  the  rights  of  prop- 
erty.    Wreck  capital,  and  you  annihilate  labor. 

"It  cannot  come  by  the  unwise  insistence  that  great  corporations 
should  be  let  entirely  alone.  Reasonable  regulation  is  the  antidote 
for  confiscation. 

"It  cannot  come  from  a  manipulation  of  the  operation  of  laws 
by  the  executive  power.  It  can  come  by  the  passage  by  the  legis- 
lative power  of  only  such  laws  as  can  be  enforced. 

"It  can  come  only  by  the  recognition  that  fraternity  is  the  first 
condition  not  only  of  equality  but  of  liberty,  and  that  class  hatred 
and  religious  prejudice  have   no  place  in   a  free  republic. 

"Just  a  generation  ago  the  first  of  American  philosophers  set 
down,  as  the  last  word  of  his  last  essay: — 

"  'I  see  in  all  directions  the  light  breaking.  Trade  and  govern- 
ment will  not  alone  be  the  favored  aims  of  mankind,  but  every  use- 
ful, every  elegant  art,  every  exercise  of  imagination,  the  height  of 
reason,  the  noblest  affection,  the  purest  religion,  will  find  their  home 
in  our  institutions  and  write  our  laws  for  the  benefit  of  men.'  The 
prophecy  was  Emerson's.     The  opportunity  is  ours." 

Speaker  Cole  of  the  House  was  reelected  and  William  D. 
Chappel  was  chosen  President  of  the  Senate.  To  meet  the 
needs  of  the  Superior  Court  owing  to  the  increase  of  business 
the  Legislature  authorized  the  appointment  of  two  additional 
judges. 

The  Legislature  of  1907  put  587  new  laws  and  133  re- 
solves into  the  Blue  Book.  Six  acts  were  vetoed  by  Gov 
Guild.    The  legislative  session  lasted  178  days  and  the  Legis- 

174 


lature  was  prorogued  Friday,  June  28,  at  11.14  P.  M.  Among 
the  memorials  to  Congress  were  resolutions  favoring  a  fur- 
ther prosecution  of  the  work  of  exterminating  the  gypsy 
moth  in  conjunction  with  the  State  authorities,  another  favor- 
ing a  Federal  law  for  the  extermination  of  dogfish,  regarded 
as  a  menace  to  the  fisheries  of  the  State.  Both  branches  went 
on  record  favoring  international  peace.  Resolution*?  were 
passed  condemning  the  New  York  Central  Railroad  for  its 
inadequate  freight  facilities  and  approved  the  demand  of  the 
public  for  better  freight  accommodations.  One  of  the  impor- 
tant acts  passed  by  this  Legislature  was  to  prohibit  bucketing 
and  bucket  shopping  and  to  abolish  the  bucket  shop  so-called. 
A  board  for  the  establishment  of  three  sanitoriums  for  tuber- 
cular patients  was  authorized.  The  election  laws  were  once 
more  overhauled  and  former  statutes  were  repealed  incon- 
sistent with  the  new  laws  affecting  primaries  and  elections. 
Additional  subway  facilities  for  Boston  were  provided 
by  another  act.  The  Insurance  laws  were  strengthened  in 
behalf  of  the  policy  holder  as  suggested  by  the  Governor  in 
his  inaugural. 


175 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THE    FAMOUS     "PINK    TICKET"     SPRINGFIELD    DEMOCRATIC    CON- 
VENTION   OF    1907 — TWO    DEMOCRATIC    NOMINEES, 
GEN   BARTLETT    AND   HPJNRY   M    WHITNEY. 


M 


ORAN'S  tremendous  vote  of  the  year  before  —  the 
largest  a  Democratic  candidate  had  ever  received  for 
Governor  —  encouraged  the  Democrats  to  believe  that 
they  were  within  hailing  distance  of  the  goal  of  their  am- 
bition, but  early  in  the  year  Moran  announced  that  his  health 
would  not  permit  him  to  make  another  gubernatorial  cam- 
paign. He  contented  himself  with  planning  to  run  for  re- 
election as  District  Attorney.  He  held  aloof  from  all  other 
political  activities.  Moran's  retirement  from  the  gubernato- 
rial situation  opened  wide  the  field.  No  radical  of  prominence 
stepped  into  the  breach.  The  "safe  and  sane"  Democrats, 
taking  courage,  began  to  plan  for  the  return  of  the  conserva- 
tive element  and  the  control  of  the  State  organization.  They 
trotted  out  as  their  candidate  for  Governor  Henry  M. 
Whitney. 

As  early  as  May,  the  Whitney  men  began  to  get  busy 
among  the  legislators.  A  poll  of  the  Democratic  members 
of  the  House  and  Senate  showed  that  Whitney  was  the  choice 
of  a  large  majority  of  them.  Whitney  sentiment  cropped  out 
all  over  the  State.  Mr.  Whitney  was  convinced  that  there 
was  a  real  demand  for  him  and  he  began  an  active,  dignified, 
campaign  for  the  nomination.  Here  and  there  was  manifested 
slight  opposition  to  him  at  the  start.  Gen.  Bartlett  evinced 
a  desire  to  be  considered  again  and  placed  himself  "in  the 
hands  of  his  friends." 

Mr.  Whitney,  sticking  to  old  campaign  notions,  believed 
that  the  way  to  reach  the  voters  was  through  their  bellies. 
He  opened  his  campaign  for  the  nomination  with  a  big  mass 
meeting  at  Combination  Park,  Medford.  One  of  Boston's 
well  known  caterers  was  engaged  to  satisfy  the  inner  man. 
After  ^  hand-shaking,  congratulations,  sporting  events,  etc., 
everybody  adjourned  to  a  big  tent  where  the  choicest  dishes 

176 


of  the  season  were  temptingly  set  forth.  When  all  had  satis- 
fied their  appetites  the  speaking  began.  While  Mr.  Whitney 
was  speaking,  a  man  named  O'Keefe,  a  member  of  the  State 
Committee  interrupted  the  prospective  gubernatorial  candi- 
date with  the  question:  "How  about  the  mer-ger.''"  using 
the  hard  g  in  the  last  syllable  in  merger.  Mr.  Whitney,  who 
is  a  little  hard  of  hearing,  asked  the  man  repeat  the  question, 
and  answered  that  he  would  state  his  position  on  that  ques- 
tion later  in  the  campaign. 

It  proved  to  be  the  rock  or  one  of  the  rocks  on  which  the 
Democrats  split  in  the  campaign.  Only  a  few  of  those  who 
heard  the  question  propounded  realized  what  an  important 
question  it  was  and  what  its  answer  meant  to  the  candidate 
of  the  Democracy  and  to  the  Democratic  party.  The  question 
of  a  merger  of  the  Boston  &  Maine  Railroad  and  the  New 
York,  New  Haven  &  Hartford  Railroad  was  then  so  far  ad- 
vanced that  people  began  to  wonder  if  Mr.  Whitney's  can- 
didacy was  in  any  way  connected  with  it.  As  a  Boston  & 
Maine  director,  as  a  former  head  of  the  Boston  Chamber  of 
Commerce  and  identified  with  large  business  enterprises, 
many  believed  that  his  candidacy  was  in  some  way  related  to 
the  scheme  to  monopolize  the  railroads  of  the  State. 

That  one  question:  "How  about  the  merger?"  bothered 
Mr.  Whitney  and  his  political  managers  and  it  kept  plaguing 
them  during  the  campaign.  The  Bartlett  men  made  it  one  of 
the  leading  issues  of  their  campaign.  During  the  Summer 
both  rival  Democratic  camps  were  active.  Bartlett  and 
Whitney  made  several  speeches  and  stated  their  positions  on 
all  of  the  important  questions  including  the  railroad  merger. 
Mr.  Whitney  was  for  the  merger  and  Gen.  Bartlett  opposed 
it.  The  Independence  League's  candidate  for  Governor  was 
Thomas  L.  Hisgen,  of  West  Springfield,  an  oil  dealer. 

When  the  delegates  were  elected  to  the  State  convention 
the  Whitney  men  felt  confident  that  they  had  a  majority. 
The  Bartlett  managers  disputed  their  claims  and  both  sides 
lined  up  for  the  convention  battle.  The  anti-Whitney  men 
controlling  the  State  Committee  chose  Springfield  for  the 
holding  of  the  State  convention  and  fixed  the  date  October  6. 

The  afternoon  before  the  convention  a  special  train  from 
Boston  carried  the  delegates  from  the  eastern  sections  of  the 
State  to  Springfield  where  the  State  Committee  was  to  meet, 
select  the  permanent  chairman  of  the  convention  and  agree 

177 


on  other  details.  The  Whitney  men  didn't  lack  funds  and  no 
Whitney  delegate  was  obliged  to  absent  himself  from  the 
convention  because  he  couldn't  aiTord  the  expense.  Some- 
body financed  the  anti-Whitney  wing — some  said  it  was 
Thomas  W.  Lawson,  the  broker.  Lawson  had  quarrelled 
with  Whitney  and  to  many  there  seemed  to  be  a  motive  on 
Lawson's  part  for  making  trouble  for  his  whilom  State  Street 
friend.  In  the  entourage  of  Gen.  Bartlett  at  Springfield  were 
many  faces  unfamiliar  to  Democratic  convention  goers.  The 
train  had  not  left  the  South  Station  before  the  report  was 
started  that  the  anti-Whitney  men  had  secured  the  services 
of  a  lot  of  strong  arm,  disreputable  characters,  picked  up  from 
the  under-world  to  "rough  house"  the  convention. 

As  proof  of  their  deftness,  one  of  this  class  relieved  Mr. 
Whitney  of  his  pocket  book  which  contained  considerable 
money  and  some  railroad  passes.  A  few  days  after  the  con- 
vention Mr.  Whitney  received  his  pocket  book  minus  his 
money.  A  note  enclosed  in  the  pocket  book  read:  "J^st  to 
show  you  what  we  could  do." 

On  the  way  to  Springfield  Congressman  Keliher  took  a 
trip  through  the  train  looking  for  familiar  faces  of  persons 
who  had  not  been  elected  at  the  caucuses  and  reported  to  Mr. 
Whitney  that  there  were  at  least  10  men  whose  presence  was 
"suspicious." 

"If  those  men  are  allowed  in  the  convention  tomorrow 
it  will  be  the  gravest  mistake  that  can  be  made  by  the  men 
who  seek  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Whitney,"  said  the  Congressman. 
"It  is  an  element  which  must  be  controlled  and  suppressed 
the  first  minute  of  the  convention,  or  else  the  Democratic 
party's  interest  will  suffer.  We  have  all  heard  that  these  men 
are  to  be  given  entrance  to  the  theatre,  but  we  hope  that  more 
judicious  counsel  will  be  followed." 

Daniel  F.  Buckley.  Mr.  Whitney's  campaign  manager, 
said  he  did  not  care  how  many  "extra  rooters"  were  in  the 
convention.  "We  have  the  delegates,"  said  he,  "and  the  votes 
count  against  any  other  method." 

Arriving  in  Springfield  the  delegates  separated,  the  Whit- 
ney men  going  to  one  hotel  and  the  Bartlett  supporters  to 
another.  It  was  nearly  midnight  when  the  first  test  of  the 
relative  strength  of  the  two  candidates  in  the  Democratic 
State  Committee  disclosed  the  control  of  that  body  resting 
in  the  adherents  of  Gen  Charles  W.  Bartlett,  and  also  made 

178 


it  certain  that  the  temporary  organization  of  the  convention 
the  next  day  would  be  dictated  by  Bartlett.  The  State  Com- 
mittee had  a  protracted  session  at  the  Haynes  House  to  select 
a  temporary  chairman.  The  Bartlett  men  produced  a  major- 
ity. In  the  first  place  the  followers  of  Gen.  Bartlett  forced  a 
vote  appointing  a  sub-committee  of  five  of  the  executive  com- 
mittee to  report  a  temporary  organization  to  the  full  com- 
mittee. 

The  Bartlett  men  who  had  a  majority  of  three  in  the 
State  Committee  selected  Daniel  J.  Kiley  for  temporary 
chairman  of  the  convention  over  Joseph  A.  Conry  by  a  vote 
of  23  to  21.  When  the  matter  of  selecting  a  chairman  on 
resolutions  was  reached  the  Bartlett  people  again  had  their 
way  and  named  George  Fred  Williams.  Congressman  Joseph 
F.  O'Connell  was  made  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials. 

Dwight  O.  Gilmore,  owner  of  the  Court-Square  Theatre, 
where  the  convention  was  held,  said  the  night  before  the 
convention,  that  he  had  let  the  theatre  to  H.  J.  Mitchell,  a 
local  politician,  for  the  Democratic  State  Committee  and  that 
his  understanding  of  the  matter  was  that  the  hall  would  be 
turned  over  to  Daniel  J.  Kiley,  chairman  of  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  State  Committee,  who  would  have  com- 
plete control  of  the  theatre  and  from  whom  hd  (Gilmore) 
would  take  orders. 

Chairman  John  P.  Feeney,  of  the  State  Committee,  per- 
sonally assured  the  Whitney  managers  that  he  would  give 
everybody  a  square  deal  in  the  convention.  The  Bartlett 
men  having  control  of  the  convention  gave  out  pink  tickets 
to  their  followers  admitting  them  to  the  convention.  From 
these  tickets  the  convention  got  its  name. 

In  the  street,  the  night  before  the  convention,  not  far 
from  the  Bartlett  headquarters  were  batteries  of  rockets  and 
gorgeous  lights  kept  going  as  long  as  the  supply  lasted. 
Across  the  street  a  sheet  covered  the  front  of  a  building  and 
upon  it  were  thrown  by  a  stereopticon  criticisms  of  Henry  M. 
Whitney  and  his  support  of  the  proposed  railroad  merger. 
Gen.  Bartlett's  exposition  of  the  principles  of  democracy, 
his  opposition  to  the  trusts  and  his  stand  for  the  "people" 
were  proclaimed  in  the  illuminated  lettering. 

Delegates  got  very  little  rest  the  night  before  the  con- 
vention.    The  Whitney  men  realized  that  the   Bartlett  men 

179 


were  cooking  up  something  for  them.  Money  for  expenses 
seemed  to  be  plentiful  in  both  camps  and  it  was  not  an  un- 
common sight  to  see  a  delegate  who  was  more  used  to  coffee 
and  rolls  for  his  morning  meal  breakfasting  on  chicken  and 
champagne.  By  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  holders  of 
the  pink  tickets  began  to  move  over  to  the  Court  Square 
Theatre.  They  had  no  difficulty  getting  in  but  the  Whitney 
men  with  their  credentials,  many  of  them  among  the  best 
known  Democrats  of  the  State,  were  kept  waiting  in  line  for 
hours  before  they  were  admitted.  When  they  did  get  in  to 
the  convention  they  found  the  theatre  filled  with  Bartlett 
"delegates."  Among  the  latter  were  prize  fighters  and  other 
disreputable  characters  transported  from  Boston  for  strong- 
arm  and  strong-lung  work.  It  was  not  until  then  that  the 
Whitney   people  fully  grasped   what   had  been  going  on. 

Although  but  one  convention  was  called  there  were  two 
conventions,  both  held  in  the  Court  Square  Theatre.  The 
Bartlett  convention,  which  held  the  stage,  was  presided  over 
by  Daniel  J.  Kiley.  Joseph  A.  Conry  acted  as  chairman  of 
the  Whitney  convention.  Both  gatherings  were  devoid  of 
deliberation. 

Charles  W.  Bartlett  was  nominated  for  Governor  by  ac- 
clamation by  a  tumultuous  body  which  occupied  the  orchestra 
seats  in  the  theatre.  John  Alden  Thayer  of  Worcester  was 
named  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  Gen  Bartlett  accepted  the 
nomination,  but  Mr.  Thayer  sent  word  that  he  would  not  per- 
mit his  name  to  stand  on  the  ticket.  Later  he  appeared  be- 
fore the  Whitney  delegates  and  repudiated  the  nomination  of 
the  Bartlett  convention  and  announced  that  he  would  support 
Whitney. 

The  Whitney  forces  assembled  in  the  rear  of  the  orches- 
tra circle,  nominated  Whitney,  with  George  A.  Schofield 
of  Ipswich  for  Lieutenant  Governor. 

The  first  convention  was  called  to  order  at  11  A.  M.  by 
John  P.  Feeney,  chairman  of  the  State  Committee,  but  at  that 
time  only  a  small  number  of  the  Whitney  delegates  were 
able  to  gain  admittance.  Bartlett  supporters,  to  the  number 
of  about  300,  held  all  the  orchestra  seats  and  also  filled  the 
boxes. 

Although  Mr.  Feeney  was  informed  that  delegates  to 
the  number  of  400  had  not  arrived,  he  called  the  convention 
to  order,  and  as  the  Bartlett  men  had  the  hall,  their  candi- 

180 


date  for  Chairman,  Daniel  J.  Kiley,  of  Boston  was  vocifer- 
ously elected.  There  were  not  enough  Whitney  men  present 
to  raise  a  formidable  opposition,  and  after  Mr.  Kiley  took  the 
gavel  he  gave  little  consideration  to  any  suggestion  or  motion 
ofTered  by  a  Whitney  man.  The  business  was  rushed  through, 
a  committee  on  credentials  reporting  700  of  the  750  delegates 
present.  George  Fred  Williams  submitted  a  set  of  resolu- 
tions which  were  immediately  adopted  in  an  uproar.  Few 
except  those  on  the  stage  comprehended  what  was  being  done 
because  of  the  disorder. 

A  few  of  the  Whitney  delegates  and  their  leaders  who 
succeeded  in  getting  in  conducted  their  convention  while  the 
rival  convention  of  their  opponents  was  transacting  its  busi- 
ess.  At  1.30  the  AVhitney  men  followed  their  leaders  to  the 
Massasoit  House  a  short  distance  away  and  denounced  the 
acts  of  the  Bartlett  convention.  Many  signed  a  protest  drawn 
by  Mr.  Whitney's  legal  advisers  regarding  the  procedure  of 
the  convention  stating  that  they  were  unable  to  gain  admis- 
sion to  the  hall  and  that  if  they  had  been  able  to  have  parti- 
cipated in  the  convention,  they  would  have  supported  the 
Whitney  ticket.  For  several  hours  there  was  pandemonium 
in  the  theatre,  and  a  spectacle  such  as  probably  never  before 
marked  a  political  gathering  in  the  State. 

Thomas  W.  Proctor  of  Boston  nominated  Gen  Bartlett 
in  one  convention  and  Congressman  John  A.  Sullivan  nomi- 
nated Henry  M.  Whitney  in  the  other.  The  Whitney  men 
didn't  waste  time  in  long  speeches  and  went  through  hur- 
riedly all  the  forms  of  a  nominating  convention.  Mounting 
a  chair  and  addressing  the  chairman  of  the  Whitney  conven- 
tion Congressman  Keliher  spoke  as  follows : 

"Now,  fellow  Democrats,  as  an  oibject  lesson,  I  want  you  to 
■wait  here  and  not  participate  in  the  convention  that  is  being  held  in 
the  front  of  the  hall,  but  to  stay  here  and  witness  the  infamy  there 
being  indulged  in  in  the  name  of  a  convention.  My  God,  democracy, 
what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy  name!  We  find  George  Fred  Wil- 
liams occupying  a  place  on  the  platform.  My  friends,  it  must  be 
apparent  to  all  that  he  is  the  emissary  of  the  Republican  party  and 
that  his  mission  is  to  disrupt  our  party. 

"They  talk  of  money.  And  that  arch  trader  of  State  Street,  the 
man  who  has  wrecked  more  homes  in  the  last  15  years  than  any 
disease  or  pestilence  is  actually  dominating  this  convention  on  my 
left.     I  refer  to  Thomas  W.   Lawson. 

"I  want  to  call  attention  to  this  fact;  that  we  went  before  the 
State  Committee  last  night  and  made  a  motion  that  we  have  repre- 
sentation upon  the  door  to  scan  the  credentials   to  this   convention, 

181 


and  we  were  refused.  In  .the  place  of  delegates  commissioned  by 
Democratic  constituencies  to  carry  out  their  v/ishes  as  expressed  by 
them,  we  find  the  police  preventing  the  entrance  of  hundreds  of  bona 
fide  delegates  to  this  convention.  We  asked  for  a  roll  call  to  decide 
which  is  a  majority  party  in  this  convention.  This  roll  call  in  conven- 
tion has  been  denied  us.'' 

Speeches  were  made  by  Charles  S.  Hamlin,  William  S. 
McNary,  and  John  A.  Sullivan  at  the  Whitney  convention 
denouncing  the  Bartlett  convention.  The  Whitney  platform 
made  tariff  reform  the  leading  issue.  .  The  Bartlett  document 
attacked  the  railroad  merger  saying  on  that  point : 

"One  corporation,  the  New  York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford 
railroad  of  Connecticut,  is  attempting  to  obtain  sole  and  absolute 
sway  over  the  transportation  of  New  England.  Its  policy  is  that  of 
undisputed  monopoly.  It  has  purchased  large  interests  in  steamship 
companies,  until  it  controls  most  of  the  southern  New  England  ser- 
vice. It  has  acquired  between  looo  and  2000  miles  of  trolley  lines  in 
Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  and  in  defiance  of  the  law  has  begun 
the  purchase  of  street  railways  in  Massachusetts.  It  has  bought 
and  is  operating  gas  and  electric  light  companies.  It  has  recently 
reorganized  in  Connecticut  under  a  charter  giving  it  power  to  trans- 
act mercantile,  manufacturing,  mining,  brokerage  and  banking  busi- 
nesses. It  is  without  safeguards  against  the  watering  of  its  stock 
such  as  our  commonwealth  imposes  upon  railroads,  and  already  it  has 
loaded  debt  upon  debt  until  its  liabilities  amount  to  over  $300,000,000. 

"It  has  obtained  trackage  rights  on  the  Boston  &  Albany  Rail- 
road which  will  enable  it  to  cripple  the  trafific  of  that  railroad  at 
any  time. 

"This  corporation  is  now  about  to  complete  its  monopoly  of 
New'  England  transportation  by  merging  with  itself  its  only  remain- 
ing competitor,  the  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad.  It  has  upon  the 
admission  of  its  president,  already  secured  a  controlling  interest  of 
stock  in  this  railroad. 

"Our  Legislature  has  suspended  this  scheme  by  providing  that 
such  stock  shall  not  be  voted  prior  to  July  t,  1908.  Unless  the  next 
Legislature  shall  enact  further  prohibitive  laws,  all  railroad  compe- 
tition in  New  England  will  be  at  an  end,  and  a  giant  monopoly 
controlling  all  lines  of  transportation  in  Massachusetts  will  be  an 
established  fact.  The  destiny  of  our  Commonwealth  will  then  be  in 
the  hands  of  a  speculative  corporation,  crippled  by  a  huge  debt,  and 
governed  in  New  York  by  the  great  chiefs  of  industrial  monopoly 
in  the  nation.  This  monopoly  involves  the  industrial,  commercial 
and  political  indebtedness  of  New  England,  is  opposed  to  the  estab- 
lished policy  of  our  Commonwealth,  and  contrary  to  the  will  of  our 
people. 

"The  Democracy  of  Massachusetts  protests  against  the  perfec- 
tion of  such  a  monopoly,  condemns  any  candidates  who  approve  it, 
and  demands  from  the  next  Legislature  the  enactment  of  laws  to  pre- 
vent the  merger  of  the  Boston  and  Maine  railroad." 

182 


Daniel    F.    Buckley. 


Daniel    F.    Dohertj', 


Joseph    A.    Conry. 


John  A.    Keliher. 


The  two  tickets  nominated  by  the  two  conventions  con- 
ducted simultaneously  in  the  same  hall  were  as  follows: 

BARTLETT  TICKET. 

Governor — Charles   W.   Bartlett  of  Newton. 
Lieutenant  Governor — ^John  A.  Thayer  of  Worcester. 
Secetary  of  State — Charles  Z.  E.  Chareste  of  Holyoke. 
Treasurer  and  Receiver  General — William  P.  Connery  of  Lynn. 
Attorney  General — Harvey  H.  Pratt  of  Scituate. 
Auditor — Daniel   L.   Shea  of  Chicopee. 

WHITNEY  TICKET. 

Governor — Henry  M.  Whitney  of  Brookline. 
Lieutenant  Governor — George  A  Schofield  of  Ipswich. 
Secetary  of  State — Charles   Z.  E.   Chareste  of  Holyoke. 
Treasurer  and  Receiver  General — Arthur  Lyman  of  Waltham. 
Attorney  General — David  F.  O'Connell  of  Worcester. 
Auditor — Joseph  A.  Conry  of  Boston. 

The  legality  of  the  Bartlett  nomination  was  brought  be- 
fore the  State  Ballot  Law  Commission  and  after  a  lengthy 
hearing  that  body  found  that  Gen  Bartlett  was  not  legally 
nominated  and  that  Mr.  Whitney  was  the  Democratic  nomi- 
ness.  George  Fred  Williams  declared  the  decision  to  be  the 
worst  political  scandal  in  the  history  of  the  State. 

Gen  Bartlett  became  a  candidate  on  an  anti-merger  plat- 
form and  the  official  ballot  bore  the  following  names  for 
governor : 

Charles  W.  Bartlett  of  Newton Anti  Merger 

Thomas  F.  Brennan  of  Salem Socialist  Labor 

John   W.    Brown   of  Worcester Socialist 

Hervey  S.   Cowell   of  Ashburnham Prohibition 

Curtis   Guild   Jr  of   Boston Republican 

Thos.  L.  Hisgen  of  West  Springfield.  .Independence  League 

Henry  M.  Whitney  of   Brookline Democratic 

Henry  M.  Whitney  of  Brookline Democratic   Citizens' 

The  campaign  on  the  Democratic  end  was  lively  but, 
of  course,  the  party  was  doomed  to  defeat.  The  Republicans 
did  not  give  up  their  activities  and  prosecuted  their  campaign 
with  vigor.  They  had  the  signiricant  Moran  figures  cf  the 
year  before  to  remind  them  that  the  opposition  to  them  was 
large  and  increasing.  Had  the  Democrats  been  united  and 
harmonious,  they  would,  in  all  probability,  have  defeated  the 

183 


Republicans.     Gov  Guild  and   Draper   "won   in   a  walk"   as 
the  saying  is,  the  vote  for  Governor  being: 

Guild  188,068 

Whitney  84,379 

Hisgen  75,499 

Bartlett  ii,i94 

Brown  7i62i 

Cowell  2,810 

Brennan  2,999 

For  Lieutenant  Governor: 

Draper  I73,6i9 

Brown  84,050 

Schofield  82,769 


184 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THIRD     TERM     OP     GUILD — SEVERE     ILLNESS — DRAPER     ACTING 

GOVERNOR-JPUBLIC    DELIGHT    AT    GOVERNOR'S 

RECOVERY. 

GOV  GUILD  took  the  oath  of  office  as  Chief  Executive 
for  the  third  time  January  2,  1908.  The  hopeless  divi- 
sion among-  the  Democrats  left  no  room  for  doubt 
about  the  result  of  the  recent  election.  For  the  second  time 
Curtis  Guild  Jr  could  feel  grateful  to  his  Democratic  oppon- 
ents who  were  really  friends  in  disguise.  The  Democratic 
quarrel  made  the  election  of  the  Republican  nominee  inevi- 
table. While  the  Democrats  were  fighting  among  themselves, 
the  Republicans  could  afford  to  look  on  with  satisfaction. 
Democratic  party  politics  had  reached  their  lowest  ebb  in 
the  State.  Many  broad-minded  Republicans  sincerely  re- 
gretted the  disgraceful  scenes  and  methods  that  characterized 
the  "Pink  Ticket"  convention  at  Springfield. 

As  citizens  of  Massachusetts  they  were  sorry  to  see  the 
old  party  of  Jefferson,  Jackson  and  Cleveland  out  distanced 
election  day  by  a  mongrel  ticket  sailing  under  the  misnomer 
of  "Independence"  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  depend- 
ent absolutely  on  the  whim  and  caprice  of  one  man.  Under 
the  designation  Democrat,  Mr.  Whitney's  vote  was  70,842, 
but  his  name  appeared  on  the  ballot  under  three  other  desig- 
nations and  his  combined  vote  exceeded  that  of  Whitney. 
Many  Democrats  vowed  after  the  Springfield  convention  that 
they  would  never  again  be  found  supporting  any  of  the  arch 
conspirators  in  that  nondescript  aggregation  of  political  no- 
bodies, but  politicians  have  short  memories  and  some  of  the 
leaders  in  this  convention  have  since  had  the  support  of  their 
party  for  high  honors.  Time,  the  great  leveler  of  all  things, 
has  justified  the  attitude  the  "Pink  Ticket"  leaders  took  to- 
wards Mr.  Whitney.  Subsequent  events  proved  that  the  rail- 
road merger  he  advocated  was  injurious  to  New  England  and 
that  those  behind  the  scheme,  and  prominent  respectable 
financiers,    were    looting    the    railroad  treasuries    and    were 

185 


engaged  in  a  system  of  "frenzied  finance"  that  brought  one- 
time gilt  edged  railroad  securities  tumbling  down  to  a  frac- 
tion of  their  supposed  values. 

George  Fred  Williams  hailed  the  defeat  of  Whitney  as 
a  "glorious  victory"  and  it  looked  for  a  time  as  if  the  old 
Democratic  party  had  passed  on  to  a  heavenly  reward. 
Under  the  circumstances,  Gov  Guild  could  afiFord  to  be  mag- 
nanimous in  his  inaugural  and  he  was  for  the  most  part. 
From  the  election  returns  he  seemed  to  gather  inspiration 
and  renewed  courage  in  his  attitude  toward  great  public  ser- 
vice corporations. 

"We  must  control,"  said  he,  "we  have  controlled  great  public 
service  corporations.  The  alternative  of  such  control  is  not  individ- 
ualism, but  socialism.  If,  however,  there  is  a  year  when  it  is  par- 
ticularly desirable  to  avoid  recklessly  sensational  onslaughts  on  prop- 
erty, shattering  public  confidence,  curtailing  commerce,  checking  in- 
vestment, reducing  alike  the  earnings  of  capital  and  the  employment 
of  labor,  it  is  this  year  1908. 

"Public  service  corporations  have  found  that  public  regulation 
knows  no  favorites.  In  some,  abuses  have  been  corrected;  in  some, 
the  charge  to  the  public  has  been  materially  reduced.  In  every  case, 
however,  the  Commonwealth  has  maintained,  as  it  ever  must  main- 
tain, quietly  if  possible,  but  conspicuously,  if  necessary,  the  dignity 
and  inviolability  of  its  statutes  no  matter  what  the  result." 

These  words  were  interpreted  to  mean  that  the  public 
service  corporations,  especially  the  railroads  must  keep  their 
place  and  render  adequate  service  to  the  public  or  be  further 
regulated.  Again,  he  urged  still  further  safeguards  for  the 
savings  of  the  people  saying: 

"During  the  session  of  1907  the  foreign  steamship  agents  who 
do  a  'banking  business  were  placed  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Bank  Commissioner.  Foreign  banking  corporations  doing  a  sav- 
ings bank  business  here  were  also  compelled  to  invest  such  deposits 
under  the  same  laws  that  cover  the  investments  of  our  Massachusetts 
savings  banks.  I  believe  that  the  depositor  of  savings  should  receive 
uniform  treatment,  no  matter  where  his  savings  are  deposited,  and 
therefore  recommend  to  you  that  this  same  principle  should  be  ex- 
tended to  trust  companies  doing  a  savings  bank  business." 

Railroad  management  and  railroad  legislation  came  in 
for  considerable  discussion  in  his  inaugural  in  1908.  On  this 
subject  he  made  the  following  remarks : 

"I  suggest  for  your  consideration,  not  in  any  one  specific  case, 
but  as  a  matter  of  general  policy,  these  propositions: 

"l — Shall  a  steam   railroad   be   allowed   to   control   troUey  lines? 
"The  intent  of  the  law  of  Massachusetts  clearly  prohibits   such 

186 


control.  The  competition  in  passenger  service,  and,  since  the  law 
of  1907.  in  express  service  between  steam  and  street  railroads,  is,  I 
believe  healthy,  and  should  be  maintained. 

"2 — Should  an  express  company  be  permitted  to  control  a  rail- 
road and  through  a  railroad  freight  rates? 

"I  believe  that  the  influence  of  express  companies  in  the  control 
of  railroads  hampers  their  development  and  tends  to  damage  the 
general  interest  of  the  public.  I  believe  that  the  ownership  of  rail- 
road stocks  by  express  companies   should   be  discouraged. 

"3 — Should  railroad  companies  be  permitted  to  own  or  to  con- 
trol or  to  establish  steamship  lines? 

"Under  a  Massachusetts  charter,  which  we  all  desire  for  all  roads 
in  this  Commonwealth,  even  beneficial  extension  of  business  along 
these  lines  is  practically  impossible." 

Of  course,  the  railroad  managers  referred  to  in  the  Gov- 
ernor's address  didn't  like  the  following-  observations  he  made 
about  outside  control  of  Massachusetts  railroads: 

"We  have  three  steam  railroad  systems  in  Massachusetts;  one 
is  a  Connecticut  corporation,  one  is  dominated  by  an  express  com- 
pany with  headquarters  in  New  York,  one  is  leased  by  the  New  York 
Central  Railroad  and  cannot  be  combined  with  the  others  without 
violating  the  national  law  prohibiting  the  consolidation  of  competing 
lines  doing  an  interstate  business. 

"This  condition  is  bad.  The  surrender  to  any  outside  corpora- 
•tion  of  all  local  control  of  Massachusetts  transportation  would  be 
worse.  One  condition  must  at  all  events  be  enforced  in  any  proposed 
consolidation;  stringent  permanent  provisions  should  be  made  against 
any  control  of  any  New  England  road  by  any  corporation,  American 
or  Canadian,  with  an  Atlantic  terminal  for  eastbound  freight  anywhere 
outside  New  England.  I  believe  any  possible  combination  should  be 
effected  not  by  a  lease  imposing  permanent  extravagant  fixed  charges 
alike  on  the  corporation  and  the  public,  but  by  a  community  of  in- 
terest between  two  systems  both  of  which  in  Massachusetts  should 
run  under  Massachusetts  charters,  each  supplementing  the  other,  with 
headquarters  in  Boston,  and  managed  solely  for  the  development  of 
New   England. 

"I  believe  it  is  worth  trying  by  new  legislation  not  merely  to 
escape  the  surrender  of  the  relics  of  New  England  control  which  we 
at  present  possess,  but  to  recover  the  control  that  we  have  already 
lost,  that  not  merely  New  England  legislatures  but  New  England 
railroads  may  strike  at  the  shackles  about  New  England  commerce, 
and  stimulate  New  England  industry.'' 

He  requested 

"That  the  Governor  and  Council  be  given  authority  to  reimburse 
commissioners,  within  the  limits  of  any  future  appropriation  for  any 
unpaid  commission,  or  when  citizens  are  officially  sent  10  represent 
the  Commonwealth  at  National  conventions,  to  reimburse  such  dele- 
gates to  such  extent  as  may  be  found  by  the  Governor  and  Council 
to  have  been  necessary  by  their  giving  as  commissioners  or  dele- 
gates  their    services   to   the    Commonwealth. 

'The  total  expense  thus  incurred  in  any  given  year  is  not  bur- 

187 


densome  to  the  community,  though  highly  important  to  the  individual. 
Equality  before  the  law  demands  that  no  class  of  citizens  should  be 
debarred,  by  the  necessity  of  sustaining  personal  loss,  from  accept- 
ing an  opportunity  to  give,  when  desired,  the  benefit  of  their  know- 
ledge and   experience  to   the  Commonwealth." 

In  urging  further  restrictions  in  the  corrupt  practices  act 
Gov  Guild  said : 

"The  General  Court  last  year  forbade  all  corporations  under 
supervision  or  regulation  by  the  Commonwealth  to  contribute  to 
campaign  funds.  I  rejoice  that  such  action  was  taken.  T  ask  you 
to  join  me  in  extending  that  prohibition  to  all  corporations,  re- 
gardless of  their  character,  not  alone  that  we  may  secure  a  greater 
measure  of  purity  in  public  elections,  but  that  we  may  secure  higher 
business  ideals  in  the  management  of  corporations.  An  individual 
has  a  right  to  give  away  his  own  money,  firms  have  a  right  to  give 
away  their  own  money,  for  any  legitimate  use  they  may  desire.  The 
ofificers  of  a  corporation,  however,  have  no  right  for  any  reason  to 
give  away  money  which  is  not  theirs  for  purposes  other  than  those 
connected  with  the  business  of  the  corporation.  Still  less  have  they 
the  right  to  make  expenditures  which  do  not  appear  in  the  <  orporation 
accounts,  and  of  which  the  stockholders  are  ignorant.  The  Legisla- 
ture of  1906  voted  no  money  out  of  the  public  treasury  even  to  the 
sufferers  by  fire  and  earthquake  at  San  Francisco.  They  contributed 
out  of  their  own  pockets.  I  commend  this  example  of  conduct  of  the 
over-a'bused  legislator  to  the  over-extolled  business  man.  Let  us 
forbid  any  corporation  of  any  kind  to  contribute  to  any  political 
organization," 

Condemning-  the  demands  of  churches,  and  of  benevolent 
and  charitable  associations  for  money  from  candidates  for 
public  office,  he  asked  be  prohibited  by  law,  observing: 

"It  is  time  that  a  halt  was  called  on  practices  v'-hich,  even  on 
the  part  of  well-intentioned  people,  handicap  a  man  of  modest  means 
from  becoming  a  candidate  or  for  holding  public  office  in  this 
Commonwealth. 

"The  same  principle  imperatively  demands  some  restriction  on 
the  hiring  of  men  to  work  at  the  polls.  It  is  a  known  fact  that  this 
so-called  legitimate  expenditure,  now  subject  to  no  limitation,  has 
been  used  as  a  cover  for  direct  bribery.  The  purposes  for  which 
men  may  be  hired  and  the  number  should  be  clearly  limited  by  law^ 
and  the  'bribing  of  voters  under  the  pretence  of  hiring  workers  should 
be  made  a  penal  ofifense." 

Once  more  the  Governor  sought  to  impress  his  views  on 
taxation  on  the  legislators.  On  the  corporation  tax  distribu- 
tion he  had  this  to  say  illustrating  its  inconsistencies  and  in- 
equitability : 

"Under  the  present  system,  the  city  of  Boston  pays  in  direct 
State   tax  one  million   and  a  half,   and   receives   back  in   distribution 

188 


of  revenue  from  the  corporation  tax  nine  hundred  and  eighty  thous- 
and dollars.  The  town  of  Brookline  pays  one  hundred  and  twelve 
thousand  dollars  in  direct  taxes,  and  receives  back  in  corporation 
tax  distribution    two   hundred    and    two   thousand    dollars. 

"The  struggling  city  is  mulcted  half  a  million  a  year,  while  the 
rich  town  actually  collects  for  its  own  local  expenditures  out  of  the 
treasury  of  the  Comomnwealth  ninety  thousand  a  year  by  the  opera- 
tion of  the  present  absurd  and  illogical  system. 

"Governor  after  Governor  has  incurred  local  unpopularity  in 
favored  towns  and  cities,  by  calling  attention  to  this  gross  injustice; 
but  injustice  it  is,  and  for  the  third  time  I  ask  for  its  correction. 
Return  the  corporation  tax  to  the  State,  and  lift  rhe  direct  tax  from 
the  people. 

"I  trust  that  Massachustts  may  take  the  lead,  even  at  some 
slight  sacrifice  to  her  own  revenue,  if  need  be,  in  inaugurating  a 
campaign  for  interstate  and  international  comity;  a  campaign 
against  the  double,  sometimes  triple  taxation  possible  under  present 
conditions;  for  fair  play  to  every  man  all  around,  whether  the  man 
in  question  is  or  is  not  a  Massachusetts  citizen  or  an  American  citi- 
zen." 

The  Governor  advocated  reorganizing  the  laws  on  drunk- 
enness and  the  improvement  of  the  probation  laws.  Discuss- 
ing judiciary  reform  he  said: 

"Last  year  I  had  the  honor  of  calling  the  attention  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  and  I  am  happy  to  say  effectively,  to  the  need  of  reform 
in  the  selection  of  juries.  The  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  in  pre- 
scribing maximum  and  minimum  sentences  for  the  same  crime 
leave  to  the  discretion  of  the  individual  judges  the  precise  penalty 
to  be  suffered  by  any  classes  of  criminals. 

"I  recommend  that  the  chief  justice  of  the  Superior  Court  be 
authorized  at  his  discretion  from  time  to  time  to  call  judges  of  the 
Commonwealth  to  a  conference  on  such  matters  as  may  to  him 
seem  fit,  that  the  personal  equation  in  issuing  sentences  to  convicted 
criminals  may  as  far  as  possible  be  eliminated,  and  that,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  same  offence,  no  matter  where  or  before  whom  tried, 
may  meet  with  the  same  penalty." 

Under  the  head  of  child  labor  he  said : 

"The  last  Legislature  prohibited  night  work  in  factories  for 
women  and  children.  I  ask  you  to  consider  the  adoption  of  the 
eight-hour  day  for  all  children  under  sixteen  3'ears  of  age.  I  also 
ask  of  you  that  not  merely  a  certificate  of  age  but  a  medical  certifi- 
cate of  health  shall  be  required  before  any  minor  is  set  at  work  at 
any  occupation  '' 

A  lover  of  the  flag  of  his  State  and  country — one  who 
uncovered  in  the  presence  of  Old  Glory,  Gov  Guild  asked  that 
the  State  flag  be  protected  and  preserved  by  law,  saying: 

"The  white  flag  of  Massachusetts,  the  emblem  of  the  Common- 
wealth, floats  above  a  State  House  where  one  law  after  another  has 

189 


been  framed  that  has  been  copied  or  imitated  by  other  States  or  by 
the  Nation.  Side  by  side  with  the  National  colors  the  stainless  flag 
of  the  Bay  State,  with  the  Indian  and  the  pine  tree,  has  stood  in  the 
forefront  of  the  battle  line,  and  the  eyes  of  the  dying  Massach  tsetts 
volunteer  have  lighted  at  the  sight  before  they  closed.  The  seal  of 
the  Commonwealth  is  established  by  statute.  The  flag,  its  ancient 
emblems  dating  back  to  the  foundation  of  the  original  colony,  exists 
only  as  the  result  of  executive  orders,  dependent  alone  on  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief. 

"I  asik  you  that  the  flag  as  it  at  present  exists  be  preserved 
forever  by  statute,  that  it  may  never  be  changed  by  the  whim  of  a 
Governor,  as  it  now  at  any  time  may  be,  ibut  only  by  permission  of 
the  people,  through  their  representatives. 

"I  further  ask  you  that  in  future  every  public  armory,  arsenal, 
hospital,  every  institution  of  Massachusetts,  be  ordered  to  fly  the 
white  flag  of  the  Commonwealth." 

His  peroration,  part  of  which  follows,  evoked  the  heart- 
iest applause  from  the  crowded  galleries  and  the  floor  of  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

"This  year  at  Provincetown  and  at  Gloucester,  town,  Common- 
wealth, and  Nation  have  commemorated  the  founders  of  New  Eng- 
land. Our  institutions  are  founded  on  the  rock  of  their  ideals;  the 
construction  must  be  our  own  Not  the  blood  of  the  Pilgrims  only 
— Hollander,  Scottish,  Irish  and  Venetian  blood  ran  in  the  veins  of 
those  who  at  Provincetown  extolled  the  Anglo-Saxon  origin  of  this 
Commonwealth.  In  one  sense  Boston  is  no  longer  a  Puritan  capital. 
In  one  sense  Massachusetts  is  no  longer  a  Puritan  Commonwealth. 

"It  is  a  proof  of  the  nobility  of  a  Nation  that  its  principles 
should  attract  the  support  of  the  active,  the  able,  the  aspiring,  among 
all  the   complaining  millions   of  men. 

"A  half  dozen  desperate  sailors  flung  forth  their  lives  to  the 
risk  of  drowning  and  explosion  with  Hobson  at  Santiago.  One  of 
them  is  a  boy  from  Lowell. 

"Cuba  and  the  Philippines  bring  upon  the  United  States  new 
and  untried  responsibilities.  The  only  man  who  in  both  West  In- 
dies and  East  Indies  is  a  success  in  the  field,  in  diplomacy,  in  civil 
government,  is  a  Massachusetts  sailor 

"The  .Vatican  seeks  a  pioneer  to  transact  the  important  and  deli- 
cate mission  of  establishing  necessary  privileges  at  Tokio.  Among 
the  prelates  of  the  world  the  ablest  and  the  fittest  for  the  task  is 
found  to  be  a  Massachusetts  clergyman. 

"The  most  venerable  association  of  scholars  in  France  after  a 
seclusion  of  centuries  seek  light  for  the  first  time  on  the  develop- 
ment of  the  language  and  letters  which  belong  to  us  as  well  as  to 
the  birthplace  of  Chaucer  and  Shakespeare.  The  authority  they  wel- 
come is  the  Massachusetts  historian  of  American  literature. 

"Czar  and  Mikado  seek  to  end  a  contest  by  land  and  sea  that 
shakes  the  world.  The  messenger  of  peace  is  a  Speaker  of  the  Mass- 
achusetts  House  of   Representatives. 

"Shall  we  concern  ourselves  with  the  place  from  which  the  an- 
cestors of  these  men  came,  whether  the  blood  of  their  forefathers 
was  English  or  Irish  or  French  or  Hollander  or  German?     As  well 

190 


claim  Abraham  Lincoln  as  merely  of  Massachusetts  because  his  an- 
cestors came  from  Hingham. 

"Let  us  rejoice  at  the  high  example  of  those  who  have  gone  be- 
fore us,  but  let  Us  exult  that  today  the  men  of  Massachusetts,  men 
of  our  own  new  and  splendid  race,  the  American  race,  not  only  up- 
hold the  best  ideals  and  lofty  purpose  of  the  Puritan  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts,  but  are  extending  the  name,  the  influence,  the 
honor  of  the  American  Commonwealth  of  Alassachusetts  to  spheres 
beyond,  the  Pilgrims'  wildest  dream,  to  lands  where  even  the  name 
of  the  Puritan  is  unknown." 

A  few  weeks  after  his  inauguration  Gov  Guild  was 
stricken  with  a  severe  illness  and  for  weeks  his  life  was  des- 
paired of.  He  was  unable  to  attend  to  his  duties  as  Governor 
for  a  period  of  four  months,  during  which  time  Lieutenant 
Governor  Eben  S.  Draper  discharged  the  duties  of  the  office. 
The  illness  of  Gov  Guild  cast  a  gloom  for  some  time  over 
the  whole  commonwealth  and  his  popularity  among  the 
people  was  demonstrated  in  many  ways.  Race,  creed  and 
politics  were  forgotten  for  the  time  being  and  everybody 
joined  in  the  prayer  that  the  Chief  Executive  be  spared  and 
restored  to  his  duties.  It  must  have  been  a  great  satisfaction 
to  his  family  and  himself  to  know  that  all  the  people  of  the 
State  were  sincerely  anxious  for  his  recovery.  Again  in 
August  Gov  Guild  was  stricken  with  appendicitis  and  again 
the  Lieutenant  Governor  was  obliged  to  act  as  Governor. 
Mr.  Draper  discharged  the  duties  of  the  office  with  great 
credit  to  himself  proving  that  he  was  in  every  way  qualified 
to  discharge  the  onerous  and  exacting  duties  of  the  office. 

The  presiding  officers  of  both  branches  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  year  before  were  reelected  for  the  session  of  1908. 
The  Legislature  lasted  165  days  and  adjourned  June  13,  at  6.14 
P.  M.  Six  hundred  and  fifty  acts  and  146  resolves  were  passed. 
Seven  acts  and  one  resolve  were  allowed  to  become  laws 
without  the  signature  of  the  Governor  and  nine  acts  and  two 
resolves  were  vetoed  relating  to  special  legislation  for 
individuals. 


191 


CHAPTER  XXV 

NATIONAL,    AND     STATE    CAMPAIGNS     OF     1908— GOV     GUILD     AND 
JOHN   HAYS   HAMMOND   CANDIDATES    FOR   REPUBLICAN   VICE- 
PRESIDENTIAL     NOMINATION — DEMOCRATS     UNITED     FOR 
BRYAN — TAFT      NOMINATED      BY      REPUBLICANS      FOR 
PRESIDENT — DRAPER    REPUBLICAN,    VAHEY    DEM- 
OCRATIC   GUBERNATORIAL,    NOMINEES. 

LONG  before  the  Spring-  campaign  for  delegates  to  the 
Republican  National  Convention  began  in  this  State  in 
1908,  President  Roosevelt  had  decided  on  his  own  suc- 
cessor. His  choice  was  William  Howard  Taft,  of  Ohio,  his 
Secretary  of  War  and  former  Governor  of  the  Philippines 
where  he  had  been  sent  by  President  McKinley  soon  after 
the  acquisition  of  those  islands.  Mr.  Taft  was  United  States 
Circuit  Court  judge  and  lived  in  Cincinnati,  where  he  was 
born.  He  came  from  fine  old  New  England  stock.  His  mother 
was  from  Millbury,  Massachusetts.  When  a  lad  Taft  spent 
his  summer  vacations  with  his  Aunt  Delia  Torrey  of  Mill- 
bury.  He  was  called  "Millbury  Taft"  by  those  who  knew 
him  in  his  school  days. 

He  had  made  a  splendid  reputation  as  Governor  of  the 
Philippines.  It  would  have  been  hard  for  President  McKin- 
ley to  have  found  a  better  man  to  spread  his  doctrine  of  "ben- 
evolent assimilation."  He  was  by  nature  peculiarly  fitted 
for  this  task.  A  big,  broad,  humane  American,  he  made  the 
Yankee  yoke  of  government  as  light  as  possible  and  held  out 
to  the  Filipinos  the  hope  of  self-government  as  soon  as  they 
were  deemed  capable  of  managing  their  own  public  affairs. 
Having  accomplished  the  difficult  task  given  him  in  the 
Orient,  and  having  won  the  admiration  of  McKinley's  suc- 
cessor. President  Roosevelt  called  him  home  and  made  him 
Secretary  of  War. 

A  lot  of  Republicans  disliked  the  idea  of  Roosevelt  pick- 
ing his  own  successor.  It  smacked  too  much  of  a  perpetua- 
tion of  a  Roosevelt  dynasty  at  the  White  House,  they  said. 
Mr.  Roosevelt  had  incurred  the  enmity  of  a  large  and  im- 
portant faction  of  his  own  party.     Some  disliked  him  person- 

192 


President  Taft. 


ally.  Others  looked  on  him  as  a  dangerous  political  force 
who  had  more  than  once  defied  the  Constitution  when  it 
seemed  to  interfere  with  his  plans.  This  element,  headed  by- 
prominent  members  of  Congress  argued  that  to  allow  Taft 
to  be  nominated  would  mean  four  more  years  of  Roosevel- 
tian  policies.  In  view  of  what  happened  after  Mr.  Taft  be- 
came President,  it  would  seem  as  if  these  men  were  no  better 
prophets  than  they  were  politicians.  Mr.  Taft  proved  that  he 
was  no  man's  chattel,  that  he  had  entirely  different  ideas 
about  many  public  questions  than  his  former  chief  and  that 
rather  than  be  the  puppet  of  any  man,  he  preferred  political 
defeat. 

"You'll  take  me  or  Taft,"  President  Roosevelt  was  often 
quoted  as  saying  during  the  campaign  for  delegates  in  1908. 
The  opposition  to  the  White  House  candidate  was  known  as 
the  "Allies"  and  its  candidate  was  Vice-President  Fairbanks. 
To  Ex-Congressman  Samuel  L.  Powers  of  Newton,  a  close 
personal  friend  of  Secretary  Taft's  was  assigned  the  duty  of 
lining  up  the  Republicans  of  Massachusetts  for  the  White 
House  candidate.  Senator  Crane  was  one  of  those  in  the 
inner  circle  of  "The  Allies."  He  let  it  be  known  that  it  would 
please  him  if  Massachusetts  sent  uninstructed  delegates  to 
the  National  convention.  In  Februar}^  Mr.  Taft  in  his 
"swinging  round  the  circle"  came  into  New  England  terri- 
tory and  his  supporters  made  the  most  of  his  visit. 

Gen.  Edgar  L.  Champlin,  of  Cambridge  was  head  of  the 
anti-Taft  movement.  The  gumshoe  politicians  had  a  few 
busy  weeks  of  it.  Yards  and  yards  of  statements  were  fired 
off  from  the  typewriter  batteries  of  both  camps.  It  was  ap- 
parent that  Taft  had  the  votes.  The  Massachusetts  Allies 
forces  declared  that  they  were  not  against  Taft  or  any  other 
Republican,  The  Taft  men  relented  by  saying  that  while  they 
would  not  insist  on  instructions  or  pledges  of  delegates,  they 
would  demand  that  district  conventions  go  on  record  endors- 
ing the  candidacy  of  Taft  and  they  succeedecl  in  having  their 
way  in  a  majority  of  them.  Defeated  in  a  majority  of  the 
district  conventions  the  anti-Taft  men  kept  up  the  fight  until 
long  into  the  morning  of  the  day  of  the  State  convention, 
when  a  compromise  was  reached  and  the  promised  fight  on 
the  floor  of  the  convention  was  abandoned. 

Postmaster  General  Meyer  was  the  presiding  officer  of 
the  convention.     The  Taft  managers  consented  to  a  compro- 

193 


mise  declaration  in  which  it  was  stated  that  for  party  reasons 
it  was  not  considered  wise  to  indicate  any  preference  for 
President  in  the  party  platform,  but  recognized  that  a  major- 
ity of  the  delegates  desired  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Taft.  It 
was  another  demonstration  of  the  wonderful  mesmeric  power 
possessed  by  Senators  Lodge  and  Crane  over  Republican  con- 
ventions, when  they  pooled  their  strength.  The  lions  of  the 
Taft  league  and  the  lambs  of  the  "Allies"  laid  down  together. 
Politicians  who  sat  up  the  night  before  the  convention  hurl- 
ing defiance  at  the  senatorial  combination,  came  into  the 
convention  hall  the  next  day  to  the  tune  of  the  "Merry 
Widow"  waltz,  and  were  ready  to  eat  out  of  the  hands  that 
had  smote  them  hip  and  thigh  a  few  hours  before. 

There  wasn't  a  yip  out  of  the  Taft  men  during  the  con- 
vention except  an  occasional  cheer  when  the  name  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  War  was  mentioned  by  the  speakers. 

The  four  delegates-at-large  chosen  were :  Senators  Lodge 
and  Crane,  Ex-Gov  John  D.  Long  and  Sidney  O.  Bigney,  a 
prominent  jewelry  manufacturer  of  Attleboro  and  a  former 
member  of  the  Governor's  Council  who  was  not  on  the  organ- 
ization slate  at  first.  Bigney  refused  to  be  side-tracked  and 
announced  that  if  the  State  Committee  didn't  keep  its  hands 
off  his  boom  they  would  hear  from  him  in  no  uncertain  tone. 
The  State  Committee  quit,  erased  the  name  of  Bates  from 
its  slate  and  wrote  that  of  Bigney  in  its  place. 

Commenting  on  the  result  of  the  State  convention,  Mana- 
ger Powers  of  the  Taft  forces  humorously  remarked  after  ad- 
journment: "The  convention  reminds  me  of  a  few  lines  I 
learned  while  in  college,  which  ran  as  follows: 

"There   was  a   young   lady  in   Riga 
Who  rode  with  a  smile  on  a  tiger. 

They    returned    from    the    ride 

With  the  lady  inside 
And  the  smile  on  the  face  of  the  tiger." 

When  the  National  Convention  was  held  in  Chicago,  in 
June  the  Roosevelt-Taft  forces  beat  the  "Allies"  to  a  "frazzle" 
as  Col  Roosevelt  expressed  it.  The  32  votes  of  Massachu- 
setts were  cast  for  Taft  for  President  and  for  Gov  Guild  for 
Vice-President.  It  was  a  White  House  bossed  convention 
from  start  to  finish  and  the  Roosevelt  steam  roller  made  short 
work  of  all  opposition.  The  cry  "Taft  or  Me"  drove  the 
"Allies"  into  the  Taft  camp.  Senator  Lodge  was  the  permanent 

194 


chairman  of  the  convention.  He  was  in  entire  agreement  with 
the  National  administration  and  for  some  time  he  had  been 
regarded  as  the  spokesman  of  the  "'Man  on  horseback  in  the 
White  House."  The  Senator's  speech  was  all  that  a  militant 
Republican  could  desire.  One  of  the  paragraphs  of  his  ad- 
dress may  be  quoted  as  a  sample : 

"On  one  side,''  said  he,  "recalling  the  cries  which  have  been 
sounded  from  the  lips  of  the  two  leading  political  parties  during  a 
half  century  is  'slavery;  secession;  repudiation  of  the  public  debt; 
government  ownership.  On  the  Republican  side:  Free  soil;  free 
men;  the  Union;  the  payment  of  the  debt;  honest  money;  protec- 
tion to  American  industry;  the  gold  standard;  the  maintenance  of 
law  and  order,  and  the  courts  and  the  government  regulation  of  great 
corporations.  The  old  shiboleth  of  the  Democrats  is  today  the  epi- 
taph of  policies  which  are  dead  and  damned.  They  serve  only  to 
remind  us  of  dangers  escaped  or  to  warn  us  of  perils  to  be  shunned. 
The  battle  cries  of  the  Republicans  have  been  the  watch-words  of 
great  causes.  They  tell  of  victories  won  and  triumphs  tasted;  they 
are  embodied  in  the  laws  and  mark  the  stepping  stones  by  which 
the  Republican  has  risen  into  even  greater  heights  of  power  and  pros- 
perity." 

The  vote  for  the  presidential  candidates  was  as  follows: 
Taf t,  702 ;  Knox,  68 ;  Hughes,  67 ;  Cannon,  58 ;  Fairbanks,  40 ; 
La  Follette,  25 ;  Roosevelt.  3. 

Taft's  lead  was  the  signal  for  a  great  demonstration,  and 
one  by  one  the  representatives  of  the  other  candidates  arose 
and  moved  that  the  nomination  be  made  unanimous.  When 
the  Massachusetts  delegation  arrived  with  its  Guild  boom 
for  Vice-President,  the  members  found  another  Massachu- 
setts man  was  on  the  ground  with  headquarters  going  full 
blast  and  an  announcement  sent  broadcast  that  he  was  a  can- 
didate for  second  place  on  the  ticket.  John  Hays  Hammond, 
the  eminent  mining  engineer  and  capitalist,  who  figured  so 
prominently  in  the  Jameson  Raid  in  South  Africa  and  whom 
President  Kruger  of  the  Boer  Republic  came  near  hanging, 
had  recently  purchased  a  summer  home  in  Gloucester  and 
declared  his  intention  of  becoming  a  resident  of  Massachu- 
setts, was  the  man.  He  was  Taft's  friend.  Aside  from  that 
nobody  seemed  to  know  why  he  should  be  thought  of  is  a 
candidate.  Mr,  Hammond's  boom  collapsed  just  before  the 
assembling  and  he  announced  his  withdrawal  from  the  con- 
test. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  the  convention  Senator  Lodge  arose 
and  presented  the  name  of  Gov  Guild  for  the  nomination  of 

195 


Vice-President.  Chase  S.  Osborne  of  Michigan  seconded  it. 
On  the  ballot,  which  nominated  James  S.  Sherman  of  Ne\T 
York  by  a  very  large  majority,  Gov  Guild  received  75  votes. 
When  the  result  of  the  ballot  was  announced.  Senator  Crane 
moved  on  behalf  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  that  the 
nomination  of  Sherman  be  made  unanimous.  The  friends 
of  the  other  favorite  sons  followed  suit. 

Sherman  had  the  advantage  over  the  other  candidates 
of  having  been  a  member  of  Congress  for  a  number  of  years. 
He  had  a  wide  acquaintance  with  the  leading  politicians  of 
the  country  and  the  Republicans  felt  they  needed  the  Empire 
State  vote  for  Taft.  There  was  really  no  heart  in  the  Guild 
movement.  Both  Massachusetts  Senators  knew  he  hadn't  a 
chance  to  be  nominated  but  they  made  the  best  showing  they 
could.  Later  they  and  the  administration  furnished  ample 
salve  for  the  Governor's  wounded  feelings  in  the  shape  of  a 
special  embassy  to  Mexico  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration 
of  the  Centennial  of  Mexican  independence  and  later  on  as 
ambassador  to  Russia.  When  it  came  to  naming  the  com- 
mittee to  notify  the  Presidential  nominee,  Senator  Lodge 
by  usage  would  have  headed  the  committee,  it  being  the  cus- 
tom to  make  the  permanent  chairman  the  spokesman  of  the 
committee,  but  the  senior  Senator  asked  to  be  excused  as  he 
had  planned  a  trip  to  Europe  that  summer.  His  suggestion 
that  Gen  Warner  of  Missouri  be  substituted  for  him  was  ac- 
cepted. Col  Bigney  was  named  as  the  Massachusetts  repre- 
sentative on  the  committee  to  notify  the  presidential  candi- 
date of  his  nomination.  Col  Samuel  E.  Winslow  of  Worcester 
was  the  Alassachusetts  member  on  the  committee  to  notify 
the  Vice-Presidential  candidate. 

Senator  Crane  was  re-elected  on  the  National  Committee. 
The  new  chairman  of  the  Republicai)  National  Committee 
who  ran  the  Taft  campaign,  Frank  H.  Hitchcock,  was  credited 
to  Massachusetts.  It  is  true  that  he  had  a  voting  residence  in 
Newton  but  he  had  lived  in  Washington  for  several  years 
after  his  graduation  from  Harvard  and  was  unknown  to  most 
Massachusetts  people.  It  is  said  that  the  Massachusetts 
Senators  had  to  be  introduced  to  him  when  he  was  chosen 
chairman.  When  President  Taft  made  him  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral there  was  loud  protest  against  charging  him  to  Massa- 
chusetts. 

In  1904  the  Democrats  tried  a  conservative  candidate  foi" 

196 


President.  Judge  Alton  B.  Parker  of  New  York.  The  con- 
servative element  in  this  State  controlled  the  delegation.  Tho 
radicals  were  forced  to  stand  aside,  but  Judge  Parker  didn't 
run  as  well  as  Bryan.  The  conservative  Democrats  decided 
to  allow  the  radicals  to  run  the  convention  of  1908.  At  least 
they  made  little  effort  to  sidetrack  Mr.  Bryan  and  his  friends. 
A  year  before  the  convention  the  old  Bryan  followers  were  in 
the  field  preparing  the  way  for  his  third  nomination  for  Presi- 
dent. 

Mr.  Bryan  came  to  Massachusetts  in  March,  1907  and 
filled  many  lecture  engagements  his  subject  being  "The 
Prince  of  Peace."  Most  of  his  talks  were  before  the  Y  M  C  A 
and  he  got  a  chance  to  impress  himself  on  a  lot  of  Republi- 
cans. Many  Democrats  found  their  way  to  these  Y  M  C  A 
meetings.  Mr.  Bryan,  as  some  one  once  remarked,  always 
had  the  crowd  except  election  day.  His  Sunday  meetings  in 
this  State  looked  more  like  Democratic  rallies  than  Y  M  C  A 
gatherings,  because  of  the  presence  of  so  many  Democrats 
on  the  stage. 

Col  Bryan's  friends  in  New  England  took  advantage  of 
his  coming  and  arranged  a  political  tour  for  him  through  Mas- 
sachusetts, New  Hampshire.  Vermont  and  Maine.  At  a  big 
meeting  in  Portland  he  made  a  ringing  political  speech  be- 
fore the  Maine  Democratic  Club  in  which  he  said:  "We  are 
going  to  enter  a  campaign  united  on  the  right  side.  Three 
years  ago  we  were  united  on  the  wrong  side."  At  a  banquet 
of  his  friends  at  the  Quincy  House,  Boston,  March  15,  at- 
tended by  300  ardent  followers,  George  Fred  Williams  nom- 
inated him  as  the  party  leader  for  the  Presidential  campaign 
of  1908.  On  the  occasion  of  this  visit,  Henry  M.  Whitney, 
who  was  a  candidate  for  the  Democratic  gubernatorial  nom- 
ination that  year  conferred  witl)  Mr.  Bryan,  much  to  the 
discomfort  of  the  extreme  radicals.  But  Mr,  Bryan  said  after 
their  interview  that  he  was  not  picking  gubernatorial  candi- 
dates on  his  trip. 

Late  in  February,  1908,  George  Fred  Williams,  as  Presi- 
dent and  Col  A.  C.  Drinkwater  as  Vice-President  of  the  Mass- 
achusetts Bryan  League  sent  out  a  call  for  a  meeting  of  the 
friends  of  Col  Bryan  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  in  his  be- 
half, in  which  they  said : 

It  is  not  only  futile,  but  weakening  to  our  party,  to  discuss  now 
the    possibility    of    nominating    a    so-called    conservative    candicjate. 

197 


This  experiment  was  tried  in  1904  with  disastrous  result.  While  Mr. 
Bryan  cast  in  1896  about  47  per  cent  and  in  1900  about  46  per  cent  of 
the  total  vote  for  the  Presidency  Judge  Parker  cast  in  1904  less  than 
38  per  cent  of  the  total  vote.  Another  such  experiment  would  be 
the  height  of  folly.  In  1904,  Judge  Parker's  vote  fell  more  than  a 
million  and  a  quarter  votes  below  the  vote  of  Mr.  Bryan  in  1900, 
and  he  was  defeated  by  2,500,000  votes,  whereas  Mr.  Bryan  in  1900 
came  within  850,000  of  a  popular  majority. 

"The  nomination  of  a  conservative  for  a  second  time  would  work 
disaster  to  the  Democratic  party.  The  Populists  are  proposing  to 
hold  a  convention  and  nominate  candidates,  and  the  IndepeiKlence 
League  is  considering  a  similar  policy  .  If  Mr,  Brj-^an  should  be  re- 
fused a  nomination,  it  is  certain  that  from  one  to  two  million  radical 
voters  would  desert  the  Democratic  party  and  leave  it  in  the  help- 
less condition  from  v/hich  Bryan  rescued  it  in  1B96,  and  in  which 
Judge  Parker  left  it  in  1904. 

"The  Republican  party  has  never  until  now  been  divided  upon 
fundamental  principles.  In  either  possible  phase  of  Republican  ac- 
tion, Mr.  Bryan  is  the  only  logical  candidate.  If  President  Roose- 
velt proves  able  to  dictate  the  nomination  of  his  party,  it  will  be 
hopeless  to  nominate  a  conservative  to  oppose  him.  If  a  conserva- 
tive candidate  should  be  nominated  by  the  Republican  party,  it 
would  be  equally  unwise  to  nominate  a  conservative  Democrat  to 
oppose  him.  Victory  lies  in  an  appeal  to  the  aroused  public  senti- 
ment of  the  country,  and  no  one  can  reach  this  public  sentiment  as 
can  Mr.  Bryan. 

"It  is  believed  that  four-fifths  of  the  Democrats  of  Massachu- 
setts are  in  favor  of  Mr.  Bryan's  nomination,  and  the  only  danger 
in  our  Commonwealth  is  that  by  stealth  pretended  friends  may  ob- 
tain representation  in  the  delegation  from  Massachusetts. 

"It  is  to  assure  Mr.  Bryan  the  loyal  and  unswerving  support  of 
every  delegate  from  Massachusetts  that  it  is  now  proposed  to  form 
this  organization." 

The  State  Convention  met  in  Boston  at  Faneuil  Hall  May 
7  for  the  election  of  four  delegates-at-large  and  four  alternates. 
The  chairman  was  Frederick  J.  Stimson  of  Dedham,  now- 
American  ambassador  to  the  Argentine,  a  scholar,  a  lecog- 
nized  authority  on  international  law  and  a  novelist  whose 
pen  name  is  "J.  S.  of  Dale."  It  was  a  Williams-Bryan  con- 
vention from  beginning  to  end.  The  Bryan  men  controlled 
it  by  a  vote  of  about  3  to  1. 

The  riotous  scenes  of  the  Springfield  convention  the  Fall 
before  were  repeated  in  the  Cradle  of  Liberty.  In  a  session 
lasting  nearly  four  hours,  during  which  pandemonium  reign- 
ed for  a  considerable  part  of  the  time,  making  deliberation  im- 
possible, the  Bryan  men,  who  insisted  on  instructions  for  the 
delegates-at-large  won  over  the  anti-instructionists  supposed 
to  favor  Gov  Johnson,  of  Minnesota  for  the  Presidential  nom- 
ination, on  a  vote  of  408  to  152. 

The    anti-Williams    or    anti-Instructionists'    ticket    was 

198 


John    Hays    Hammond. 


Butler   Ames. 


Louis   A.    Frotliingliam. 


Robert  Luce. 


headed  by  Robert  M.  Burnett  of  Southboro.  The  other  can- 
didates were  the  same  as  on  the  Williams  ticket — Moran, 
Coughlin  and  Doherty.  In  putting  through  the  Bryan  pro- 
gram, Mr.  Williams  had  the  powerfyl  influence  of  Martin  M. 
Lomasney.  Not  that  Mr.  Lomasney  loved  Williams  more 
but  he  loved  those  who  were  fighring  the  Dedham  man  less. 
When  the  battle  of  words  and  epithets  raged  the  fiercest,  it 
was  Lomasney  who  jumped  into  the  thick  of  the  fight  and 
routed  the  "Corporation  Democrats"  who,  he  charged,  were 
trying  to  create  discord  in  the  party.  While  Williams  en- 
joyed the  emoluments  of  the  convention,  it  was  Lomasney  and 
the  latter's  lieutenants  who  did  the  work.  Chairman  Stim- 
son  lost  control  of  the  convention  early  in  the  proceedings  and 
didn't  recover  it  until  he  called  the  police  to  his  aid.  Mr. 
Stimson  did  not  summon  police  assistance  until  after  he  had 
made  repeated  attempts  to  restore  order. 

The  first  break  occurred  when  the  platform  was  read. 
Prof  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain  of  Clark  University,  Worces- 
ter, who  sat  with  Charles  Haggerty  of  Webster  and  Eben  S. 
Stevens  of  Dudley,  the  latter  a  brother-in-law  of  Hon  Richard 
Olney,  arose  and  shouted  his  disapproval  of  the  Bryan  in- 
structions. The  chair  ruled  him  out  of  order.  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain made  for  the  platform  and  landed  at  the  foot-lights  on  the 
historic  stage  quicker  than  it  takes  to  tell  it. 

He  moved  that  all  reference  to  Bryan  in  the  platform  be 
stricken  out.  Then  the  dogs  of  war  were  let  loose  and  Prof 
Chamberlain's  voice  was  drowned  for  a  few  moments  in  the 
catcalls,  hisses,  jeers  and  cries  of  "Put  him  out"  from  the 
supporters  of  the  Nebraskan.  But  the  Worcester  man  pos- 
sessed excellent  lung  power  and  demonstrated  that  he  had 
good  staying  qualities. 

The  chair  pounded  the  speaker's  desk  with  his  gavel,  but 
he  might  just  as  well  have  used  a  lead  pencil.  It  could  not  be 
heard  at  the  reporters'  table.  Delegates  left  their  seats, 
surged  around  the  platform  yelling,  hooting,  whistling  and 
hurling  epithets  at  the  Worcester  man,  but  he  declared  that 
he  would  be  heard  and  remarked  that  the  chair  was  a  little 
inconsistent  in  picturing  Roosevelt  a  tyrant  and  denying 
his  right  to  be  heard.  Prof  Chamberlain  characterized  Bryan 
as  a  dead  one  and  predicted  that  if  the  delegation  was  tied  to 
the  Nebraskan  it  would  be  as  dead  politically  as  the  candidate. 

The  platform  began  to  fill  up  with  excited  delegates  and 

199 


the  chair  put  the  resolutions  to  a  vote.  There  wasn't  a  voice 
in  opposition.  When  the  motion  was  made  to  proceed  to  a 
ballot  for  the  choice  of  delegates  there  was  more  disorder 
which  continued  for  some  time.  The  chair  used  his  gavel 
with  vengeance  but  he  was  unable  to  do  anything  with  the 
convention  owing  to  the  disorder.  He  finally  called  for  the 
police  to  clear  the  platform.  The  presence  of  the  police  on 
the  platform  had  a  quieting  effect  on  the  boisterous  delegates 
and  in  a  short  time  order  enough  was  restored  to  get  a  new 
start. 

The  ballot  for  delegates  resulted  in  the  election  of  the 
Williams  slate  as  follows: 

Delegates-at-Large,  George  Fred  Williams,  Dedham, 
John  B.  Moran,  Boston,  Daniel  F.  Doherty,  Westfield,  John 
W.  Coughlin,  Fall  River. 

The  vote  for  Delegates-at-Large  was:  For  Williams, 
Moran,  Coughlin,  Doherty  ticket,  instructed  for  Bryan,  408; 
For  Burnett,  Moran,  Coughlin  and  Doherty  ticket,  backed  by 
anti-Williams  men,  152. 

The  National  Democratic  convention  was  held  in  Den- 
ver. On  the  way  to  the  convention  city,  the  delegates  called 
at  Mr.  Bryan's  home,  Fairview,  Nebraska,  a  suburb  of  Lin- 
coln. On  the  way  out  the  delegation  elected  Dr.  John  W. 
Coughlin  of  Fall  River  National  Committeemen.  There 
were  things  to  do  at  Denver  and  the  Bryan  men  de- 
termined to  do  them  and  to  put  none  but  Bryan  men  on 
guard.  Christopher  T.  Callahan  of  Holyoke,  now  a  member 
of  the  Superior  Court,  was  made  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Credentials.  Williams  was  made  a  member  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions  and  Mr.  Bryan  was  nominated  without 
opposition.  There  was  some  talk  in  Denver  of  trying  to  nom- 
inate either  Ex-Gov  Douglas  or  George  Fred  Williams  for 
Vice-President,  but  nothing  came  of  it. 

Neither  presidential  candidate  came  to  Massachusetts 
that  year,  the  Republicans  deeming  the  State  solid  for  Taft 
and  the  Democrats  regarding  it  as  a  waste  of  time.  Mr.  Taft's 
plurality  was  108,000.    His  vote  was  264,000,  Bryan's  156,000. 

The  congressional  delegation  remained  the  same  as  the 
last  congress. 


200 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

STATE  CAMPAIGN  OP  1908 — REPUBLICAN    STATE    TICKET    DRAPER 
AND     FROTHINGHAM— LATTER    "WINNING    SECOND    PLACE 
AFTER    SPIRITED   CONTEST — JAMES   H.    VAHEY   DEM- 
OCRATIC  GUBERNATORIAL  CANDIDATE. 

GOV  Guild  followed  the  long  established  Republican 
party  custom  of  stepping  aside  for  the  Lieutenant 
Governor  towards  the  close  of  his  third  term.  Three 
successive  terms  for  a  Chief  Executive  of  the  Commonwealth 
was  in  those  days  of  political  full  and  plenty,  the  unwritten 
party  law.  Lieutenant  Governor  Draper  was  unanimously 
nominated  for  Governor  at  the  State  Convention  held  at  Sym- 
phony Hall,  Boston,  Oct.  3.  Ex-Gov  Bates  made  the  nomin- 
ating speech.  Congressman  Gardner  was  the  chairman  of 
the  convention. 

For  second  place  there  was  a  three  cornered  fight,  the 
candidates  being  John  N.  Cole  of  Andover,  Robert  Luce  of 
Somerville,  and  Louis  A.  Frothingham  of  Boston.  All  three 
had  been  prominent  and  forceful  figures  in  the  Legislature. 
Frothingham  and  Cole  had  been  Speakers.  Luce  was  the 
author  of  election  and  caucus  laws  some  of  which  helped 
the  Democrats  more  than  the  Republicans.  The  Lieutenant 
Governorship  contest  waxed  warm  all  summer.  Each  candi- 
date maintained  headquarters  and  folloAved  one  another  about 
at  clambakes,  outings,  picnics  and  cattle  fairs,  shaking  hands 
with  the  voters  and  making  speeches. 

Albert  E.  Winship  of  Somerville,  who  was  to  have  pre- 
sented the  name  of  Mr.  Luce  to  the  convention  was  taken  ill 
at  the  last  moment  and  Mr.  Luce  decided  to  present  his  case 
to  the  delegates  in  person.  He  took  the  platform  and  put 
forth  his  claims  to  the  nomination  modestly  and  eloquently. 

The  nominating  speech  for  Cole  was  made  by  Charles 
W.  Bosworth  of  Springfield.  U  S  Dist  Atty  Asa  P.  French 
nominated  Frothingham.  The  ballot  for  second  place  re- 
sulted as  follows:  Whole  number  of  votes,  1538;  necessary 
for  a  choice,  770;  L.  A.  Frothingham,  754;  John  N.  Cole,  453; 
Robert  Luce,  331 ;    And  there  was  no  choice. 

201 


As  soon  as  the  vote  was  announced  Mr.  Cole  took  tlic 
platform  and  moved  the  nomination  of  Frothingham  be  made 
unanimous.  Mr.  Luce  of  Somerville  seconded  the  motion  oi: 
Cole  and  it  was  carried  amid  great  cheering. 

In  his  speech,  the  presiding  officer,  Congressman  Gard- 
ner, advised  the  laboring  man  to  take  heed  "before  you  trust 
the  cause  of  labor  to  a  set  of  men  whose  conception  of  the 
relation  of  capital  to  labor  used  to  be  to  own  it."  The  Essex 
Congressman  was  not  afraid  of  the  tariff.  His  party  waiJ 
going  to  fix  it.  The  tariff,  he  said,  he  found  analogous  to  a 
ship  that  had  performed  good  service  but  needed  some  tinker- 
ing. 

"History's  fairest  page"  would  be  that  which  told  the 
story  of  the  "renunciation  of  the  sceptre  by  Theodore  Roose- 
velt" declared  Mr.  Gardner.  He  eulogized  Roosevelt,  and 
saw  in  him  the  Launcelot  who  sought  the  Holy  Grail,  but 
could  not  complete  his  quest,  and  bequeathed  his  sword  to 
Sir  Galahad.  The  Congressman's  rhetorical  figure  was  ap- 
preciated, and  the  delegates  jumped  to  their  feet  and  cheered. 

Chairman  Gardner  entered  into  a  spirited  defense  of  Lieut 
Gov  Draper,  who,  he  said,  had  been  the  victim  of  more  male- 
volent misrepresentation  and  vituperation  than  any  other  man 
within  his  recollection.  He  had.  been  maligned  as  an  employ- 
er of  labor.  But  the  people  of  Hopedale  knew  whether  he 
was  an  oppressor  or  not.  They  had  a  chance  to  register  their 
opinion  of  their  employer  at  the  polls,  and  only  17  were 
against  him.  This,  Mr.  Gardner  thought,  was  an  emphatic 
denial  of  the  charges  against  him  as  an  employer. 

The  Massachusetts  platform  \yas  in  entire  agreement 
with  the  National  platform  adopted  at  Chicago  in  June  and 
also  recorded  the  convention  as  approving,  and  appreciating 
the  administration  of  Guild  and  Draper.  The  party's  tariff 
and  currency  policy  was  commended,  the  main  planks  being 
as  follows: 

"We  record  our  appreciation  of  the  excellent  administration  of 
Gov  Curtis  Guild  Jr.  Intensely  patirotic,  conscienciously  diligent, 
he  has  earnestly  sought  to  maintain  our  best  ideals. 

"We  also  record  our  approval  of  the  business  sagacity,  absolute 
frankness  and  fearless  zeal  in  public  affairs  shown  by  His  Honor 
Eben  S.  Draper,  while  acting  Governor,  which  we  accept  as  a  earn- 
est of  what  is  to  come  the  ensuing  year. 

"Our  economic  well  being  depends  upon  the  wisdom  of  our 
tariff  policy  and  the  soundness  of  our  currency  and  banking  system, 
all  of  which  demand  and   will   receive   special  consideration   at   the 

202 


next  session  of  congress.     A  mistaken  course  in  their  treatment  will 
be  disastrous." 

Congressman  John  W.  Weeks,  Charles  B.  Barnes  Jr  of 
Hingham  and  Samuel  E.  Winslow  of  Worcester  were  in- 
structed to  bring  the  nominee  to  the  hall.  Mr.  Draper  made 
a  brief  speech  accepting  the  nomination.     He  said : 

"This  is  the  fourth  time  I  have  been  nominated  by  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  Republican  party  in  convention  assembled,  to  a  high 
State  office.  For  three  years  I  have  been  nominated  by  you  and 
elected  by  the  people  as  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  I 
now  have  the  great  honor  of  being  named  by  you  as  a  candidate  of 
the  Republican  party  for  the  office  of  Governor,  the  highest  position 
within  the  gift  of  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth. 

"I  assure  you  I  appreciate  it  most  deeply,  and  can  only  say  if 
the  people  ratify  your  nomination  in  November,  I  shall  fill  the  office 
of  Governor  to  the  best  of  my  ability." 

The  only  business  remaining  for  the  convention  to  trans- 
act was  the  nomination  of  16  Presidential  electors. 

Having  received  positive  information  that  Dist  Atty  John 
B,  Moran's  health  would  not  permit  him  to  enter  the  guber- 
natorial race  in  1908,  Senator  James  H.  Vahey  of  Watertown 
announced  in  May  his  willingness  to  become  the  Democratic 
standard  bearer  in  the  Fall. 

In  his  statement  Senator  Vahey  said: 

"The  Democratic  party  in  Massachusetts  for  the  last  few  years 
has  unfortunately  been  hampered  by  dissensions,  antagonisms  and 
differences.  The  Republican  party  has  been  fortunate  in  having  an 
extremely  popular  Chief  Executive.  It  has  been  more  fortunate  in 
demonstrating  to  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth  that  it  could  con- 
ceal differences  of  opinion,  and  this  sometimes  even  to  the  extent 
of  sacrificing  self-respect. 

"The  time  has  now  arrived  when  the  Democrats  of  Massachu- 
setts with  that  large  body  of  independent  voters  and  Republicans 
who  are  for  the  people's  interest,  as  against  selfish  control,  can 
unite  for  the  purpose  of  defeating  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  a  man 
who  represents  more  than  any  other  public  official  or  man  prominent 
in  public  life  in  the  Commonwealth  the  power  of  money  to  secure 
political  advancement.  If  the  citizens  of  the  Commonwealth  who  are 
opposed  to  such  a  candidate  and  to  the  views  he  represents  in  public 
life  desire  me  to  be  their  candidate  for  Governor  of  the  Common- 
wealth I  am  willing  to  make  the  contest. 

"I  desire  as  a  matter  of  fairness  and  justice  to  say  to  the  people 
of  the  Commonwealth  that  they  owe  a  great  debt  of  gratitude  to 
the  Democrats,  Republicans  and  Independents  who  so  earnestly  and 
courageously  have  fought  their  battles  at  the  State  House,  and  whose 
loyal,  generous  and  active  support  it  has  been  my  honor  and  privi- 
lege to  receive.  If  it  were  not  for  them  I  should  not  even  be  willing 
to  be  a  receptive  candidate." 

It  seemed  like   a  hopeless   and   thankless   task   for   any 

203 


Democrat  to  try  to  get  the  warring  factions  of  that  party 
together,  but  by  hard  work,  tack  and  diplomacy,  Mr.  Vahey 
succeeded  remarkably  well. 

With  the  aid  of  a  few  loyal  friends  he  stumped  the  State 
and  made  a  good  impression  on  the  Democratic  voters.  The 
Democratic  State  convention  was  held  at  Faneuil  Hall,  Bos- 
ton, Oct.  1st.  Congressman  Andrew  J.  Peters  of  Boston  was 
the  permanent  chairman.  David  I.  Walsh  of  Fitchburg  was 
temporary  chairman.  Both  made  speeches  scoring  the  Re- 
publicans for  their  failure  to  entrust  the  people  with  their 
own  government, 

Under  the  heading  "Hypocrisy  of  Republican  Senators" 
the  platform  adopted  declared: 

"We  believe  in  an  eight-hour  day.  We  believe  that  women  and 
children  should  not  be  compelled  to  work  more  than  54  hours  a 
week.  We  denounce  the  action  of  the  Republican  Legislature  which 
defeated  the  bills  regulating  the  hours  of  labor  for  women  and  chil- 
drn,  and  for  peaceful  persuasion  in  industrial  disputes.  We  point 
to  the  hypocrisy  of  Republican  senators  who  reported  favorably  up- 
on the  latter  measure,  and  then  voted  against  their  own  report." 

Other  planks  in  the  platform  were: 

"We  denounce  the  extravagance  in  State  administration  which 
has  increased  the  burdens  of  taxation  for  every  municipality  in  the 
State.  The  increase  in  the  State  tax  has  been  radically  dispropor- 
tionate to  the  necessities  of  prudence  and  economy.  This  lavish 
and  injudicious  expenditure  is  directly  traceable  to  government  by 
commission.  Commissions  have  been  created  which  take  from  the 
people  the  right  to  rule,  and  are  constantly  increasing  the  burdens 
of  taxation. 

"We  are  in  favor  of  preserving  the  rights  of  local  self-govern- 
ment. 

"We  denounce  the  pernicious  and  corrupt  influence  of  the  lobby. 
It  dictates  nominations,  controls  elections  and  dominates  legislation. 

"We  favor  the  referendum.  We  denounce  the  failure  of  the 
Republican  Legislature  to  submit  to  the  people  important  questions 
of  public  policy." 

Vahey  had  no  opposition  for  the  nomination  for  (lover.-i- 
or.  The  speech  putting  him  in  nomination  was  made  by  Jesse 
C.  Ivy  of  Newton,  Charles  J.  Barton  of  Melrose,  an  old  time 
Democrat  was  named  as  Vahey's  running  mate.  A  new  set 
of  State  Committeemen-at-Large  were  chosen  and  a  set  of 
Presidential   electors  was  nominated. 

Hearst's  Independence  League  nominated  V/illiam  N. 
Osgood  of  Lowell.  Mr.  Osgood,  some  years  before,  was 
prominent  in  the  Democratic  party.  The  Prohibitionists 
nominated  Willard  O.  Wylie  of  Beverly  as  their  candidate 
for  Governor.    James  F.  Calrey  of  Haverhill  again  ran  on  the 

204 


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lieorge    S.   Boutwell. 


John   A.    Sullivan. 


1.   Mitchel   Galvin. 


Joseph   F.    O'ConncIl. 


Socialist  candidate  and  Walter  J.  Hoar  of  Worcester  as  the 
Socialist-Labor  candidate. 

The  campaign  was  not  exciting.  The  Republicans  fig- 
ured that  the  Democrats  couldn't  possibly  win  and  counted 
on  the  "reserve  vote"  to  come  out  in  the  Presidential  year 
and  they  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  conduct  a  very  vigor- 
ous or  active  campaign. 

Draper's  plurality  election  day  was  60,000.  Bryan  car- 
ried Boston  by  a  scant  200,  Vahey's  plurality  in  Boston  was 
11,679.  Vahey  ran  13,000  votes  ahead  of  Bryan  in  the  State 
The  vote  was : 

For  Governor:  Eben  S.  Draper  of  Hopedale  (R)  228,- 
318;  James  H.  Vahey  of  Watertown  (D),  168,162;  William 
N.  Osgood  of  Lowell  (IL),  23,101;  James  F.  Carey  of  Haver- 
hill (S),  14,430;  Willard  O.  Wylie  of  Beverly  (P)  5,966; 
Walter  J.  Hoar  of  Worcester  (SL),  2,567  ;,all  others,  56. 

For  Lieutenant  Governor:  Louis  A.  Frothingham  of 
Boston  (R),  240,350;  Charles  J.  Barton  of  Melrose  (D),  144,- 
049;  Robert  J.  McCartney  of  Kingston  (IL),  19,904;  John 
Hall  Jr  of  West  Springfield  (S),  11,619;  Frank  H.  Rand  of 
Haverhill  (P),  5,760;  Toao  Claudino  of  New  Bedford  (SL), 
17. 

Frothingham  led  Draper  by,  12,038.  His  plurality  over 
Barton  his  Democratic  opponent  was  96,307. 

Both  the  Independence  League  and  Socialist  party  se- 
cured more  than  the  necessary  3  per  cent  to  retain  their  en- 
tity as  political  parties. 

The  Congressional  pluralities  in  the  various  districts 
were  officialy  declared  as  follows : 

First,  Lawrence  (R),  7,225;  Second,  Gillett  (R).  9,676; 
Third,  Washburn  (R),  8,611;  Fourth,  Tirrell  (R),  3,411; 
Fifth,  Ames  (R),  4,341;  Sixth,  Gardner  (R),  14,759;  Seventh, 
Roberts  (R),  14,221;  Eighth,  McCall  (R),  9,509;  Ninth,  Kel- 
iher  (D),  8,058;  Tenth,  O'Connell  (D),  4;  Eleventh,  Peters 
(D),  434;  Twelfth,  Weeks  (R),  12,028;  Thirteenth,  Greene 
(R),  11,893;  Fourteenth,  Lovering  (R),  14,250. 

In  the  case  of  Congressman  O'Connell  his  Republican 
opponent,  J.  Mitchel  Galvin,  contested  his  seat  unsuccessful- 
ly. Congressman  Peters,  Democrat,  had  a  close  shave,  get- 
ting by  with  a  plurality  of  494.  His  Republican  opponent, 
Senator  Daniel  W.  Lane  received  substantial  support  in  the 
Democratic  wards  because  of  his  personal  popularity  among 
the  Democratic  voters. 

205 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

DRAPER     AND     FROTHINGHAM'S     FIRST      TERM — VETO     OF     THE3 

EIGHT  HOUR  BILL,  AND  PASSAGE  OF  R  R  HOLDING 

LAW — DEATH   OF   JOHN   B.   MORAN. 

THE  State  was  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  another  business 
man  at  the  helm  in  Eben  S.  Draper.  Men  with  con- 
victions in  public  life,  usually  displease  many.  There 
was  nothing  mealy  mouthed  about  Eben  S.  Draper.  He  had 
the  courage  of  his  convictions  and  published  them.  He  had 
no  use  for  frauds  or  shams  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  de- 
nounce them.  Organized  labor  was  his  unrelenting  opponent. 
The  labor  union  leaders  had  denounced  him  ever  since  he 
entered  public  life.  He  had  a  fine  crop  of  enemies  in  his  own 
political  party  and  he  always  had  to  spend  money  freely  for 
anything  he  got  in  politics. 

Personally,  Gov  Draper  was  a  likeable  man.  For  many 
years  he  had  taken  a  prominent  and  active  part  in  politics.  He 
denounced  the  Canadian  reciprocity  movement  as  a  delusion 
and  a  snare  and  declined  to  cater  to  those  who  headed  the 
agitation.  He  was  rich  and  his  wealth  had  been  made  possi- 
ble by  the  protecting  arm  and  fostering  care  the  Republican 
party  had  bestowed  on  the  industry  in  which  he  was  one  of 
the  partners.  His  concern  manufactured  cotton  mill  machin- 
ery. His  business  was  with  the  mills  of  the  country.  When 
they  were  prosperous  the  Draper  Co  made  money.  Gov 
Draper  inherited  his  politics  from  his  father  and  he  would 
have  found  it  difficult  to  be  anything  else  but  a  Republican. 
Without  a  protective  tariff  the  Drapers  couldn't  compete 
with  foreign  machinery  manufacturers  and  the  mills  where 
his  looms  were  used  were  in  the  same  boat  with  him. 

His  election  as  Governor  was  a  matter  of  great  personal 
satisfaction  to  him.  It  was  his  one  consuming  ambition.  His 
three  terms  as  Lieutenant  Governor,  several  months  of  which 
were  spent  as  Acting  Governor  during  the  severe  illness  of 
Gov  Guild,  gave  him  a  good  insight  into  the  State's  business 

206 


and  when  he  assumed  the  reins  of  government  Jan.  7,  1909, 
he  was  well  equipped  for  the  position. 

His  first  inaugural  address  was  a  business  document. 
Naturally,  his  first  concern  was  the  finances  of  the  State  and 
these  he  treated  with  a  refreshing  frankness.  Like  his  pre- 
decessor he  urged  economy  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature 
and  a  consideration  of  the  fact  that  the  burden  of  taxes  falls 
on  the  people.  It  is  an  old  trick  of  legislators  to  provide  snug 
berths  for  some  of  their  number  in  the  shape  of  recess  ap- 
pointments. In  the  opinion  of  Gov  Draper  recess  committees 
were  unnecessary  and  expensive  and  he  said  on  this  subject: 

"We  are  one  of  a  very  few  States  in  the  Union  who  have  annual 
elections  and  sessions  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  Legislature  is  in 
session   for  substantially   six  months  out  of  every  twelve. 

"Lender  these  conditions,  necessary  changes  in  our  laws  may  be 
considered  and  acted  on  without  the  appointment  of  recess  commit- 
tees, which  are  of  necessity  expensive,  and,  as  we  liave  annual  elec- 
tions and  annual  sessions  of  the  Legislature,  are  unnecessary." 

On  the  subject  of  "Industrial  Education" — something  he 
was  familiar  with  by  reason  of  his  manufacturing  interests — 
he  said : 

"I  believe  that  separate  industrial  schools  should  be  established 
which  should  not  take  in  scholars,  boys  or  girls,  at  less  than  four- 
teen years  of  age.  I  am  not  prepared  to  state  whether  or  not  there 
should  be  an  age  limit  in  the  other  direction;  but  such  schools  should 
be  so  organized  that  if  boys  or  girls  desire  to  attend  them  at  that 
age,  they  could  take  a  practical  course  which  might  last  for  Iwo  or 
more  years,  so  that  when  they  left  ihey  would  be  prepared  to  (>rjter. 
with  some  substantial  training,  into  the  individual  work  of  life. 

"Boys  and  girls  from  fourteen  to  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  of 
age  are  not  at  the  present  time  furnished  by  public  schools  with  ade- 
quate training  in  the  direction  of  a  life  work,  if  it  is  to  be  connected 
with  a  trade.  The  pupils  who  go  to  high  schools  are  obliged  to  take 
much  more  of  an  academic  training  than  they  would  be,  provided 
there  were  suitable  industrial  schools  for  them  to  attend  during  these 
years. 

"In  every  section  of  the  Commonwealth  one  may  see  boys  and 
girls  between  fourteen  and  seventeen,  who  are  too  young  to  work, 
on  the  streets  doing  nothing,  or  getting  an  education  for  which  many 
of  them  are  not  adapted  and  do  not  wish;  and  I  believe  that  giving 
them  an  opportunity  for  industrial  education,  one  part  of  which 
should  be  learning  how  to  work  and  actually  working  a  certain  num- 
ber of  hours  each  day,  would  be  of  great  benefit  to  them. 

"I  further  think  that,  at  the  present  time,  our  r-ducational  sys- 
tem is  not  being  conducted  harmoniously  to  produce  the  best  results." 

To  Gov  Draper  is  due  the  credit  for  suggesting  and  in- 
sisting on  the  passage  of  laws  for  the  better  regulation  of 

207 


the  running  of  automobiles.     Discussing  motor  regulation  he 
said: 

"I  have  already  referred  to  changes  that  I  think  it  would  he  wise 
to  make  in  legislation  having  to  do  with  increased  receipts  from  the 
use  of  certain  classes   of  machines. 

"I  further  believe  that  our  laws  should  be  so  amended  as  better 
to  regulate  the  conditions  under  which  they  are  run.  The  object  to 
be  attained  by  such  legislation,  in  my  view,  is  to  prevent  reckless 
operation  of  such  machines  on  the  public  highways.  Speed  limits 
may  have  their  advantages,  but  they  often  times  work  a  hardship  on 
careful  operators. 

"The  laws  should  be  so  framed  that  any  reckless  operation  of  a 
motor  vehicle,  at  any  speed,  should  be  the  test  for  fine  or  other 
punishment,  as  the  case  may  be.  The  object  to  be  attained  is  to 
frame  laws  which  will  prevent  reckless  and  dangerous  operation  of 
such  vehicles.  Where  any  particular  person  is  convicted,  the  penalty 
should  be  severe;  and  if  glaring  cases  of  recklessness  are  found,  the 
guilty  operator  should  be  prohibted  from  further  opportunity  for 
such  action. 

"I  would  further  suggest  that  some  law  might  be  passed  which 
would  make  it  a  criminal  offense  to  use  an  automobile  without  the 
owner's  permission." 

Gov  Draper  paid  considerable  attention  to  the  State 
boards,  and  commissions,  saying: 

"The  organization  is  an  economical  one,  and  the  results  attained, 
on  the  whole,  are  excellent.  I  do  not  mean  that  in  detail  or  results 
they  cannot  be  criticised,  but  the  system  of  unpaid  boards  of  public 
spirited  men  and  women,  with  good  salaried  executive  officers  hired 
by  them  and  under  their  control,  has  done  good  work  for  the  Com- 
monwealth, and  has  done  it  economically." 

He  recommended  that  the  four  following  boards — Regis- 
tration in  Dentistry,  Registration  in  Pharmacy,  Registration 
in  Veterinary  Medicine  and  Registration  in  Medicine  be  con- 
solidated on  the  ground  that  four  separate  organizations  for 
this  work  seemed  unnecessary.  He  asked  the  Legislature  to 
keep  down  the  number  of  new  laws. 

Joseph  Walker  of  Brookline  was  chosen  Speaker  of  the 
House  and  Allen  T.  Treadway  of  Stockbridge  President  of 
the  Senate. 

The  Legislature  of  1909  passed  539  acts  and  143  resolves. 
Four  acts  became  law  without  the  Governor's  signature  and 
six  were  vetoed  and  sustained.  The  session  occupied  165  days 
and  the  Legislature  was  prorogued  June  19,  at  6.50  P.  M. 
The  Legislature  recorded  its  deep  regret  for  the  calamity 
which  befell  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  that  year  in  the  shape  of 

208 


volcanic  eruptions  and  extended  its  heartfelt  sympathy  to  its 
people  in  their  affliction.  Both  branches  adopted  resolu- 
tions against  the  imposition  of  an  income  tax  of  the  Federal 
government  of  a  tax  on  inheritances  on  the  ground  that  such 
tax  should  be  collected  by  the  State. 

The  use  of  voting  machines  was  favored  by  a  constitu- 
tional amendment  and  another  relative  to  the  power  of  the 
General  Court  in  levying  taxes.  One  of  the  important  vetoes 
of  Gov  Draper  was  the  Eight-Hour  bill  for  public  employes 
which  was  quite  an  important  issue  in  the  campaign  of  1908. 
The  Governor  complained  that  section  5  of  the  bill  was  un- 
just. 

"This  provision  seems  to  me  to  be  absolutely  unjust  and  im- 
proper, if  not  entirely  unconstitutional,"  said  he.  "This  would  make 
the  defendant  in  a  cause  under  this  act  adjudged  prima  facie  guilty 
before  trial,  and  he  would  be  obliged  to  prove  his  innocence  rather 
than  compel  the  complainant  to  prove  him  guilty. 

"This  to  my  mind  is  an  unwarrantable  change  in  the  common 
law  which  would  be  absolutely  unjust  to  part  of  our  citizens,  and 
could  only  be  defended  on  the  ground  that  laboring  men  working 
for  the  State  or  on  public  works  must  be  protected  by  law  in  an 
entirely  different  way  than  other  laboring  men  who  happened  to  be 
employed  on  other  classes  of  work.  This  would  lo  my  mind  be  an 
unwarranted  reflection  on  their  independence  aiid  standing,  and 
would  also  be  class  legislation  of  the  worst  kind. 

_  "There  is  one  other  defect  in  this  bill  which  I  am  informed  and 
believe  would  make  it  absolutely  unconstitutionnl.  It  has  no  saving 
clause  concerning  contracts  entered  into  prior  to  the  passage  of  the 
act.     It  is  unjust  in  this  respect  and  unconstitutional." 

The  veto  was  upheld  after  a  bitter  contest. 

Claiming  that  it  would  cure  the  various  ills  of  the  New 
Haven  and  the  Boston  &  Maine  R.  R.,  Gov  Draper  sent  a 
special  message  to  the  Legislature  advocating  the  creation  of 
a  Holding  Company  to  secure  the  stock  of  the  Boston  & 
Maine  railroad,  under  certain  limitations,  and  thus  keep  it 
within  the  Commonwealth,  and  at  the  safe  time  prevent  it 
becoming  the  property  of  a  hostile  railroad  organization, 
which  might  use  it  to  the  injury  of  New  England  interests. 
The  bill  finally  became  a  law  only  to  plague  future  Legisla- 
tures and  Governors  and  proved  inadequate  for  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  created. 

The  Legislature  of  1909,  which  was  overwhelmingly  Re- 
publican measured  up  to  the  standard  of  similar  bodies  in 
the  past.    It  enacted  some  wise  measures  and  defeated  several 

209 


bad  ones.  While  many  of  the  bills  that  came  before  the 
Legislature  were  not  partisan  in  character,  some  very  impor- 
tant ones  were  dealt  with  on  substantially  party  lines.  Among 
the  most  important  acts  was  the  Boston  Charter  bill.  This 
bill  was  opposed  by  substantially  a  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Democratic  party.  The  Republicans  accepted  the  responsi- 
bility for  that  measure.  It  was  designed  to  clip  the  wings  of 
the  then  Democratic  Mayor  of  Boston.  Among  some  of  the 
important  measures  of  a  non-partisan  character  were  the  bills 
consolidating  the  board  of  education  and  the  industrial  com- 
mission into  a  new  board  of  education. 

The  bill  regulating  the  use  of  automobiles  and 
laying  a  graded  tax  so  that  the  Commonwealth  would  collect 
something  like  $200,000  a  year  more  from  the  owners  of 
these  machines  than  before,  which  money  was  used  for  the  re- 
pair of  State  roads,  was  passed  by  this  Legislature. 

John  B.  Moran  died  at  Phoenix,  Arizona,  Feb.  7,  1909. 
He  had  sought  to  regain  his  health  in  the  West,  but  the 
dreaded  disease  from  which  he  suffered  silently  and  uncom- 
plaining for  several  years,  had  too  firm  a  grip  on  his  con- 
stitution to  be  shaken  off  and  the  end  came  far  from  his  home, 
surrounded  by  strangers  and  away  from  relatives  and  friends 
— a  sad  ending  of  a  busy  life. 


210 


Governor  Draper, 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

DEMOCRATS      AND     REPUBLICANS      NOMINATE      GUBERNATORIAIj 
CANDIDATES     OP    YEAR     BEFORE — FOSS    JOINS    DEMOCRATS 
AND   THEY   NOMINATE   HIM   FOR   LIEUTENANT    GOVERN- 
OR—REPUBLICAN   TICKET    RE-ELECTED    BY    GREAT- 
LY REDUCED  PLURALITY. 

VAHEY'S  candidacy  of  1908  demonstrated  that  when  a 
real  Democrat  ran  he  could  get  the  party  vote.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  welding  the  warring  factions  together  and  at 
the  outset  made  it  plain  that  his  only  motive  was  to  offer 
every  Democrat  an  opportunity  to  return  to  the  fold.  His 
vote  of  168,000,  one  year  after  the  "Pink  Ticket"  convention, 
was  a  remarkably  good  showing  and  caused  thoughtful  Re- 
publicans to  regard  him  more  than  a  mouthing  politician.  It 
also  proved  that  the  Democracy  had  more  lives  than  the  pro- 
verbial cat  and  must  be  reckoned  with  even  though  its  recent 
behavior  had  been  far  from  ideal.  Perhaps  one  ought  not  to 
expect  good  manners  at  a  political  convention.  Most  Demo- 
crats take  the  ground  that  a  thing  worth  having  is  worth 
fighting  for.  Being  usually  a  minority  party  in  the  State 
Democrats  usually  have  a  freer  rein  in  public  discussions  of 
party  affairs  and  public  policies  and  there  is  less  of  the  cut 
and  dried  program  in  their  political  conventions.  As  a  rule, 
when  Democrats  differ  they  fight  it  out  in  the  open,  and  dine 
in  private.  Republicans  generally  do  their  fighting  behind 
closed  doors  and  their  feasting  in  public. 

A  new  figure  on  the  Democratic  political  horizon  loomed 
up  quite  unexpectedly  in  the  summer  of  1909.  The  Democra- 
tic managers  felt  that  if  they  could  draft  or  drag  a  man  with 
money  into  the  campaign  they  could  fight  the  people's  battles 
with  more  heart  and  courage.  For  some  time  the  chairman  of 
the  State  Committee  and  the  candidate  for  Governor  had 
been  flirting  with  such  a  man  and  a  few  days  before  the  State 
convention,  held  at  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  September  30,  it 
was  announced  that  Eugene  N.  Foss,  who  had  been  foremost 
in  the  Reciprocity  movement  and  a  life  long  Republican,  had 

211 


consented  to  accept  the  Democratic  nomination  for  Lieuten- 
ani  Governor, 

Leading  Republicans  heaved  a  sigh  of  relief  and  most  of 
those  prominent  in  Republican  party  affairs  joined  in  ex- 
claiming: "Good  riddance  to  bad  rubbish."  Mr.  Foss  with 
his  Canadian  reciprocity  and  tariff  ideas  had  been  a  thorn  in 
the  side  of  the  Republicans.  The  Democratic  managers  had 
some  difficulty  convincing  some  of  their  friends  that  the  nom- 
ination of  Foss  was  the  right  thing  to  do.  The  Foss  boomers 
pictured  thousands  of  reciprocity  and  tariff  revision  Republi- 
cans following  him  into  the  Democratic  party  election  day. 
Better  still,  he  would  finance  the  campaign.  Mr.  Foss  had  the 
reputation  of  being  a  liberal  spender  in  political  campaigns. 
He  had  not,  however,  proved  that  he  was  much  of  a  vote 
getter.  He  had  been  the  Republican  Congressional  candidate 
in  the  11th  district,  but  was  defeated  by  John  A.  Sullivan. 
The  Democratic  leaders  succeeded  in  nominating  Mr.  Foss 
for  second  place  without  much  opposition. 

Representative  Thomas  P.  Riley  of  Maiden  was  the  tem- 
porary chairman  of  the  State  convention  and  Charles  S. 
Hamlin  the  permanent  chairman.  Mr.  Riley  was  the  Demo- 
cratic floor  leader  in  the  Legislature  this  year  and  in  his 
convention  speech  he  reviewed  the  work  of  that  body,  con- 
demning the  Republicans  for  their  subserviency  to  the  rail- 
roads and  the  corporations  and  the  Governor's  veto  of  the 
Eight  Hour  bill. 

The  tariff  and  the  income  tax  were  the  burden  of  Mr. 
Hamlin's  speech.    Discussing  the  tariff  he  said: 

"Year  after  year,  our  Republican  friends,  especially  in  this  State, 
have  promised  tariff  revisions,  but  year  after  year  the  happy  event 
was  postponed.  At  last  this  promised  revision  has  come  and  the 
Republican  party  has  made  a  record  which  it  now  submits  to  the 
people  for  their  approval  or  disapproval. 

"Early  in  the  proceedings,  before  Congress,  when  it  became 
evident  that  the  protected  manufacturers  would  insist  upon  holding 
what  they  had  already  secured  in  the  Dingley  tariff  and  even  were 
demanding  still  higher  duties  several  promini'ut  Republicans  denied 
that  the  Republican  party  had  ever  promised  to  reduce  the  tariff. 
They  claim  that  revision  did  not  mean  reduction. 

"However  interesting  these  views  may  have  been,  they  have  all 
been  swept  away  by  the  frank,  manly  declaration  of  President  Taft 
that  the  Republican  party  was  bound  substantially  to  reduce  exist- 
ing customs  taxation.  We  therefore  can  start  out  on  the  promise 
that  the  party  was  pledged  to  reduce  the  tariff  and  the  only  question 
is  to  compare  the  promise  with  the  actual  result. 

"The  people   of   Massachusetts  will  take  up  the   gage   of  battle 

212 


thrown  down  by  the  Governor  and  by  the  National  administration 
and  we  will  enter  upon  the  fight  with  perfect  confidence  that  the 
indignation  now  felt  by  a  large  majority  of  our  people  will  express 
itself  at  the  polls  at  the  coming  election. 

"The  fight  upon  which  we  are  entering  is  not  alone  a  Democratic 
fight  for  in  the  cause  of  tariff  revision  we  represent  the  cause  of  all 
of  the  consumers  of  this  State.  All  those  who  desire  relief  from 
present  unjust  burdens  of  taxation  must  cast  their  vote  for  the  can- 
didate soon  to  be  nominated  by  our  party  and  if  he  is  faithfully  sup- 
ported he  will  carry  our  standard  to  victory." 

Of  the  16  planks  in  the  platform  not  one  was  new.  The 
two  concluding  paragraphs  of  the  document  read : 

"The  Dem.ocratic  party  is  unalterably  opposed  to  special  privi- 
leges. It  harbors  no  hostility  to  wealth,  but  demands  equal  oppor- 
tunities to  all;  for  the  manufacturer,  the  merchant,  the  farmer  and 
the  consumer,  freedom  from  unjust  discrimination  and  the  oppres- 
sion of  monopolies;  for  the  working  man,  wages,  conditions  and 
hours  of  labor,  and  prices  for  the  necessities  of  life  consistent  with 
the  development  of  faculties,  the  preservation  of  health,  the  mainten- 
ance and  education  of  children,  and  the  attainment  of  American 
ideals  in  citizenship. 

"The  Republican  organization  has  placed  itself  in  open  antagon- 
ism to  the  most  progressive  elements  of  its  own  party.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  thus  becomes,  by  force  of  circumstances,  the  only  means 
of  expression  of  popular  reform  and  of  the  enlightened  sentiment 
of  the  people.  Where  there  is  identity  of  purpose  there  should  be 
community  of  action;  and  all  good  citizens  should  regard  it  as  their 
patriotic  duty  to  subordinate  party  regularity  to  the  public  good." 

There  was  another  important  matter  which  had  to  be 
straightened  out  before  the  nomination  for  Governor  was 
made.  A  few  days  before  the  convention  Ex-Mayor  John  T. 
Coughlin  of  Fall  River  announced  that  he  was  a  candidate  for 
the  gubernatorial  nomination.  Mr,  Coughlin  came  to  Boston, 
opened  headquarters  and  kept  up  the  fight  and  insisted  on  a 
show  down  of  strength  before  he  quit  the  contest.  The  vote 
was  384  for  Vahey,  198  for  Coughlin.  Vahey  had  to  fight 
for  the  nomination.  His  vote  was  almost  twice  as  large  as 
his  opponent's,  and  yet  the  Fall  River  candidate  got  a  much 
larger  vote  than  the  Vahey  people  credited  him  with  before 
the  balloting. 

It  was  probably  the  first  time  in  a  Democratic  conven- 
tion in  this  State  that  aspirants  for  the  gubernatorial  nomina- 
tion appeared  before  a  convention  and  personally  presented 
their  claims.  The  idea  originated  with  the  Coughlin  men. 
In  compliance  with  the  vote  of  the  convention  both  candidates 
were  escorted  to  the  platform.  As  the  candidates  walked 
down  the  main  aisle  of  the  hall,  arm  in  arm,  a  tremendous 

213 


cheer  went  up.  Both  addressed  the  convention,  Coughlin  be- 
ing the  first  to  speak. 

He  told  of  what  he  had  done  for  labor  and  declared  that 
if  he  were  nominated  20,000  Independent  Republicans  would 
vote  for  him.  He  said  that  he  would  preach  the  doctrine  of 
Democracy  from  the  Berkshires  to  the  Cape.  He  promised 
loyalty  to  his  opponent  if  the  latter  was  the  nominee  of  the 
convention. 

It  was  then  Vahey's  turn.  Chairman  Hamlin  gave  him 
a  certificate  of  good  character  in  introducing  him.  Vahey 
approached  the  subject  with  the  statement  that  he  had  some- 
thing on  his  opponent,  pointing  out  that  Coughlin  was  still 
in  the  bachelor  class,  while  he  was  the  father  of  six  children, 
which  was,  in  his  opinion,  good  reason  why  he  and  not 
Coughlin  should  receive  the  nomination  for  Governor,  as  the 
Democratic  party  was  opposed  to  race  suicide. 

He  expressed  the  hope  that  he  would  live  long  enough 
to  present  the  name  of  Charles  S.  Hamlin  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Democratic  nomination  for  Governor  at  a  Democratic 
Convention.  Many  of  the  delegates  shouted,  "Do  it  now!" 
The  suggestion  raised  a  great  laugh  and  was  greeted  with 
loud  applause.  Vahey  was  playing  with  fire.  For  a  few 
minutes  it  looked  as  if  Vahey  had  started  a  stampede  for 
Hamlin.  Some  of  the  Coughlin  men  who  realized  that  their 
candidate  couldn't  win,  urged  the  Fall  River  man  to  arise 
and  nominate  Hamlin  but  he  declined,  saying  that  it  would  be 
hitting  Vahey  below  the  belt  and  that  he  believed  in  fair 
(fighting.  Vahey  soon  extricated  himself  from  his  peril- 
ous position,  and  it  was  evident  at  the  close  of  his  speech 
that  his  friends  controlled  the  convention.  Alfred  S.  Hayes 
made  the  nomination  speech  for  Vahey  and  Charles  P.  Ryan 
of  Fall  River  nominated  Coughlin.  On  the  announcement  of 
the  result  of  the  ballot,  Coughlin  arose  and  made  Vahey's 
nomination  unanimous. 

Foss'  nomination  slipped  by  on  the  greasy  ways  of  the 
convention  as  quick  as  one  could  say  Jack  Robinson.  There 
was  no  nominating  speech  for  Foss.  As  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  the  balance  of  the  State  ticket,  John  F.  McDonald  of 
Boston,  for  many  years  a  Jamaica  Plain  neighbor  of  Air.  Foss, 
reported  the  nomination  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  Mr.  Mc- 
Donald talked  fast  and  Chairman  Hamlin  put  the  necessary 
motions  in  rapid  succession  in  carrying  out  the  leaders'  pro- 
gram. 

214 


The  Republicans  held  their  State  convention  at  Sym- 
phony Hall,  Boston,  October  2.  Few  saw  the  handwriting  on 
the  wall,  but  it  was  destined  to  be  the  last  Republican  State 
Convention  for  six  years  to  nominate  a  successful  guberna- 
torial candidate.  The  old  ticket  Draper  and  Frothingham 
was  renominated  without  a  hitch. 

Ex-Mayqr  Curtis  of  Boston,  the  permanent  chairman  of  the 
convention,  began  his  speech  with  an  argument  for  the  justi- 
fication of  the  party  organization  and  partisan  government 
and  against  direct  nominations.  His  appeal  to  Republicans 
in  the  Legislature  not  to  forget  who  sent  them  there  and  not 
to  cater  to  the  Democrats  by  voting  for  the  latter's  measures 
was  applauded. 

Mr.  Curtis  was  a  "Plan  One"  advocate  in  the  new  Boston 
charter  amendments  and  his  remarks  concerning  party  organ- 
ization and  government  were  regarded  by  many  as  an  answer 
to  the  arguments  of  those  who  were  backing  Plan  Two.  He 
complimented  Dist  Atty  Arthur  D.  Hill  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  had  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  to  which  posi- 
tion he  had  been  named  by  Gov  Draper  on  the  death  of  John 
B.  Moran. 

Gov  Draper's  administration  and  that  of  President  Taft 
were  praised  by  Mr.  Curtis.  He  dwelt  especially  on  the 
Governor's  attitude  on  the  Boston  Charter  bill,  proving,  he 
claimed,  that  the  Governor  and  the  Republican  party  had  been 
actuated  solely  with  a  desire  to  give  the  New  England  metro- 
polis a  better  government.  He  hoped  that  further  unneces- 
sary restrictions  would  not  be  imposed  on  Boston  by  the 
State,  and  warned  the  legislators  that  the  limit  had  been 
reached  in  reform  affecting  the  industries  of  the  Common- 
wealth. 

Ex-Gov  Bates,  always  a  useful  and  ornamental  man  about 
a  Republican  State  convention  read  the  platform  which 
praised  everything  Republican  and  condemned  everything 
Democratic,  declaring  : 

"In  considering  the  question  of  State  expenditure,  the  State 
tax  must  be  taken  as  the  true  measure  from  which  to  form  an  opi- 
nion, as  that  tax  represents  the  excess  of  appropriations  over  income 
or  revenue.  Since  1893  while  the  State  has  grown  in  population  and 
wealth,  it  has  also  assumed  many  functions  and  taken  up  additional 
burdens.  The  increase  in  the  State  tax  in  that  time  has  been  caused 
by  the  greatly  increased  expenditure  for  the  abolition  of  grade  cross- 
ings of  railroads;  the  construction  and  maintenance  of  State  high- 
ways, for  the  repair  of  which  alone  during  the  present  year  over 
$200,000   has    been   appropriated;    the    increased    number    of    normal 

215 


schools,  the  entire  expense  falling  upon  the  Commonwealth  instead 
of  half,  as  formerly;  the  greatly  increased  cost  of  the  State  Board  of 
Health,  involving  a  great  expenditure  for  the  distribution  of  anti- 
toxin and  guarding  in  various  ways  the  public  health;  new  institu- 
tions for  those  afflicted  with  tuberculosis,  for  crippled  children,  lep- 
ers and  epileptics;  large  expenditures  for  textile  schools  and  for  in- 
dustrial education;  an  expenditure  of  nearly  $100,000  a  year  to  guard 
against  tuberculosis  among  cattle;  a  new  department  to  guard  against 
false  weights  and  measures;  the  establishment  of  State  reservations; 
the  assumption  of  the  entire  care  of  the  insane  throughout  the  State, 
formerly  paid  for  by  the  various  cities  and  towns;  the  purchase  of  all 
the  armories;  the  construction  of  parkways  and  boulevards,  half  the 
cost  being  borne  by  the  State. 

"These  are  some  of  the  additional  expenses  which  have  been  as- 
sumed whether  wisely  or  not  is  for  our  citizens  to  determine.  We 
believe  they  have  been  wise  expenditures  and  ask  our  critics  to  cite 
one  of  them  which  they  do  not  consider  to  have  been  advantageous 
to  the  Commonwealth.'' 

Both  Draper  and  Frothingham  appeared  and  accepted 
their  nominations  in  brief  speeches. 

The  campaign  was  waged  with  old  time  vigor  on  both 
sides  and  almost  every  Reptiblican  spellbinder  took  a  whack 
at  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  Mr. 
Foss'  candidacy  attracted  more  Republican  attention  than 
Vahey's.  Organized  labor  was  very  active  against  Draper. 
Its  slogan  was  "Remember  the  Eight  Hour  bill."  In  a  speech 
at  Worcester,  his  opening  gun  of  the  campaign,  Gov  Draper 
created  no  little  consternation  by  asserting  that  one  of  those 
who  urged  him  to  veto  the  Eight  Hour  bill  was  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  When  the  Demo- 
crats denied  it  the  Governor  produced  the  original  letter 
signed  by  Eugene  N.  Foss,  but  labor  refused  to  drop  Foss 
and  kept  on  fighting  Draper. 

In  one  of  his  early  speeches  in  the  campaign  Mr.  Foss 
said: 

"I  am  glad  to  be  on  the  platform  of  the  Democratic  party  this 
year,  for  the  platform  is  a  sane  one.  No  apology  has  to  be  made  for 
it.  Its  planks  are  all  sound.  It  is  broad  and  strong  enough  to  hold 
the  whole  Republican  party,  and  they  are  coming  over  to  it,  too. 

"WJio  blames  them  when  you  see  what  a  weak  structure  the 
Republican  machine,  under  the  superintendence  of  their  boss  carpen- 
ter, Senator  Lodge,  has  constructed?  The  planks  are  not  only  weak, 
but  the  whole  superstructure  is  unsafe. 

"What  I  have  said  might  indicate  to  some  that  I  have  left  the 
Republican  party  bodily  and  gone  over  to  rhe  Democratic  party. 
But  I  am  not  quite  yet  willing  to  admit  snch  a  statement.  In  the 
first  place  I  still  insist  that  in  view  of  the  pledges  o'-'  the  Republican 
party  in  behalf  of  reciprocity  and  tariflf  reform,  and  of  the  manner 
in  which  these  pledges  have  been  persistently  betrayed  down  to  this 

216 


John    J.    Rogers. 


Ernest  \V.  Roberts. 


Frederick    W  .    Dailin.Ljer 


Peter    F.   Tague. 


very  movement,  that  the  true  situation  is  not  that  I  and  men  who 
think  as  I  do  have  abandoned  our  party,  but  that  our  party  has  de- 
serted us. 

"Now,  in  regard  to  my  presence  in  the  Democratic  party.  What 
it  involves  in  the  future  who  can  tell,  and  how  many  care?  What 
difference  does  it  make?  One  thing  sure.  It  seems  to  me,  and  I 
don't  see  how  anybody  of  common  sense  can  think  otherwise,  that 
the  only  chance  of  doing  anything  to  remedy  these  conditions  lies 
this  way. 

"In  the  West,  where  the  greatest  leaders  of  the  Republican  party 
have  taken  instead  of  a  reactionary  and  absolutely  stand-pat  course 
that  of  consistency  and  progress,  we  reform  Republicans  would  have 
some  place  in  the  party.  In  Massachusetts  under  the  autocratic 
dominance  of  Lodge  and  Draper,  'stand  patism'  on  every  living  ques- 
tion, not  only  tariff  reform,  but  income  tax  and  direct  nomination, 
there  is  no  place  left  for  us.    And  we  must  go  where  we  can." 

Foss  in  the  eyes  of  many,  was  the  heroic  figure  of  the 
campaign.  Election  nighjt  the  early  returns  didn't  look  very 
good  for  the  Republican  ticket.  At  one  time  during  the 
evening  Vahey  and  his  friends  believed  that  Draper  was  de- 
feated, but  that  idea  was  dispelled  an  hour  or  so  later  when 
it  was  found  that  Draper  had  a  reduced  but  safe  margin  over 
Vahey  of  about  8000  and  Frothingham  over  Foss  about  the 
same.    The  vote  for  Governor  was : 

Draper,  Republican,  190,186;  Vahey,  Democrat,  182,252; 
White,  Socialist,  10,137;  Nichols,  Prohibitionist,  5,423;  Ruth- 
er,  Socialist  Labor,  2,999. 

For  Lieutenant  Governor  the  vote  was :    Frothingham,  Re- 
publican, 188,417;  Foss,  Democrat,  180,659. 

The  Legislature  elected  was  safely  Republican. 


2i; 


CHAPTER  XXrX 

SECOND    INAUGURAL.    OF    GOV    DRAPER .  AND    THE    LEGISLATIVE 

SESSION    OF    1910— EIGHT    HOUR    BILL    VETOED— DEATH    OF 

REPRESENTATIVE  JAMES   H.    MELLEN,   OF  WORCESTER 

— REPUBLICAN    STATE    COMMITTEE    UNDERTAKES 

TO    ADVISE     LEGISLATORS     AND     SPEAKER 

WALKER  REBELS. 

THE  "renewed  expression  of  confidence"  for  which  Gov 
Draper  thanked  the  people  in  opening  his  second  and 
last  inaugural  address  to  the  Legislature  caused  the 
cynics  to  smile.  A  gubernatorial  candidate  who  drops  in  one 
year  from  a  plurality  of  60,000  to  8,000  must  needs  be  an 
optimist  to  see  "renewed  confidence"  in  such  a  dwindling 
vote.  Frothingham's  96,000  plurality  of  1908  also  shrunk  to 
an  insignificant  8000  in  1909.  The  Republican  vote  was 
growing  smaller  and  the  Democratic  strength  was  increasing. 
It  needed  no  prophet  to  see  what  was  going  on  in  the  minds 
of  the  voters.  In  addition  to  their  own  burdens  the  Republi- 
cans were  carrying  the  load  of  the  National  Administration. 
Taft's  administration  at  Washington  began  to  grow  unpopu- 
lar the  moment  he  signed  the  Payne-Aldrich  tariff  bill. 

The  Republicans  on  Beacon  Hill  began  the  year  1910 
chastened  by  their  reduced  vote  in  November  before.  They 
had  reason  to  view  with  alarm  the  increasing  strength  of  the 
Democratic  party.  The  Republicans  were  on  the  eve  of  a 
political  upheaval  in  State  and  Nation,  which  was  to  dethrone 
them  from  power. 

State  finances  were  carefully  treated  by  the  Governor  in 
his  inaugural.  He  asked  the  Legislature  to  practice  economy 
and  advised  that  no  large  new  undertakings  be  started  which 
were  not  absolutely  necessary.  During  the  past  year  the 
Treasurer  of  the  town  of  Framingham  had  made  away  with 
town  funds  by  pledging  the  town's  credit  to  banking  houses. 
Gov  Draper  advocated  a  reform  in  the  method  of  issuing  mu- 
nicipal loans  in  order  to  prevent  what  had  happened  in  Fram- 
ingham. 

"I  suggest,"  said  he,  "that  some   plan  be  adopted  requiring  the 

218 


registration  and  certification  in  the  office  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics 

of  all  town  and  city  loans.  This  arrangement  should  be  most  care- 
fully thought  out  and  made  as  thorough  as  possible,  and  yet  the  sys- 
tem should  not  be  too  expensive.  A  proper  charge  for  all  registra- 
tion and  certification  of  the  loans  should  be  made  to  the  towns  and 
cities  having  it  done." 

On  the  subject  of  education  Gov  Draper  called  attention 
to  the  fact  that  the  reorganized  Board  of  Education  was  ap- 
pointed on  the  thirtieth  day  of  June,  1909,  to  take  office  on 
the  first  day  of  July  and  expressed  the  belief  that 

"It  would  be  very  unwise  to  establish  independent  i'ldustrial 
schools  in  various  sections  of  the  Commonwealth,  which  ihall  not 
be  a  part  of  our  general  educational  system  and  which  would  not  be 
under  the  direction  of  the  Board  of  Education.  Various  :-teps  in 
this  direction  have  been  taken  in  the  past,  and  others  attempted;  but 
it  is  much  wiser  to  have  all  the  work  that  shall  be  performed  by  the 
State  in  this  direction  done  systematically  after  a  careful  examina- 
tion by  the  Board,  and  done  in  harmony  with  our  present  school 
system." 

Local  inspection  of  meat  in  his  opinion  was  not  good  in 
the  State  and  he  favored  the  appointment  of  a  number  of  in- 
spectors to  enamine  carcasses  to  see  if  they  are  in  proper 
healthful  condition  to  be  sold  for  food.  He  suggested  that 
the  standard  of  inspection  be  made  the  same  as  that  required 
by  the  United  States  government. 

"I  do  not  think  our  conditions  in  this  respect  are  worse  than  in 
many  of  the  other  States,  but  we  cannot  aflFord  to  be  below  the 
United  States  standard,  which  is  the  best;  and  I  urge  prompt  and 
wise  action  in  dealing  with  this  most  important  question,"  said  he. 

Milk  producers  came  in  for  consideration  in  the  inaug- 
ural. On  the  milk  conditions  in  the  State  the  Governor  had 
this  among  other  things  to  say : 

"The  production  of  milk  and  the  way  it  shall  be  sold  is  a  prob- 
lem which  seems  very  difficult  to  solve  satisfactorily  to  both  the 
producers  and  consumers.  There  has  been  much  discussion  as  to 
whether  the  standard  now  required  by  law,  of  12.15  per  cent  of  milk 
solids  and  3.35  per  cent  of  fat,  is  right.  I  do  not  pretend  to  express 
an  opinion  based  on  knowledge  in  this  respect,  but  I  have  not  been 
able  to  see  any  way  in  which  the  consumer  and  the  honest  producer 
of  milk  can  be  properly  protected,  unless  a  standard  cf  quality  shall 
be  established  and  maintained  by  law. 

"While  I  thoroughly  believe  in  a  proper  standard  established 
and  maintained  by  law,  some  conditions  existent  today  seem  to  cause 
a  hardship  to  the  Massachusetts  milk  producers,  because  niMk  from 
other  States  can  be  sold  in  Massachusetts  under  many  less  restric- 
tions than  is  the  case  with  the  product  of  Massachusetts  farmers. ' 

219 


He  had  many  compliments  for  the  militia  and  the  good 
work  it  did  in  the  previous  summer  saying  that  it  sestned  to 
him  that 

"The  pay  of  all  the  State  troops  should  be  the  same,  and  that 
any  money  which  would  under  certain  circumstances  be  paid  by  the 
National  government  to  such  troops,  either  for  services  or  subsis- 
tence, should  be  turned  into  the  treasury  of  the  Commonwealth  tc 
assist  in  the  general  i  ayment  of  military  expenses." 

and  he  suggested  that  a  proper  law  be  passed  to  bring  about 
this  result. 

The  automobile  law  which  was  passed  by  the  last  Legis- 
lature he  said  was  working  well. 

"It  is  expected  that  it  will  produce  a  net  revenue  of  $175,000 
during  the  next  year,  for  use  on  the  State  highways;  and,  with  the 
authority  given  the  Highway  Commission  to  check  the  reckless 
driving  of  these  vehicles,  it  is,  in  the  opinion  of  the  commissioners, 
the  most  effective  automobile  law  of  any  State,"  said  he. 

He  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  Boston  Holding  Rail- 
road Company  would  be  a  great  benefit  to  the  railroad  situa- 
tion in  Massachusetts  and  New  England. 

"I  believe  the  individuals  who  control  the  stock  of  this  com- 
pany intend  to  very  greatly  improve  the  physical  condition  of  the 
Boston  &  Maine  Railroad.  If  this  is  done  it  will  be  a  great  benefit 
to  Massachusetts  and  New  England,  and  these  owners  should  be 
encouraged   by  proper  legislation,"   said   the   Governor. 

"Massachusetts,"  he  added,  "cannot  expect  great  improvements 
in  railroad  properties  unless  she  is  willing  to  help  in  proper  ways 
those  who  are  willing  to  put  money  into  such  developments.  I  un- 
derstand and  believe  that  important  and  extensive  improvements  are 
very  soon  to  be  undertaken  on  these  properties  and  I  think  it  is  in  the 
interests  of  all  our  citizens  that  those  making  these  large  expendi- 
tures for  such  miprovements  should  be  encouraged  to  do  so.  I  there- 
fore recommend  that  these  bonds  be  made  a  legal  investment  for 
Massachusetts  savings  banks." 

No  Other  really  important  legislation  was  recommended 
by  the  Governor  and  the  Legislature  once  more  settled  down 
for  a  six  months  stay  on  Beacon  Hill,  beginning  the  year  by 
re-electing  the  presiding  officer  of  each  branch. 

The  Republican  State  Committee  undertook  to  advise 
with  the  majority  party  at  this  session  and  began  cultivating 
the  friendship  of  the  Republican  legislators  by  giving  them  a 
banquet  early  in  the  session.  Chairman  Hatfield  of  the  State 
Committee  who  presided  appealed  to  the  Republican  mem- 
bers of  the  Legislature  to  co-operate  with  the  party  organiza- 

220 


tion  to  maintain  the  party  in  power.  Speaker  Walker  threw 
the  fat  into  the  fire  by  declaring  against  dictation.  He  asked 
if  the  leaders  of  the  party  were  getting  out  of  touch  with  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  party  and  if  the  party  was  losing  the 
confidence  of  the  plain  people.  He  entered  his  objections 
to  a  few  party  leaders  selecting  the  party  candidates  for  the 
State  ticket  and  said  that  the  State  convention  should  be  a 
free  for  all  arena.  He  didn't  relish  the  close  relationship  ex- 
isting between  certain  Republican  leaders  and  certain  monop- 
olies. On  the  tariff  he  wanted  more  light.  He  was  not  satis- 
fied with  the  last  Republican  tariff. 

President  Treadway  of  the  Senate  did  not  agree  with  the 
pessimistic  view  Speaker  Walker  took  of  the  outlook  and 
praised  the  management  of  State  affairs  by  the  party.  He 
pointed  out  that  in  passing  the  resolve  to  create  a  commission 
to  investigate  the  high  cost  of  living  the  Republicans  had  not 
stolen  Democratic  thunder  as  had  been  charged,  but  that  the 
legislative  action  was  passed  on  the  order  of  a  Republican 
Senator,  Ross,  of  New  Bedford,  If  he  had  any  criticism  to 
make  he  said  that  he  would  say  that  too  frequently  the  party 
welfare  had  been  lost  sight  of  in  legislating.  Too  often  also 
he  said  he  had  seen  Republican  legislators  voting  with  the 
minority  party  and  furnishing  campaign  ammunition  for  the 
Democrats. 

There  was  a  spirited  contest  over  what  was  known  as 
the  "Bar  and  Bottle  Bill" — a  measure  proposed  by  the  tem- 
perance people  to  separate  the  liquor  business  into  a  strictly 
bar  business  and  a  bottle  business.  It  was  argued  by  the  pro- 
ponents of  the  measure  that  it  would  have  a  tendency  to  re- 
duce drinking  and  drunkenness.  The  liquor  interests  fought 
the  measure  hard  but  the  temperance  peDple  had  the  votes  to 
pass  the  measure.  The  liquor  men  have  made  several  unsuc- 
cessful attempts  to  repeal  the  bar  and  bottle  law  since. 

Columbus  Day,  October  12,  was  made  a  legal  holiday. 

The  Governor's  suggestion  in  his  inaugural  that  the 
bonds  of  the  Railroad  Holding  Company  be  made  a  legal  in- 
strument for  savings  banks  stirred  up  a  lot  of  opposition  in 
and  out  of  the  Legislature.  Bank  men  objected  and  politi- 
cians helped  them.  The  idea  had  to  be  abandoned  so  pro- 
nounced was  the  opposition,  but  they  beat  the  devil  around 
the  bush  in  another  way,  giving  the  company  permission  to 
issue  preferred  non-taxable  stock. 

221 


The  Eight  Hour  bill  for  Public  employees  which  Gov 
Draper  vetoed  the  year  before  was  passed  again  and  again 
vetoed.  A  bill  was  passed  permitting  direct  nomination  in 
representative  and  senatorial  districts  where  the  voters  de- 
sired them.  Democrats  made  a  hard  fight  for  a  resolve  de- 
claring in  favor  of  the  direct  election  of  U  S  Senators,  got  it 
through  the  House  on  a  close  vote  but  the  Senate  rejected 
it.  A  saner  Fourth  of  July  bill  was  passed  and  signed  by  the 
Governor.  One  piece  of  legislation  important  to  labor  men 
was  the  law  compelling  advertisers  for  help  in  case  of  a  strike 
to  state  in  their  "ads"  that  a  strike  is  on. 

Prorogation  took  place  on  the  evening  of  June  16,  the 
last  act  being  the  passage  of  the  State  tax  bill  amounting  to 
$5,500,000,  the  biggest  State  tax  bill  up  to  that  time. 

January  28,  1910,  Gen  William  F.  Draper,  of  Hopedale, 
who  had  been  the  American  Ambassador  to  Italy  under  Pres- 
ident McKinley  died  at  his  Washington  home  at  the  uge  of 
68.  He  was  the  Governor's  eldest  brother  but  of  late  they  had 
become  estranged  becduse  of  business  dififerences.  Gen 
Draper  had  a  fine  war  recgrd.  He  always  manifested  a  lively 
interest  in  State  and  National  politics.  He  had  represented 
his  district  in  Congress  and  was  at  the  head  of  the  Draper 
Company  of  Hopedale,  manufacturers  of  cotton  machinery. 
His  widow  erected  an  imposing  monument  to  his  memory  in 
Hopedale.  He  was  a  staunch  and  uncompromising  Republi- 
can, warm  hearted,  frank  and  democratic  in  manner,  positive 
in  character  and  a  man  of  strong  likes  and  dislikes.  His  friends 
and  foes  always  knew  where  he  stood  in  a  political  fight. 


222 


John  N.   Cole. 


Frank  H.  Hitchcock 


Augustus  P.  Gardner. 


Charles  G.  Washburn. 


CHAPTER  X'XX 

BY  ELECTION    IN   THE    FOURTEENTH   CONGRESSIONAL.    DISTRICT 

FOSS     DEMOCRATIC     CANDIDATE     DEFEATS     BUCHANAN, 

REPUBLICAN      NOMINEE — CONTEST      ATTRACTED 

NATION  WIDE  ATTENTION. 

CONGRESSMAN  William  C.  Levering  of  Taunton,  repre- 
senting the  14th  district,  who  had  been  elected  to  the 
55th  Congress  and  re-elected  to  each  succeeding  Con- 
gress, died  in  Washington,  February  4th,  1910.  Governor 
Draper  issued  a  rescript  for  a  special  election  in  the  district 
to  fill  the  vacancy.  The  Democrats  tried  to  induce  Charles  S. 
Hamlin  to  accept  their  nomination.  Mr.  Hamlin  procrasti- 
nated and  finally  declined  to  make  the  run.  The  nomination 
was  offered  to  Eugene  N.  Foss  who  had  only  a  few  weeks  be- 
fore changed  his  political  coat  and  he  accepted  it. 

On  the  Republican  side  three  men  wanted  the  nomina- 
tion— Judge  Robert  O.  Harris  of  Bridgewater,  Dr.  Frank  G. 
Wheatley  of  Abington  and  William  R.  Buchanan  of  Brock- 
ton, In  the  caucuses  Buchanan  got  the  largest  nimiber  of 
delegates  and  when  the  convention  was  held  at  Brockton, 
March  5,  Buchanan  was  nominated,  the  vote  being:  Buchan- 
an, 74;  Harris,  38;  Wheatley,   17;  Curtis,  8. 

The  convention  was  controlled  by  Buchanan's  Brockton 
friends  and  Brockton  politicians  ran  it  from  beginning  to  end. 
Buchanan's  friends  announced  that  his  two  opponents  for 
the  nomination  had  warmly  "congratulated"  him.  The  Re- 
publican State  organization  came  forward  to  make  sure  that 
the  party  nominee  was  successful.  Buchanan  had  been  Gov 
Douglas'  secretary.  He  was  not  popular  with  those  who  had 
occasion  to  frequent  the  executive  offices  at  the  State  House. 
He  knew  practically  none  of  the  Democrats  of  the  State,  and 
he  never  made  a  serious  effort  to  increase  his  circle  of 
friends  in  that  party.  His  acquaintance  with  Republi- 
cans was  also  limited.  The  Democrats  didn't  take  any  more 
kindly  to  him  than  he  did  to  them  while  he  was  secretary  to 
Gov  Douglas.  When  he  was  nominated  for  Congress,  a  lot 
of  Republicans  were  suspicious  of  his  loyalty  to  their  party. 

223 


"How  could  a  loyal  Republican  serve  a  Democratic  Govern- 
or?" was  frequently  asked.  Buchanan's  nomination  was  not 
popular  with  Republicans. 

The  day  after  Buchanan's  nomination  Foss  made  public 
his  letter  accepting  the  Democratic  nomination.  Mr.  Foss 
didn't  live  in  the  district.  He  was  a  resident  and  voter  in  the 
11th  district.  He  had  run  twice  in  the  latter  district  as  the 
Republican  Congressional  nominee  and  was  defeated  at  the 
polls  by  John  A.  Sullivan,  the  Democratic  candidate.  In  his 
letter  of  acceptance  Foss  said  he  wanted  it  understood  that  if 
elected  he  would  serve  only  for  the  unexpired  term  of  the 
late  congressman.  He  declared  that  had  Judge  Harris  se- 
cured the  Republican  nomination,  he  would  not  have  accepted 
the  Democratic  nomination.  On  the  contrary,  he  said,  he 
would  have  done  everything  he  could  to  aid  Judge  Harris' 
election.  He  also  said  he  believed  that  Judge  Harris'  utter- 
ances on  public  questions  showed  him  to  be  a  Progressive 
Republican. 

Foss  declared  against  Cannonism  and  Aldrichism,  said 
that  he  stood  with  President  Taft  for  an  income  tax  and  that 
he  agreed  with  Roosevelt  on  the  latter's  conservation  policy. 
Here  was  a  Democratic  candidate  asserting  that  had  a  cer- 
tain man  been  nominated  by  the  Republicans  he  would  have 
done  all  in  his  power  to  elect  him  and  standing  with  the 
Republican  President.  There  have  been  times  in  Massachu- 
setts when  it  would  have  been  difficult  for  a  candidate  for 
public  office  to  get  away  with  that  sort  of  a  declaration,  but 
in  1910,  in  the  14th  district,  the  only  thing  the  vot2rs  seemed 
to  care  about  was  to  make  sure  that  the  Republican  congress- 
ional candidate  was  defeated.  The  high  cost  of  living  was 
the  issue  put  forward  by  Foss.  He  declared  that  ii  was  not 
a  local  but  a  National  contest  he  was  engaged  in.  If  elected, 
he  promised  that  he  would  go  to  Washington  without  a  party 
collar  and  represent  all  the  people  of  the  district  regardless  of 
party. 

Leading  Democrats  bestirred  themselves  for  Foss  and 
Senator  Lodge  came  on  from  Washington  to  speak  for  Bu- 
chanan. At  a  rally  at  Middleboro  Foss  said  that  if  elected 
he  would  join  with  the  Progressive  Republican  "Insurgents" 
of  the  House.  In  all  his  speeches  he  played  up  Canadian  re- 
ciprocity and  termed  Buchanan  a  "Standpat"  Republican. 

Buchanan  toured  the  district  and  several  leading  Repub- 

224 


licans  spoke  for  him.  When  the  contest  was  at  its  height, 
Judge  Harris  allowed  himself  to  be  interviewed,  declared  that 
he  had  not  taken  any  part  in  the  campaign,  and  that  Buchan- 
an's friends  had  given  it  out  that  he  had  attended  meetinpfs 
when  he  had  not.  Asked  who  he  would  vote  tor,  'le  replied 
that  he  didn't  know  who  was  the  best  Republican  running. 
Judge  Harris'  refusal  to  say  that  he  would  support  Buchanan 
hurt  the  latter's  chances  and  Foss'  friends  made  the  most  of 
Harris'  hostile  attitude  towards  Buchanan. 

The  Republicans  did  ever}''thing  they  could  to  stir  up  in- 
terest in  behalf  of  Buchanan  but  without  success.  Mr.  Lodge 
made  a  speech  in  Brockton.  With  cold  sarcasm,  of  which  the 
Senator  is  a  master,  he  thus  referred  to  Foss : 

"Mr.  Buchanan's  opponent  has  been  a  frequent  candidate.  He 
seems  to  be  ready  to  run  in  any  district,  on  any  ticket  and  under 
any  party  designation.  He  sought  many  nominations  at  the  hands 
of  the  Republican  party  and  when  he  ceased  to  secure  them,  about 
six  months  ago,  he  joined  the  Democratic  party,  but  not  before  they 
were  ready  to  nominate  him  to  office. 

"It  does  not  seem  to  me  that  he  improves  the  Democratic  ticket 
particularly  and  I  am  certain  that  the  Democratic  ticket  has  not  im- 
proved him.  He  figures  as  a  reformer,  but  his  last  effort  at  -eform 
in  his  new  party  as  between  two  candidates,  both  of  that  party,  wa,' 
to  support  Mr.  Fitzgerald  with  purse  and  vote  against  Mr.  Storrow. 
In  this  campaign  Mr.  Foss  appears  as  a  National  reformer  and  the 
particular  reform  he  aims  at  is  another  immediate  revision  of  the 
tariff  with  a  view  of  lowering  it,  as  he  charges  to  the  tariff  the  high 
prices  of  the  present  time." 

The  longer  the  campaign  lasted  the  more  doubt  was  ex- 
pressed by  the  Republicans  about  the  result.  Gov  Draper 
spoke  at  a  rally  at  Harwich.  In  his  speech  the  Governor  took 
this  fling  at  his  old  poiltical  adversary,  Foss : 

"This  gentleman  has  run  for  more  offices  or  nominations  in 
both  parties  in  the  last  five  or  six  years  than  any  other  man  I  know 
of  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  unless  it  is  Mr.  E.  Gerry 
Brown  of  Brockton.  He  tried  to  disrupt  the  Republican  party  when 
he  was  in  it,  and  I  wid  prognosticate  now  that  before  the  Democratic 
party  gets  through  with  him  they  will  find  his  capacity  in  this  direc- 
tion greater  than  that  of  any  man  they  have  had  in  their  midst  for  a 
long  time. 

"While  in  the  Republican  party  his  idea  was  to  rule  or  ruin.  He 
could  do  neither.  In  the  Democratic  party  his  idea  is  to  rule,  and 
as  far  as  the  party  is  concerned  he  seems  to  be  absolutely  success- 
ful. As  far  as  the  votes  of  the  people  are  concerned  I  hope  he  never 
will  be  successful. 

Election  day  was  March  22  and  Foss  swept  the  distri:t. 
Buchanan's  defeat  was  overwhelming.     Foss'  plurality  was 

225 


5647.  Two  years  before,  Lovering,  the  Republican  candidate, 
carried  the  district  by  14,356.  Foss  carried  Brockton,  Buch- 
anan's home  city.  He  had  a  plurality  in  33  of  the  44  towns 
of  the  district. 

Democrats  all  over  the  country  were  jubilant.  Some  said 
it  was  a  rebuke  to  Lodge.  Champ  Clark  said  it  was  the  best 
political  news  since  the  close  of  the  polls  in  1892.  When  Mr. 
Foss  appeared  in  Washington  to  take  the  oath  of  office,  arm 
in  arm  with  his  brother.  Congressman  Foss  of  Chicago,  he 
was  made  much  of  by  the  Democrats  and  the  Republicans 
were  anxious  and  curious  to  see  the  man  who  had  turned  a 
Republican  plurality  of  14,000  into  a  Democratic  victory  of 
5,000.  For  a  short  time  Congressman  Foss  was  much  sought 
after  in  Washington.  He  took  very  little  part  in  Congres- 
sional proceedings,  however,  and  spent  as  little  time  as  he 
could  at  the  capital.  He  delivered  one  speech  on  the  tariff 
while  in  Congress.  If  it  wasn't  an  argument  for  free  trade 
then  some  tariff  experts  are  mistaken,  for  they  so  regarded  it. 

The  ink  on  the  paper  announcing  Foss'  election  was  hard- 
ly dry  when  Mayor  Fitzgerald  and  other  prominent  Demo- 
crats announced  that  Foss  was  the  logical  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor in  the  Fall.  Logical  or  not,  Foss  began  secretly  to  lay 
his  wires  for  the  nomination  and  with  the  aid  of  several  lead- 
ing Democrats  succeeded  in  getting  it. 


226 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

KVENTS  LEADING  UP  TO  NOMINATION  OF  FOSS  FOR  GOVERNOR- 
DEMOCRATS    UNABLE    TO    NOMINATE    CANDIDATE    FOR    GOV- 
ERNOR    AT     CONVENTION— NAME     FREDERICK     W.     MANS- 
FIELD  AS    STOP   GAP   CANDIDATE — FOSS   WINS    NOMIN- 
ATION   ON    MAIL    BALLOT— DEFEATS    HAMLIN. 

MR.  Foss  had  arrived  politically.  He  had  been  a  candi- 
date in  the  Republican  part}--  for  Lieutenant  Governor 
and  was  laughed  out  of  court.  He  had  been  a  candidate 
for  delegate  to  the  Republican  National  convention  and  was 
defeated.  He  won  the  Republican  nomination  for  Congress 
in  the  11th  district  twice  after  spirited  contests,  but  was 
twice  defeated  at  the  polls.  Through  the  instrumentality  of 
the  recently  despised  Democratic  party,  he  climbed  higher 
politically  than  he  had  ever  publicly  aspired.  With  the  Dem- 
ocratic label  he  had  been  chosen  to  Congress.  With  the  same 
party  label  he  was  to  be  elected  to  the  highest  office  in  the 
State. 

Foss  had  an  abundance  of  that  which  generally  attracts 
the  membership  of  a  political  party — money.  Funds  are  nec- 
essary to  conduct  a  political  campaign.  He  had  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  a  free  spender  when  he  was  personally  interested 
in  a  cause.  The  practical  Democratic  politician  encouraged 
his  candidacy  for  Governor.  Again  and  again,  Mr.  Foss  was 
quoted  as  saying  that  he  was  not  a  candidate  and  that  he 
wanted  to  see  Vahey  renominated  for  Governor.  When  Mr. 
Foss  was  elected  to  Congress,  Vahey  congratulated  him 
warmly  and  added :  'We  must  now  set  about  to  give  Massa- 
chusetts proper  representation  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,"  but  Mr.  Foss  did  not  jump  at  the  senatorial  bait.  His 
mind  was  set  on  the  Governorship.  His  submarines  were 
busy  with  their  under  sea  warfare  on  Vahey.  One  of  his 
chief  supporters  was  Chairman  Macleod  of  the  Democratic 
State  Committee.  Mr.  Macleod  had  labored  with  Foss  the 
year  before  to  join  the  Democratic  party. 

The  Foss  movement  gained  such  momentum  that  by  the 
middle  of  April  Mr.  Vahey,  who  had  made  two  campaigns  as 

227 


the  Democratic  nominee  for  Governor,  stepping  into  the 
breach  when  nobody  else  cared  for  the  difficult  and  hopeless 
task,  felt  it  necessary  to  publicly  declare  his  position,  an- 
nouncing that  he  was  a  candidate  and  would  remain  in  the 
contest  until  the  convention  ballots  were  counted.  A  poll  of 
the  Democratic  town  and  city  chairmen  showed  that  a  major- 
ity of  them  felt  that  Vahey  was  entitled  to  another  nomina- 
tion if  he  desired  it. 

Things  drifted  until  the  picnic  and  outing  season  ar- 
rived— July  and  August — when  the  Foss  talk  got  a  new  im- 
petus. Mayor  Fitzgerald  threatened  to  become  a  candidate. 
In  the  middle  of  August  when  Congressman  Foss  was  asked 
about  his  attitude,  he  said : 

"I  will  not  lift  my  finger  for  the  nomination.  I  have  said  that  I 
will  not  be  a  candidate  against  James  H.  Vahey  and  I  am  adhering 
strictly  to  that  statement,  all  reports  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing." 

Late  in  August,  Charles  S.  Hamlin,  believing  that  there 
was  to  be  a  contest  for  the  nomination  for  Governor  threw 
his  hat  into  the  ring  and  published  his  platform.  One  by 
one,  Vahey  found  his  supporters  slipping  a^vay  from  him  and 
going  over  to  the  Foss  camp.  He  complained  with  some  bit- 
terness of  treachery  and  disloyalty  and  he  reluctantly  con- 
cluded that  Foss  was  out  for  first  place  on  the  Democratic 
ticket. 

The  caucuses  were  well  attended.  Great  interest  was 
manifested  in  the  result.  Nobody  had  enough  delegates  to 
nominate  in  the  convention.  The  campaign  was  renewed  af- 
ter the  caucuses  and  every  delegate  was  canvassed.  The  State 
convention  was  held  at  Faneuil  Hall,  Oct.  6th.  District  At- 
torney Pelletier  of  Suffolk  County  was  temporary  chairman 
and  Ex-Congressman  John  R.  Thayer  of  Worcester  perman- 
nent  presiding  officer.  It  was  a  good  old  fashioned  Democra- 
tic convention,  lasting  from  forenooti  until  long  after  rhid- 
night.  In  many  respects  it  was  like  the  "  Pink  Ticket"  con- 
vention at  Springfield.  The  first  two  ballots  for  the  guberna- 
torial nominee  on  both  of  which  Foss  led,  were: 

Number    of    Ballots    Cast 991  886 

*           Necessary    for    a    choice 496  444 

Eugene    N.    Foss    383  438 

James  H.  Vahey   302  425 

Charles    S.    Hamlin     295  20 

Scattering   11  3 

228 


Calvin    Coolidge. 


James    M.    Swift. 


John    E.    White. 


Charles    H.    Innes. 


On  the  first  ballot  Foss  lacked  113  of  the  necessary  num- 
ber to  nominate,  while  on  the  second  ballot  he  came  within 
six  votes  of  the  nomination.  Vahey  and  Hamlin  were  nearly 
even  on  the  first  ballot,  the  former  leading  by  only  seven 
votes.  On  the  second  ballot  many  Hamlin  delegates  went  to 
Vahey.  The  result  was  that  while  Foss  still  led  on  the  second 
ballot  he  was  only  13  votes  ahead  of  Vahey. 

The  Australian  method  of  naming  the  candidate  was 
used.  The  first  ballot  was  announced  at  8.30  P.  M.,  more  than 
eight  hours  after  the  convention  had  assembled.  The  second 
ballot  was  announced  a  few  minutes  after  midnight. 

The  candidates  and  their  representatives  had  the  impres- 
sion that  the  nominations  must  be  filed  Oct.  7th  at  5  P.  M. 
with  the  Secretary  of  State.  There  was  no  hope  of  the  con- 
vention being  able  to  nominate  and  after  the  second  ballot  a 
conference  of  both  sides  was  suggested.  The  chair  named  a 
representative  committee  and  the  conference  agreed  on  rec- 
lommending  to  the  convention  that  Frederick  W.  Mansfield,  a 
warm  supporter  of  Vahey,  should  be  nominated  in  order  to 
file  the  certificate,  that  a  nominating  committee  of  four  be 
named  by  the  presiding  officer  of  the  convention,  they  to  se- 
lect a  fifth  member  and  when  the  nominating  committee 
agreed  on  a  candidate  Mr.  Mansfield  should  withdraw.  Mr. 
Mansfield  agreed  to  do  so  in  a  statement  he  made  to  the  dele- 
gates. The  convention  ratified  the  agreement  and  adopted 
the  suggestion. 

Mr.  Vahey  explained  to  the  delegates  that  it  would  be 
futile  to  attempt  to  nominate  either  himself  or  Mr.  Foss,  the 
leading  candidate,  because  of  what  happened  in  the  conven- 
tion. It  was  evident,  he  declared,  that  neither  would  be  satis- 
factory after  what  had  transpired.  He  said  it  was  the  duty 
of  every  Democrat  to  make  a  sacrifice  for  the  party  in  its 
hour  of  need  and  he  was  willing  to  sacrifice  his  ambitions  and 
step  aside  in  the  interest  of  harmony. 

There  were  cries  of  "You  stick,  Jim,"  but  Mr.  Vahey  said 
the  program  had  been  agreed  upon,  there  was  no  time  for 
further  dispute  and  it  would  have  to  be  accepted  by  the  con- 
vention for  the  good  of  all.  He  added  that  the  situation  con- 
fronting the  party  required  heroic  treatment  and  he  was  ready 
to  take  his  medicine.  "For  God's  sake,"  said  Mr.  Vahey,  "let 
me  implore  you  to  take  the  program  I  have  outlined  to  you." 

Martin    M.    Lomasney,   who   stood   immediately    behind 

229 


Vahey  on  the  platform,  seconded  the  motion  to  accept  the 
report,  and  although  there  were  some  objections,  the  chair  de- 
clared it  carried,  after  the  convention  had  rescinded  its  mo- 
tion to  proceed  to  another  ballot.  Before  the  conference  com- 
mittee left  the  convention  hall  several  members  of  the  com- 
mittee asked  Chairman  Thayer  to  accept  the  nomination  as  a 
compromise  candidate,  but  he  declined.  It  didn't  look  then 
as  if  the  Democratic  nomination  would  be  worth  the  paper  it 
was  written  on.  The  Hamlin  managers  saw  on  the  first  bal- 
lot that  they  were  not  in  it  and  word  was  passed  around  the 
hall  to  go  to  Vahey  on  the  next  ballot.  Had  all  of  the  Hamlin 
supporters  gone  to  Vahey,  the  latter  would  have  been  nomi- 
nated. 

The  Foss  men  were  on  the  alert  and  gathered  in  quite  a 
big  bunch  of  Hamlin  delegates  or  their  credentials.  It  was 
felt  by  many  that  if  Mr.  Hamlin  had  made  a  personal  appeal 
from  the  floor  of  the  convention  to  his  delegates  to  vote  for 
Vahey  the  latter  would  have  won,  but  on  the  next  ballot, 
20  of  them,  notwithstanding  Senator  Doyle's  fervent  appeal, 
stuck  to  Hamlin  on  the  second  ballot. 

Scenes  of  the  wildest  disorder,  in  which  prominent  dele- 
gates engaged  in  blows  on  the  platform  marked  the  evening 
session.  At  times  pandemonium  reigned,  epithets  were  ex- 
changed by  rival  Foss,  Hamlin  and  Vahey  men.  In  some  res- 
pects the  scenes  of  disorder  exceeded  anything  witnessed  in 
the  Democratic  convention  at  Spring^eld  three  years  before. 
William  F.  Murray,  the  Democratic  member  of  the  Execu- 
tive Council,  was  thrown  bodily  ofif  the  platform.  Daniel  J. 
Kiley,  who  was  the  permanent  chairman  of  the  Springfield 
convention,  a  strong  Foss  supporter,  and  Dr.  Santosuosso,  a 
prominent  Hamlinite,  were  both  forcibly  removed  from  the 
platform  during  the  free-for-all  fight  after  the  announcement 
of  the  result  of  the  second  ballot. 

The  convention  did  not  attempt  to  select  a  candidate  for 
Lieutenant  Governor  from  the  field  of  five  but  left  that  also 
to  a  committee.  This  committee  named  Clifton  R.  Loring, 
executive  clerk  at  Democratic  headquarters,  intending  to 
substitute  another  name  later.  Loring,  like  Mansfield,  was  a 
"Stop-Gap"  candidate.  The  convention  delegated  its  power 
to  select  a  candidate  for  both  places  to  a  committee  as  already 
stated.  The  committee  consisted  of  Frederick  J.  Macleod, 
William  P.  Hayes  of  Springfield,  Joseph  A.  Maynard  of  Bos- 

230 


ton,  and  Robert  J.  Crowley  of  Lowell.  The  four  were  unable 
to  agree  on  a  fifth  member.  It  was  discovered  after  the  ad- 
journment of  the  convention  that  the  time  for  filing  nomina- 
tion certificates  did  not  expire  at  5  P.  M.  Oct.  7,  but  on  Mon- 
day following.  The  committee  of  five  less  one  had  until  5  P. 
M.  Oct.  24  to  substitute  their  selections. 

Prof  Stimson  of  Dedham,  was  chairman  of  the  commit- 
tee on  resolutions,  but  because  of  the  great  interest  in  the 
outcome  of  the  contest  for  the  nomination  for  Governor  and 
the  liveliness  of  the  convention,  few  paid  any  attention  to 
the  resolutions  or  the  nominating  speeches. 

The  day  following  the  convention,  Mr.  Foss  declared 
that  he  was  out  of  the  contest.  Vahey  was  more  emphatic 
and  positive.  He  said  that  he  was  only  not  a  candidate  but 
that  his  name  would  not  appear  on  the  ballot  election 
day.  For  several  days  the  nominating  committee  met 
and  conferred.  Macleod  and  Maynard  were  for  Foss, 
Hayes  and  Crowley  were  for  Hamlin.  The  names  of 
many  leading  Dem.ocrats  were  mentioned  as  compromise  can- 
didates but  the  committee's  choice  was  limited  to  Foss  and 
Hamlin.  While  the  deadlock  was  on  a  letter  was  received 
from  Foss  suggesting  a  new  convention  for  the  nomination  of 
candidates  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor.  Hayes 
and  Crowley  stoutly  opposed  this  scheme.  Macleod  and  May- 
nard supported  it.  Oct.  12,  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Demo- 
cratic State  Committee  called  for  the  purpose  of  considering 
the  critical  situation  and  the  following  resolution  was  adopted : 

"Resolved  that  a  special  delivery  letter  be  mailed  to  every  regular- 
ly elected  delegate  to  the  recent  State  convention,  with  a  special  de- 
livery return  envelope  enclosed,  addressed  to  William  P.  Hayes,  Sec- 
retary, Committee  of  Four,  having  power  to  select  a  candidate  for 
Governor,  requesting  their  reply  immediately,  stating  their  prefer- 
ence for  the  most  available  candidate  for  Governor  at  this  time  for 
the  information  and  guidance  of  the  special  committee  by  the  con- 
vention named." 

The  State  Committee  summoned  the  special  committee 
before  them.  Maj  Crowley  refused  to  go,  saying  that  he  was 
not  a  member  of  the  State  Committee,  and  that  he  didn't  con- 
sider the  State  Committee  had  anything  to  do  with  the  nom- 
ination of  a  candidate  for  Governor. 

"Tell  the  members,"  said  he  to  the  messenger,  "that  T  refuse 
to  recognize  them  in  the  important  matter  our  committee  has  in  hand 
and  that  they  are  butting  into  something  that  is  none  of  their  busi- 

231 


ness.  The  committee,  which  Thave  the  honor  to  be  a  member  of,  re- 
ceived its  authority  from  the  State  Convention,  which  adjourned  at 
1.30  A.  M.  last  Friday.  I  consider  it  a  move  in  the  interest  of  Mr 
Foss  for  Governor,  engineered  by  the  Cliairman  of  the  State  Com- 
piittee,  who  is  his  accredited  representative  and  has  been  using  his 
of  lice  as  Chairman  of  the  State  Committee  to  force  Mr.  Foss  on  the 
Democrats  of  the  State  as  their  candidate  for  Governor." 

Mr.  Hayes  took  the  same  position.  The  State  Committee 
went  on  with  its  plan  of  nominating  a  gubernatorial  candidate 
by  mail  and  the  Hamlin  men  finally  agreed  to  abide  by  the 
result  of  the  poll.  The  day  following  the  State  Committee 
meeting,  Mr.  Foss  said  that  he  felt  sure  that  if  there  had 
been  another  ballot  at  the  State  convention  he  would  have 
been  nominated. 

"I  am  not  seeking  to  be  Governor  of  Massachusetts''  said  he, 
"but  I  do  stand  for  a  principle  and  would  like  an  expression  of  opi- 
nion from  the  voters  of  Massachusetts  and  their  full  support  of  that 
principle.  I  want  all  tariff  barriers  between  the  United  States  and 
Canada  removed.  This  means  far  more  to  Massachusetts,  .Vevv  Eng- 
land and  the  United  States  in  a  business  way  than  anything  else 
now  under  discussion.  We  can  forge  ahead  as  never  before  with 
free  trade  relations   over  our   Northern  border." 

He  added  that  he  was  the  logical  candidate  for  Governor. 
He  was  now  demanding  the  nomination.  The  Hamlin  men 
learned  that  the  special  delivery  letters  to  the  delegates  all 
bore  a  number  on  the  flap  of  the  envelope  and  immediately 
charged  that  the  State  Committee  had  "keyed"  the  delegates, 
that  is,  each  delegate  was  numbered  and  the  number  on  the 
flap  of  the  return  envelope  corresponded  with  the  number  be- 
side his  name  on  the  list  of  delegates  in  the  possession  of 
Chairman  Macleod  of  the  State  Committee  and  a  member  of 
the  Nominating  Committee. 

It  was  an  easy  matter  for  the  State  Committee  officials 
to  keep  track  of  those  who  had  not  replied  by  checking  off 
the  number  on  the  list  at  headquarters  as  the  return  enve- 
lopes arrived  addressed  to  William  P.  Hayes,  Secretary  of 
the  Nominating  Committee.  To  prevent  this  Mr.  Hayes  had 
the  mail  held  for  him  at  the  postoffice  until  a  certain  date, 
when  he  called  for  it  and  publicly  opened  it  at  State  Head- 
quarters. 

The  gubernatorial  fever  had  got  such  a  firm  hold  on  Mr. 
Foss  that  he  filed  Progressive-Democratic  nomination  papers 
with  the  Eelection  Commissioners  of  Boston  for  certification 
before  the  mail  order  canvass  was  announced.    They  were  to 

232 


be  used  in  case  Mansfield  declined  to  withdraw  or  the  action 
of  the  State  Committee  was  ruled  illeg-al  by  the  Ballot  L.aw 
Commission,  he  said.  At  the  appointed  time  the  Nominating 
Committee  met  to  open  the  mail  ballot  and  count  the  votes. 
When  they  were  tabulated,  the  result  Avas  as  follows: 

Whole  number  of  votes  cast 989 

Necessary    for   a   choice    495 

Foss    495 

Hamlin     484 

Vahey     3 

Riordan    3 

Mansfield     i 

Blanks    3 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Hamlin  was  informed  of  the  vote  he  des- 
patched a  brief  note  to  the  committee  withdrawing-  his  name. 
Loring-'s  nomination  for  Lieutenant  Governor  having  been 
ruled  illegal  by  the  Ballot  Law  Commission,  Ex-Senator 
Thomas  F.  Cassidy  of  Adams,  was  substituted  for  him. 
Thomas  P.  Riley  who  had  filed  for  Lieutenant  Governor  was 
induced  to  withdraw  and  the  committee  agreed  to  certify 
Foss  and  Cassidy  as  the  State  ticket.  Mansfield  withdrew 
and  the  last  act  was  over  in  this  exciting  political  melodrama. 

In  the  Republican  camp  there  was  peace  and  harmony. 
Gov  Draper,  Lieut  Gov  Frothingham  and  the  other  candi- 
dates for  places  on  the  State  ticket  were  nominated  Oct.  6  in 
a  convention  so  miild  and  devoid  of  interest  that  the  action 
seemed  almost  perfunctory.  Trem.ont  Temple,  where  the 
convention  met  attracted  few  spectators  in  comparison  with 
the  attendance  of  other  years.  More  than  400  accredited 
delegates  remained  away  and  sent  no  substitutes.  There  was 
not  a  sound  in  disapproval  of  a  single  proposition  in  the  plat- 
form. Even  Col  Butler  Ames,  who  was  a  candidate  for  sen- 
atorial honors  permitted  the  indorsement  of  Senator  Lodge 
without  dissent.  The  delegates  cheered  for  President  Taft 
and  Col  Roosevelt,  and  gave  Senator  Lodge  a  rousing  recep- 
tion. 

The  platform  adopted  was  largely  commendatory  of  what 
the  party  had  done,  and  this  was  the  note  most  often  sounded 
by  the  permanent  chairman,  Robert  Luce.  Praise  of  the  Na- 
tional administration,  a  demand  for  tariflF  revision  by  a  com- 
mission of  experts  and  an  indorsement  of  direct  nominations 
were  features  of  the  platform.  Gov  Draper  and  Lieutenant 
Governor  Frothingham,  after  they  were  nominated,  appeared 
before  the  convention  and  expressed  their  appreciation. 

233 


"Last  year,"  said  the  chairman  of  the  State  Committee,  in  calling 
the  convention  to  order,  "there  were  168,000  registered  voters  in  the 
State  who  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  go  to  the  polls  and  vote — a 
little  under  30  per  cent.  I  believe  it  is  little  less  than  a  crime  that 
nearly  80  per  cent  of  these  were  Republicans." 

The  presiding  officer,  considered  the  high  cost  of  living, 
the  paramount  issue.  Holding  the  party  in  power  responsi- 
ble was  the  natural  impulse,  he  reasoned,  but  reminded  the 
delegates  that  extravagance  and  waste  by  the  American 
people  had  tended  to  raise  prices. 

"We  are  reaching  a  point  where  we  cannot  support  our- 
selves without  help  from  abroad,"  Mr.  Luce  declared.  Com- 
ing to  the  tarilT  question,  the  chairman  advised  a  revision, 
one  schedule  at  a  time,  by  a  commission  of  experts.  He  de- 
plored the  scheme  of  letting  Congress  do  it.  "Business  men 
want  the  tariff  taken  out  of  politics,"  said  Mr.  Luce.  He  wos 
enthusiastic  in  his  commendation  of  the  Bar  and  Bottle  bill, 
and  said  the  Republican  party  would  go  still  further  to  sup- 
press the  evils  of  the  saloon. 

The  resolutions  were  read  by  Congressman  Charles  G. 
Washburn  of  Worcester.  All  the  nominations  were  made 
unanimously.  The  Socialists,  Socialist-Labor  and  Drys  re- 
nominated their  gubernatorial  candidates  of  the  j^ear  before. 


234 


Governor  Foss. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

STATE   AND   CONGRESSIONAL,  CAMPAIGN    OF   1910— FOSS   DEFEATS 

DRAPER     BY      33,000 — DEMOCRATIC      TIDAL      "WAVE      SWEEPS 

COUNTRY— DEMOCRATS    MAKE    BIG    GAINS    IN    THE 

STATE  LEGISLATURE. 

FOSS  as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  in  1910  re- 
minded one  of  the  dog  who  had  run  away  with  another 
canine's  bone.  By  all  the  rules  of  fair  play  the  nomination 
belonged  to  Vahey  who  had  led  two  forlorn  hopes  when  the 
chances  for  election  were  remote.  During  the  pre-convention 
fight  the  Vahey  adherents  attacked  Foss'  labor  record  and 
quoted  Samuel  Gompers,  head  of  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor  against  him.  Mr.  Gompers  didn't  like  Mr.  Foss' 
labor  record  in  Congress,  but  in  E.  Gerry  Brown,  one  of  his 
new  political  lieutenants  and  prominent  in  labor  circles,  Mr. 
Foss  found  a  ready  champion  who  claimed  that  Mr.  Foss's 
labor  record  in  Congress  was  satisfactory  to  organized  labor. 

Mr.  Foss  gathered  about  him  a  staff  of  ready  letter 
writers  and  immediately  after  his  nomination  began  to  lani- 
bast  his  opponents  with  typewritten  statements.  The  cam- 
paign on  the  Republican  side  was  well  under  way  before  the 
Democrats  had  settled  their  party  differences  and  Mr.  Foss 
felt  the  necessity  of  speeding  up  his  campaign.  Gov  Draper 
and  his  associates  realized  that  they  had  a  hard  fight  on  their 
hands.  They  knew  that  with  Foss  as  the  candidate,  the  Demo- 
crats would  not  want  for  the  sinews  of  war.  Foss,  they  rea- 
soned, had  the  cash  and  he  would  not  hesitate  to  spend  it. 
They  had  seen  Democrats  fight  among  themselves  before  and 
then  unite  against  their  opponent.  Republicans  also  noticed 
that  the  tide  of  public  sentiment  was  setting  against  them. 
They  had  witnessed  the  Democrats  increase  their  strength 
to  182,000  votes  at  the  last  State  election.  The  Payne-Al- 
drich  bill  was  unpopular  and  they  had  to  contend  against  the 
high  cost  of  living. 

Like  Champ  Clark,  the  Republicans  had  noticed  that  the 
most  sensitive  nerve  in  the  human  body  was  that  which  leads 
to  the  pocket  book.     People  rebelled  at  high  prices  and  were 

235 


ready  to  make  a  change.  They  were  willing  to  give  the  Dem- 
ocrats an  opportunity  to  reduce  the  high  cost  of  living  which 
some  Republican  spellbinders  declared  was  really  the  cost  of 
high  living.  The  Republicans,  with  all  these  things  In  .nind, 
worked  hard  to  stem  the  tide. 

Foss  knew  that  his  wealth  afforded  the  Republicans  an 
opportunity  to  criticise  him.  He  "beat  them  to  it,"  however, 
as  the  saying  is.  He  issued  a  broadside  against  Senator 
Lodge  and  Congressman  Gardner,  the  former's  son-in-law, 
saying  that  they  were  among  the  worst  offenders  in  the  spend- 
ing of  money  in  elections.  Senator  Lodge  in  a  speech  before 
the  New  England  Postmasters'  Association  had  decried  the 
use  of  money  in  elections,  saying  that  it  would  be  a  sorry  day 
for  the  country  when  the  result  of  an  election  would  be  deter- 
mined by  votes  bought  and  sold.  That  gave  Foss  his  oppor- 
tunity and  he  took  advantage  of  it.  In  reply,  Mr.  Foss  wrote 
in  an  open  letter  to  Mr.  Lodge : 

"I  am  vc-y  glad  to  see  that  Senator  Lodge  has  experienced  a 
change  of  heart.  It  is  time.  There  are  those  who  have  not  yet 
forgotten  Senator  Lodge's  early  campaign  for  Congress  when  his 
district  was  flooded  with  money,  how  this  scholar  in  politics  studied 
his  check  book  more  than  works  on  political  economy  and  depended 
upon  it  to  do  its  work. 

"The  public  has  not  forgotten  the  kind  of  campaign  he  waged 
when  chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  in  the  Robinson 
campaign  against  Butler.  If  ever  monej'  was  used  lavishly  and  to 
afifect  the  voters,  it  was  used  by  him  in  that  campaign. 

"The  pub'ic  has  not  forgotten  the  Shaw-Gardner  campaign  for 
Congress  when  Senator  Lodge's  son-in-law  practically  covered  the 
district  with  a  blanket  of  bank-notes  and  expenditures  ran  up  into 
the  scores  of  thousands  of  dollars. 

"Senator  Lodge  and  his  son-in-law  have  done  more  to  debauch 
and  corrupt  the  electorate  of  Massachusetts  by  the  lavish  and  un- 
called for  expenditure  of  money  than  any  other  two  men  in  the 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  and  there  have  been  some  pretty 
free  spenders  at  that  in  the  Republican  party." 

Senator  Lodge  was  Mr.  Foss'  favorite  target  in  the  cam- 
paign. The  Senator's  term  was  expiring  in  March,  1911  and 
the  Legislature  to  be  elected  would  choose  a  Senator  in 
January  Congressman  Butler  Ames  was  a  candidate 
against  Lodge.  Ex-President  Roosevelt  spoke  for  the  Repub- 
lican State  ticket  on  the  evening  of  Oct.  21  and  made  a  special 
appeal  for  the  re-election  of  Senator  Lodge.  Col  Roosevelt, 
of  course,  had  a  great  crowd  at  the  Arena.  He  spoke  from  a 
raised  platform  roped  off  like  a  prize  fight  ring.  It  was  her- 
alded abroad  that  the   Colonel   would  "knock  'em  over  the 

236 


ropes."  In  his  speech  he  make  a  savage  attack  on  Foss  say- 
ing that,  "It  would  be  scandalous  for  the  Commonwealth  to 
elect  as  Governor  a  man,  who.  having  tried  to  dominate  one 
party  and  failed,  having  made  money  in  stocks,  seeks  to  rise 
in  public  life  not  by  his  record  but  by  force  of  effrontry  and 
power  that  comes  from  money." 

The  attack  on  Foss  by  Col  Roosevelt  stirred  the  Dem- 
ocrats who  declared  that  the  statement  of  the  Ex-President 
was  far  from  the  truth  and  unworthy  of  a  man  who  had  oc- 
cupied such  a  high  office.  The  Democrats  followed  up  the 
Roosevelt  meeting  with  one  at  Tremont  Temple  at  which  all 
the  big  guns  of  the  party  in  Boston  were  present,  including 
Hamlin  and  Vahey.  Both  pledged  their  support  to  Foss. 
The  only  reference  Candidate  Foss  made  to  Col  Roosevelt's 
attack  on  him  was  ; 

"I  shall  not  be  swerved  by  personal  attacks  upon  me,  nor  di- 
verted from  the  discussion  of  the  issues  that  are  of  so  much  import 
to  the  people.  I  would  deem  mj'self  unworthy  to  lead  a  great  popu- 
lar movement  if  I  undertook  to  notice  such  attempts  to  befog  the 
public  minds  by  being  drawn  into  discussion  of  things  that  have  no 
place  in  an  earnest  discussion  of  political  policies." 

But  the  small  fry  attacked  the  Colonel  with  enthusiasm 
and  delight.  Mr.  Foss'  speech  was  a  narrative  of  what  he  had 
tried  to  do  in  an  industrial  way  in  the  State  as  a  manufac- 
turer and  the  rebuffs  he  had  met  at  the  hands  of  the  Repub- 
lican leaders  who  had  always  opposed,  he  said,  any  real  tariff 
revision  on  a  broad  and  beneficial  basis.  He  scoffed  at  the 
tariff  commission  established  by  the  Taft  administration  say- 
ing: 

"Realizing  that  the  people  are  aroused  and  indignant,  the  Re- 
publican leaders  urge  that  the  correction  of  admitted  evils  be  left 
to  a  tariff  commission  and  they  set  up  a  bogus  commission  which  is 
composed  merely  of  clerical  assistants  to  the  President,  whose  ex- 
istence is  not  justified  by  law  and  which  would  be  ended  by  the  re- 
fusal of  Congress  to  make  an  appropriation  for  its  continuance. 

"It  has  no  power  to  demand  and  obtain  the  information  necessary 
to  the  securing  of  data  that  would  be  sufficiently  reliable  to  enable 
it  to  arrive  at  a  correct  conclusion.  It  is  simply  as  it  stands  today, 
a  device  to  prevent  any  action  on  the  tariff,  and  the  people  know  it." 

By  this  time  the  campaign  was  in  full  swing.  The  Dem- 
ocratic fighting  blood  was  up  and  they  bade  their  old-time 
political  antagonists  to  come  on.  in  the  language  of  Macbeth : 

"Lay  on,  Macduff, 

"And  damned  be   him  that   first   cries,  'Hold,  enough!"' 

237 


Senator  Lodge  answered  Mr.  Foss'  charge  that  he  had 
spent  money  freely  in  corrupting  the  electorate,  saying : 

"Mr.  Foss  appeared  some  years  ago  suddenly  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Congressional  nomination  in  the  nth  district.  He  had  never 
been  heard  of  in  politics  before.  His  expenditures  in  securing  that 
nomination  over  Melvin  O.  Adams  were  notorious.  The  Boston 
Post  on  Oct.  13,  1902,  said  of  Mr.  Foss'  opponent,  'Sullivan  is  mak- 
ing a  fight  against  political  debauchery.' 

"In  common  with  many  Republicans  I  supported  Mr.  Foss  as 
the  party  candidate,  but  the  district  was  disgusted  by  his  methods 
and  he  was  defeated.     Two  years  later  he  ran  with  a  like  result. 

"He  then  tried  to  be  a  delegate  to  the  National  Convention. 
Large  sums  of  money  were  spent  in  his  behalf  for  that  purpose  and 
he  was  defeated  by  Col.  Benton.  He  subsequently  made  an  effort 
for  Lieutenant  Governor  by  similar  methods  and  with  like  results. 

"He  then  passed  over  to  the  Democratic  party.  He  tried  to  buy 
the  Republican  party  and  failed.  He  has  just  tried  to  buy  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  and  has  failed  in  that,  although  by  devious  methods  he 
has  received  the  nomination.  No  man  that  knows  anything  of  poli- 
tics doubts  that  if  the  Democratic  party  had  been  left  to  choose  its 
candidate  without  the  sinister  use  of  money  Mr.  Hamlin  would  have 
been  nominated. 

"The  scenes  at  the  Quincy  House  the  night  before  the  Demo- 
ratic  convention,  the  performances  at  Faneuil  Hall,  the  mail  ballot 
by  special  delivery,  are  all  fresh  in  everyone's  mind,  and  even  then 
Mr.  Foss  only  got  a  bare  majority  of  the  mail  ballot  and  only  de- 
feated Mr.  Hamlin,  who  had  no  money  to  throw  into  the  contest,  by 
less  than  a  dozen  votes. 

"The  question  now  is  whether  he  can  buy  Massachusetts.  I  do 
not  believe  the  State  is  for  sale.  I  do  not  believe  the  venal  vote  so 
far  as  it  exists  can  decide  the  election." 

In  the  last  week  of  the  campaign  the  labor  men,  who  were 
supporting  Foss,  got  a  letter  from  Samuel  Gompers  in  which 
the  latter  said  that  if  Foss  would  be  true  to  labor  he  ought  to 
be  supported  and  declared  that  Draper,  who  vetoed  the  Eight 
Hour  bill,  ought  to  be  defeated.  To  prove  that  Mr.  Foss  did 
urge  Gov  Draper  to  veto  the  Eight  Hour  bill,  the  Republicans 
produced  Foss'  letter  signed,  "B.  F.  Sturtevant  Co.,  E.  N.  Foss, 
Treasurer."  But  the  labor  men  didn't  care.  They  were  out 
to  get  the  scalp  of  Gov  Draper.  Mr.  Foss  kept  Gov  Draper 
and  Senator  Lodge  explaining.  His  literary  bureau  was 
working  overtime  and  as  fast  as  he  read  one  attack  from  the 
stump  it  supplied  him  with  another.  It  was  effective  cam- 
paigning. "Keep  the  other  fellow  explaining"  was  Foss'  idea. 
Almost  every  day  the  newspaper  headlines  told  of  some 
"explanation"  from  Gov  Draper  or  some  other  prominent  Re- 
publican. The  mill  towns  and  cities  were  enthusiastic  for 
the  Democratic  ticket. 

238 


As  election  day  approached,  the  betting  odds  were  on 
Foss.  The  day  before  election  the  betting  was  10  to  6  with 
Foss  the  favorite.  The  Republicans  did  everything  they  could 
to  arouse  their  voters.  The  Democrats  from  Foss  down  were 
claiming  50,000  plurality  for  the  head  of  the  ticket.  The  Re- 
publican managers  would  not  give  out  figures.  "We  will  win," 
was  their  only  prediction. 

Election  day  proved  that  Foss  was  only  about  20,000  out 
of  the  way  on  his  plurality.  It  was  33,779.  The  vote  for 
Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor  was :  For  Governor :  Foss, 
227,473;  Draper,  193,694;  For  Lieutenant  Governor:  Froth- 
ingham  202,823 ;  Cassidy,  197,240.  Frothingham's  plurality, 
5583. 

Boston  gave  Foss  a  plurality  of  27,357. 

The  Republicans  fared  better  in  the  Congressional  dis- 
tricts, electing  10  out  of  the  14  Congressmen.  Some  of  them 
were  elected  by  greatly  reduced  pluralities,  however.  For 
instance  Congressman  Lawrence's  plurality  was  only  500  over 
Lewis,  Gillett  418  over  McKechnie,  Wilder  over  Mitchell  117, 
Ames  over  Carmichael  5.54,  and  Harris  over  Thacher  156. 
The  Cape  was  still  insurgent.  In  the  Fourth  District  John  J. 
Mitchell  was  elected  to  fill  the  unexpired  term  of  Congress- 
man Tirrell  who  died.  Wilder,  the  Republican  nominee,  was 
elected  for  the  long  term. 

Representative  William  H.  O'Brien  of  Boston  volun- 
teered to  become  the  Democratic  sacrifice  in  the  6th  district. 
He  made  a  lively  campaign  but  Gardner  won  by  a  plurality  of 
5500.  The  Democrats  elected  to  Congress  were  John  A. 
Thayer  in  the  third  or  W^orcester  district,  who  won  over  Con- 
gressman Washburn  by  512,  William  F.  Murray  in  the  9th, 
defeating  Congressman  John  A.  Keliher,  Independent,  James 
M.  Curley  in  the  10th  and  Andrew  J.  Peters  in  the  11th.  One 
of  the  reasons  given  for  the  defeat  of  Congressman  Wash- 
burn was  that  the  Republicans  supposed  they  were  voting  for 
Ex-Congressman  John  R.  Thayer  of  Worcester  instead  of 
John  A.  Thayer. 

The  Democrats  gained  eight  seats  in  the  State  Senate, 
44  in  the  House  and  on  a  joint  vote  they  lacked  15  votes  to 
beat  Lodge  for  Senator.  Verily  their  cup  of  happiness  was 
being  filled  to  the  brim.  Mr.  Foss  announced  that  his  victory 
voiced  the  protest  of  Massachusetts  against  the  Payne-Al- 
drich  tariff  bill,  the  high  cost  of  living  and  the  broken  prom- 

239 


ises  of  the  Republican  party.  Chairman  Macleod  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic State  Committee  rejoiced  at  the  "downfall  of  Senator 
Lodge." 

Commenting  on  the  election  Congressman  Gardner  said 
that  it  was  no  use  blinking  at  the  fact  that  the  people  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  tarifif.  "I  deplore  the  fact  but  I  acknow- 
ledge it,"  added  this  doughty  champion  of  a  high  tariff.  Mr. 
Gardner  invited  political  destruction  in  the  campaign. 


Gov  Draper  transmitted  his  congratulations  to  Gov-elect 
Foss,  and  observed  that  he  would  cheerfully  return  to  pri- 
vate life. 

It  was  another  Democratic  tidal  wave  year.  Congress 
was  to  be  Democratic.  The  year  1910  introduced  Woodrow 
Wilson  to  the  public  eye.  He  was  elected  Governor  of  New 
Jersey  that  Fall.  Connecticut,  Ohio,  Nebraska.  New  York 
and  Wyoming  all  chose  Democratic  Governors.  Oyster  Bay, 
Cincinnati,  and  Nahant  went  Democratic.  Uncle  Joe  Cannon 
was  one  of  the  few  Stand-pat  survivors.  "I  am  elected  by 
6000,"  he  sent  word  in  a  message  to  his  friends  all  over  the 
country. 

"I  am  elected  by  6000.  I  am  a  Republican;  I  have  kept  the  faith;  1 
have  endorsed  and  have  not  apologized  for  the  legislation  of  this 
Congress,"  said  the  old  Roman. 

Mr.  Foss  made  a  return  under  the  Corrupt  Practice  Act 
of  spending  $37,000  in  his  campaign.  Gov  Draper  declared 
that  his  expenses  were  $17,000.  The  Governor-Elect  named 
Dudley  S.  Holman  of  Taunton  Secretary  and  Gardner  I.  Pear- 
son of  Lowell  Adjutant-General.  He  spent  a  lot  of  time  be- 
tween election  and  the  assembling  of  the  Legislature  trying 
to  manufacture  sentiment  against  Senator  Lodge  to  prevent 
the  latter's  re-election. 


240 


Senator  Lodge. 


CHAPTER  X'XXIII 

FOSS    FAILS    TO    DEFEAT    SENATOR    LODGE    FOR    RE-ELECTION- 
MAKES   PERSONAL  CAMPAIGN  AGAINST    SENATOR— LODGE 
WINS  BY  A  CLOSE  VOTE — AMES'  POOR  SHOWING. 

HAVING  defeated  Draper  for  Governor,  Mr.  Foss  turned 
his  attention  to  Senator  Lodge,  demanding  that  the  Sen- 
ator retire  as  a  candidate  for  re-election  under  pain  of 
incurring  the  determined  opposition  of  the  new  political  boss 
of  the  State.  Here  was  his  chance  to  even  political  scores 
with  Lodge  for  the  humiliation  the  latter  had  publicly  heaped 
upon  him.  Mr.  Lodge  declined  to  withdraw  and  ignored  the 
fulmination  of  the  Governor-elect.  Mr.  Foss  tried  to  induce 
Col  Gaston  to  become  a  candidate  against  Lodge  but  that  gen- 
tleman refused,  as  did  John  R.  Thayer,  Richard  Olney,  Henry 
M.  Whitney,  in  fact  every  Democrat  he  asked  publicly. 

Senator  Lodge's  friends  were  amazed  at  what  they 
termed  Foss'  "brazen  eflfrontry"  and  they  began  to  rally  about 
the  Senator.  It  was  the  first  real  serious  opposition  Mr.  Lodge 
had  had  in  his  senatorial  career.  Occasionally  some  Republi- 
can, smarting  under  a  real  or  fancied  slight  or  wrong  arose 
to  object  to  Senator  Lodge's  control  of  party  affairs,  but  he 
never  had  had  serious  opposition  in  his  own  party. 

In  a  way,  Foss'  violent  opposition  helped  the  Senator  and 
the  latter's  friends  declared  they  "loved  him  for  the  enemies 
he  had  made."  The  opposition  to  Lodge  united  the  Repub- 
licans. A  poll  of  the  legislators  by  the  Boston  Globe  shortly 
after  election,  showed  that  Mr.  Lodge  must  busy  himself  if 
he  was  to  be  re-elected.  Speaker  Walker  was  among  the  first 
to  come  to  his  aid.  Leading  Republicans  and  members-elect 
of  the  Legislature  followed.  Senator  Crane  was  early  on  the 
scene  in  behalf  of  his  colleague.  Of  Senator  Crane's  activi- 
ties, Mr.  Foss  remarked  "Uncle  Murray  better  remove  his 
gumshoes  and  take  to  the  tall  timber.  Gumshoeing  won't  ac- 
complish what  he  is  after  this  time."  If  Gov-elect  Foss  re- 
ceived letters  and  telegrams  encouraging  him  in  his  opposi- 
tion to  Lodge,  the  latter  also  got  messages  of  encouragement 
and  offers  of  help.     Foss  published  most  of  his,  but  Lodge 

241 


declined  to  make  his  public  on  the  ground  that  the  fair  name 
of  the  old  Commonwealth  meant  more  to  him  than  the  satis- 
faction of  seeing  paraded  in  public  print  what  leading  citizens 
thought  of  the  newly  elected  Chief  Executive. 

Representative  Norman  H.  White  of  Brookline,  jumped 
into  the  forefront  of  the  Lodge  firing  line  and  asked  Mr.  Foss 
10  questions  relative  to  his  past  and  present  political  perform- 
ances. Foss  replied  to  each  Republican  who  tackled  him.  As 
the  time  arrived  for  the  convening  of  the  Legislature,  Mr. 
Foss  asked  Senator  Lodge  to  join  him  in  a  plan  to  defer  the 
election  of  a  Senator  for  one  year  and  allow  the  people  at  the 
State  election  in  1911  to  indicate  their  senatorial  preference 
at  the  polls.  He  offered  to  submit  the  suggestion  to  the 
Legislature.     The  offer  was  ignored  by  Senator  Lodge. 

Then  Mr.  Foss  announced  that  he  would  campaign 
against  Mr.  Lodge  until  he  was  inaugurated  Governor  and  he 
invited  the  opposition  candidates  to  join  him  in  his  tour  of 
the  State.  Robert  Luce  stepped  into  the  breach  and  chal- 
lenged Foss  to  a  joint  debate  on  Lodge,  the  high  cost  of  liv- 
ing and  Republican  policies  in  general.  Mr.  Foss  not  being  a 
debater,  declined  to  meet  a  speaker  of  Mr.  Luce's  abilities. 
After  a  while  the  much  heralded  anti-Lodge  tour  of  the  State 
began  on  the  Cape.  Foss  was  able  to  muster  on  his  staff  the 
following,  all  of  whom  had  been  active  in  his  campaign  for 
Governor:  Ex-Mayor  Dickinson  of  Cambridge,  Senator  Na- 
son  of  Haverhill,  Ex-Representative  William  B.  Wilcutt  of 
Boston,  Andrew  J.  Solis  of  Newton,  a  woolen  manufacturer 
and  Sherwin  L.  Cook  of  Boston.  At  Provincetown,  the  Foss 
party  found  Norman  H.  White  on  the  ground  distributing  a 
pamphlet  entitled  "The  Truth  about  Lodge."  The  anti-Lodge 
barnstormers  had  a  very  good  meeting  and  pressed  into  ser- 
vice a  young  woman  singer  who  rendered  several  campaign 
songs  including  one  entitled  "Has  Anybody  Here  Seen 
Cabot?"  set  to  the  popular  tune  "Has  Anybody  Here  Seen 
Kelley?"  The  uncomplimentary  references  to  the  Senator  in 
the  song  pleased  the  Fossites  but  aroused  the  indignation  of 
Mr.  Lodge's  friends. 

After  the  State  election  Senator  Lodge  returned  to  Wash- 
ington, but  when  the  Foss  tour  began  his  friends  sent  for  him 
to  return  to  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Lodge  replied  that  he  would 
come  home  early  in  January.  Meanwhile,  in  the  Senate,  Mr. 
Lodge  had  declared  his  willingness  to  revise  certain  tariff 
Schedules. 

242 


'"When  the  devil  was  sick,  the  devil  a  monk  would  be; 
When  the  devil  was  well,  the  devil  a  monk  was  he.'  " 

was  Gov-elect  Foss'  comment  on  Senator  Lodge's  speech  in 
the  Senate  favoring  tariff  revision,  schedule  by  schedule, 
along  the  lines  suggested  by  President  Taft.  At  an  anti- 
Lodge  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Foss  referred  to  Lodge's  offer 
to  help  revise  the  tariff  as  a  "Deathbed  repentance." 

One  of  Mr.  Foss's  last  public  anti-Lodge  meetings  was  at 
Lynn.  Lynn  had  always  been  one  of  Lodge's  strongholds. 
He  had  represented  that  city  in  Congress  and  he  had  many 
warm  supporters  there.  The  Foss  meeting  was  a  fizzle.  Rep- 
resentative Cogswell,  whom  Foss  depended  upon  to  preside, 
declined  to  have  anything  to  do  with  it.  The  audience  was 
made  up  mostly  of  Democrats.  Representative  Odlin,  a  Pro- 
gressive Republican  was  the  presiding  officer  and  speeches 
were  made  by  Sherwin  L.  Cook,  Arthur  L.  Nason,  William  B. 
Wilcutt,  Ex-Mayor  Dickinson  of  Cambridge,  Mr.  Foss  and 
Asa  R.  Minard  of  Boston.  Representative  Michael  S.  Keenan 
of  Lynn  undertook  to  question  Governor-elect  Foss  regarding 
a  promoting  charge  Foss  had  made  against  Lodge  in  a  pre- 
vious speech,  but  Mr.  Foss  paid  no  attention  to  Keenan  and 
proceeded  with  his  appeal  to  defeat  the  Senator. 

A  few  days  after  the  Lynn  meeting  Henry  M.  Whitney 
who  had  worked  with  Foss  in  the  Reciprocity  movement  and 
who  had  taken  a  great  interest  in  the  poltical  success  of  Mr. 
Foss  in  the  gubernatorial  campaign,  came  out  in  a  public  state- 
ment for  the  re-election  of  Lodge.  Col  Gaston  was  Mr.  Whit- 
ney's personal  preference  for  Senator,  but,  he  said,  since  Col 
Gaston  had  seen  fit  to  withdraw  from  the  contest  his  judg- 
ment was  that  Senator  Lodge  should  be  chosen.  Importance 
was  attached  to  Mr.  Whitney's  stand,  not  only  because  he  had 
been  one  of  the  foremost  advocates  of  reciprocity  with  Cana- 
da, which  Senator  Lodge  had  been  accused  of  opposing,  but 
also  because  of  his  close  personal,  financial  and  political  rela- 
tions with  Gov-elect  Foss.  Mr.  Foss'  Democratic  cohorts  pro- 
ceeded to  read  Mr.  Whitney  out  of  the  Democratic  party.  It 
was  all  right  for  them  to  support  Foss,  a  Republican,  for 
Governor  but  an  unpardonable  sin  for  Mr.  Whitney  to  favor 
a  Republican  for  United  States  Senator. 

Then  came  the  Symphony  Hall  meeting  when  Senator 
Lodge  rendered  an  account  of  his  stewardship  before  a  sym- 
pathetic audience  that  packed  the  hall  and  2000  inore  over- 

243 


flowed  into  Chickering  Hall.  Hundreds  were  turned  away- 
owing  to  lack  of  accommodations.  It  was  a  great  welcome  Sen- 
ator Lodge's  friends  tendered  him.  There  was  no  presiding 
officer,  no  master  of  ceremonies.  The  senior  Senator  was  in 
the  house  of  his  friends.  The  band  was  playing  and  the  big 
audience  was  singing  "America"  when  promptly,  at  8  o'clock, 
the  Senator  walked  upon  the  platform  unattended. 

After  five  minutes  of  enthusiastic  applause  and  cheering, 
a  hush  fell  on  the  audience  and  the  Senator  began  his  speech. 
As  he  recounted  the  things  he  had  done  during  the  past  18 
years  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  as  he  got  warmed  up  to 
his  subject,  the  audience  more  and  more  began  to  feel  the  thrill 
of  his  personality.  His  account  of  his  stewardship  was  fasci- 
nating. He  quoted  with  something  like  dramatic  effect  from  a 
speech  he  made  in  New  York  in  1884,  in  which  he  pointed  out 
the  great  questions  that  were  coming  up  and  that  would  have 
to  be  settled  and  in  the  settling  of  which  he  had  taken  an  ac- 
tive part. 

He  aroused  great  enthusiasm  v/hen  he  told  of  his  ac- 
tivity in  the  upbuilding  of  the  navy,  because  he  believed  a 
powerful  navy  was  the  one  great  assurance  of  peace  with  the 
'United  States.  His  work  in  suppressing  the  White  Slave 
traffic  was  also  loudly  applauded,  as  was  his  work  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Philippines,  especially  the  organic  act  which 
gave  stable  government  to  the  islands,  and  the  free  trade 
clause  in  the  Payne-Aldrich  tariff,  which  he  said  was  one  of 
the  reasons  why  he  voted  for  that  tariff. 

When  he  said,  "I  am  a  Republican  and  a  Protectionist," 
there  was  another  great  outburst  of  applause  which  was 
repeated  as  he  unfolded  his  reasons  for  his  political  faith.  He 
pointed  out  that  he  had  been  working  for  reciprocity  with  Ca- 
nada for  seven  years,  but  he  did  not  believe  in  unequal  reci- 
procity with  Canada.  He  had  voted  for  a  corporation  tax, 
which  he  regarded  as  equivalent  to  an  income  tax.  He  had 
voted  for  an  income  tax,  but  that  question  was  being  solved 
in  many  states  by  means  of  an  inheritance  tax.  'T  think  I  can 
say,"  said  Senator  Lodge  in  the  course  of  his  speech, 

"That  I: 

"Put  my  creed  into  my  deed 

Nor  spoke  with  double  tongue/' 

Senator  Lodge's  peroration  deserves  a  place  in  any  narra- 
tive of  his  campaign  for  a  fourth  term.     He  was  never  more 

244 


eloquent  or  intensely  dramatic  than  when,  after  briefly  re- 
counting his  career  in  Washington,  he  stepped  forward  to 
the  edge  of  the  stage  and  said : 

"Thus,  in  outline,  and  only  outline  is  possible,  I  have  given  an 
account  of  my  service  and  of  my  opinions  on  present  questions. 
That  record  I  submit  to  the  judgment  of  my  fellow  citizens  and  to 
those  who  represent  them  in  the  Legislature.  It  is  not  for  me  to 
comment  upon  it  or  to  plead  for  it  in  my  own  behalf. 

"Two  things  only  will  I  say.  My  public  service  is  all  public. 
I  have  never  had  a  private  interest  which  in  the  remotest  way  con- 
flicted with  or  affected  my  performance  of  my  public  duties.  I  have 
never  been  engaged  in  any  private  business.  I  have  never  been  a 
director  or  officer  of  any  corporation  since  I  entered  Congress  and 
only  once  before  that  time.  I  have  never  had  a  connection  direct  or 
indirect  with  the  promotion  of  any  financial  or  industrial  enterprise. 
I  have  no  secrets.     I  have  nothing  to  conceal. 

"No  one  is  so  acutely  conscious  as  I  of  the  mistakes  I  have 
made;  no  one  realizes  as  I  realize  how  often  I  have  failed  to  reach  in 
full  completion  the  ideals  I  have  sought  to  attain.  But  the  record  is 
there  for  the  world  to  see.  There  is  not  a  page  upon  which  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  are  not  welcome  to  look;  there  is  not  a  line 
that  I  am  afraid  or  ashamed  to  have  my  children  and  my  grand- 
children read  when  I  am  gone. 

"I  have  cherished  with  reverence  the  dignity  and  the  traditions 
of  the  great  office  which  I  hold.  I  have  never  suffered  tliem  to  be 
lowered.  T  will  not  drag  them  through  the  mire  of  personal  con- 
troversy or  soil  them  with  the  rancor  of  personal  altercation  for  any 
reward  that  can  be  offered  me. 

"I  received  from  my  predecessors  the  great  traditions  of  the 
Senatorship  of  Massachusetts  as  a  sacred  trust,  and  they  shall  re- 
main in  my  hands  or  pass  from  me  to  my  successor  unstained,  un- 
tainted, unimpaired.  I  would  at  least  have  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts able  to  say  of  me  that 

T  nothing  common  did  or  mean 
Upon  that  memorable  scene.' 

"I  am  a  Senator  of  the  United  States.  My  firs:  allegiance  as 
an  American  is  to  the  great  Nation  founded,  buih  up,  preserved  b> 
heroic  sacrifices  and  untold  treasure.  My  first  loyalty  is  to  that 
bright  flag  in  which  the  stars  glitter  and  to  which  we  bare  our  heads 
in  homtge  as  it  floats  above  our  soid'ers  and  our  sailors  and  th<; 
sight  of  which  dims  our  eyes  and  chokes  our  throats  when  we  see 
it  in   a  foreign  land. 

"But  I  am  also  a  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  and  that  last 
word  touches  the  chords  of  memory  with  tender  hand  and  moves 
the  heart  of  all  to  whom  it  speaks  of  home.  I  was  born  and  bred  in 
Massachusetts.  I  love  every  inch  of  the  old  State,  from  the  rocks 
of  Essex  and  the  glittering  sands  of  the  Cape  to  the  fair  valley  of 
the   Connecticut   and   the  wooded   Berkshire   hills. 

"Here  my  people  have  lived  before  me  since  the  days  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company.  They  lie  at  rest  in  the  graveyards  of 
Essex,  on  Boston  Common,  beneath  the  shadow  of  Park-st  church. 
Here  I  have  lived  all  my  life.  Here  my  dead  are  buried.  Here  I 
hope  and  pray  my  children  and  my  children's  children  will  always 
live  and  serve  the  State  in  peace  and  war  as  best  they  may. 

245 


"To  this  love  I  add  the  deep  gratitude  I  feel  to  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  for  the  confidence  they  have  so  long  reposed  in  me. 
No  matter  what  the  future  may  have  in  store,  that  gratitude  which 
comes  from  my  heart  can  never  be  either  chilled  or  lessened.  To  be 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  had  been  the  pride  of  my  life.  I  have 
put  aside  great  offices  for  to  me  no  public  place,  except  one  to  which 
I  never  aspired,  has  seemed  equal  to  that  which  I  held,  and  there  was 
assuredly  none   which   could  so   engage   my   ^iffections. 

"I  have  valued  the  high  positions  given  nie  in  the  Senate  be- 
cause they  meant  large  opportunity  and  testified  to  the  trust  and 
confidence  of  my  associates.  But  I  prize  them  most  because  they 
give  to  Massachusetts  the  place  which  is  du©  her  in  the  councils  of 
the   Nation. 

"I  have  felt  greatly  honored  when  the  Republican  party  of  the 
Nation  placed  me  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  and 
twice  made  me  permanent  chairman  of  a  National  Convention.  But 
I  cared  for  those  honors  most  because  I  could  lay  them  at  the  feet 
of  Massachusetts  as  mute  witnesses  that  now,  as  in  the  past,  she 
was  a  leader  among  the  States. 

"Every  tradition  of  our  great  State  is  dear  to  me,  every  page  of 
her  history  is  to  me  a  household  word.  To  her  service  I  have  given 
the  best  years  of  my  life  and  the  best  that  was  in  me  to  give.  I 
believe  that  I  have  not  been  an  altogether  unprofitable  servant.  1 
have   given   my   all;   no  man   can   do   more. 

"Others  may  well  serve  her  with  greater  ability  than  I.  I  fer- 
vently hope  that  there  will  be  many  such  others  in  the  days  to  come, 
when  her  light  will  still  shine  before  men  as  it  now  shines  with 
steady  radiance  in  the  pages  of  history.  Others  may  easily  serve 
her  better  than  I  in  those  days  yet  to  be,  but  of  this  I  am  sure;  no 
one  can  ever  serve  her  with  a  greater  love  or  deeper  loyalty." 

The  speech  was  well  received  throughout  the  State  and 
there  is  little  doubt  that  Mr.  Lodge  disarmed  some  of  his 
critics  by  his  free,  frank  and  manly  statement  of  his  case. 

Col  Gaston  felt  obliged  to  say  something  on  the  sit^ia- 
tion  in  order  to  allay  Democratic  suspicions  that  he  would 
prefer  to  see  Lodge  elected  to  certain  Democrats  and  he 
issued  a  statement  saying: 

"I  believe  that  a  Democrat  should  be  nominated  by  a  caucus  of 
the  Democratic  members-elect  of  the  next  Legislature  to  oppose  Mr. 
Lodge  and  that  every  possible  effort  should  be  made  by  the  Demo- 
crats in  the  Legislature  to  defeat  Mr.  Lodge  with  a  Democrat  but 
not  with  a  Republican. 

"I  am  opposed  to  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lodge.  In  my  opinion 
it  is  still  the  duty  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  Legislature  to 
nominate  a  proper  Democratic  candidate  and  to  support  him  to  the 
end." 

A  few  of  the  anti-Lodge  Republicans,  notably  Russell 
Wood  of  Cambridge  tried  to  start  a  movement  for  Speaker 
Walker  but  the  latter  put  his  foot  down  on  the  plan,  announc- 
ing that  he  would  nominate  Mr.  Lodge  for  re-election  in  the 
Republican  caucus  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature. 

246 


William    P.    Hayes. 


Robert  J.   Crowley. 


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Frederick  J.    Macleod. 


Joseph   A.    Maynard. 


After  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature  on  the  afternoon 
of  Jan.  13,  a  conference  of  the  Democratic  members  was  called. 
117  out  of  126  Democratic  members  attended  and  the  situa- 
tion was  thoroughly  canvassed.  After  an  informal  ballot  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  the  consensus  of  opinion  of  the  mem- 
bers, in  which  17  candidates  were  voted  for,  the  high  man  be- 
ing John  R.  Thayer,  of  Worcester,  it  was  voted  to  caucus 
the  following  Monday. 

Russell  Wood  sent  out  a  call  for  a  "Fair  Play"  confer- 
ence of  the  Republicans.  The  Lodge  men,  a  few  of  whom  at- 
tended, made  a  farce  of  it  and  it  adjourned  without  taking 
any  action.  Butler  Ames  and  his  friends  were  busy  and  Gov 
Foss  was  lending  all  the  aid  he  could  to  demoralize  the  Re- 
publicans and  at  the  same  time  keep  the  Democrats  guessing 
what  he  was  up  to. 

The  first  legislative  skirmish  in  the  U  S  Senatorial  con- 
test at  the  State  House  January  17th,  resulted  in  the  unani- 
mous renomination  of  Senator  Lodge  in  the  Republican  cau- 
cus. All  of  the  avowed  Ames  men  remained  away,  as  well  as 
a  few  anti-Lodge  men.  Some  of  Senator  Lodge's  supporters 
were  unable  to  be  present  for  business  reasons.  There  were 
28  absentees.  Just  before  the  Republican  caucus  Ex-Gov  Guild 
who  had  been  urged  to  enter  the  contest  declined  to  do  so  and 
said  he  favored  the  re-election  of  Senator  Lodge.  At  the  cau- 
cus most  of  Guild's  friends  went  over  to  Lodge.  Speaker 
Walker  kept  his  promise  to  nominate  Senator  Lodge  in  the 
caucus. 

When  the  Democrats  held  their  caucus,  Sherman  L. 
Whipple  of  Brookline,  classmate  of  William  Howard  Taft, 
Republican  President  of  the  United  States,  received  their  nom- 
ination for  United  States  Senator  on  the  fifth  ballot.  Mr. 
Whipple  was  regarded  as  the  personal  choice  of  Gov  Foss. 
His  boom  was  sprung  by  those  closely  affiliated  with  the  po- 
litical fortunes  of  the  Governor  and  by  considerable  quiet  lob- 
bying during  the  previous  week  the  Governor's  friends  suc- 
ceeded in  nominating  Mr.  Whiple.  Mr.  Whipple  was  compar- 
atively a  new  man  in  State  politics.  John  R.  Thayer  led  all 
competitors  up  to  the  fourth  ballot.  On  the  fifth  his  vote 
dwindled  to  almost  one  half  of  Whipple's  and  the  latter  had 
*eight  more  than  enough  to  nominate.  The  fifth  ballot  resulted 
as  follows:  Whole  number  of  votes  cast:  111  ;  necessary  for  a 
choice :  56;  Whipple  64;  Thayer  34;  O'Connell  11 ;  Gov  Foss  2. 

247 


Senator  Roger  Sherman  Hoar  of  Concord  tried  to  interest 
the  caucus  in  a  scheme  for  a  special  election  to  ascertain  the 
choice  of  the  people  on  the  Senatorship,  but  no  action  was 
taken.  He  asked  all  those  present  to  be  on  hand  at  the  hear- 
ing on  the  proposed  bill  promised  by  the  Committee  on 
Elections  for  the  purpose  of  urging  a  favorable  report  on  it. 

There  was  suppressed  excitement  in  and  about  the  State 
House  on  the  afternoon  of  Jan  17  when  both  branches  were  to 
take  their  first  vote  on  the  Senatorship.  The  Lodge  men  had 
plugged  every  hole  on  the  Republican  side  of  the  fence  and 
were  ready  for  the  opposition.  Every  seat  in  the  galleries  of 
both  Houses  was  taken  and  the  floor  looked  like  inauguration 
day  with  its  crowded  aisles,  filled  with  friends  of  the  candi- 
dates interested  in  the  outcome.  The  vote  of  both  branches 
was  as  follows: 

Senate  :  Number  of  votes  cast,  40 ;  necessary  for  choice, 
21;  Lodge  24  ;  Whipple  14;  Ames  2;  House:  Number  of 
votes  cast,  239;  necessary  for  choice,  120;  Lodge  117;  Whipple 
109;  Ames  6;  Walker  4;  Guild  1;  Thayer  1;  McBride  1. 

Lodge  received  the  largest  number  of  votes  but  lacked 
three  of  a  majority,  m.aking  a  ballot  necessary  in  joint  con- 
vention next  day.  Immediately  after  the  voting,  Speaker 
Walker  sent  a  letter  to  the  four  men  who  had  balloted  for 
him,  saying  that  while  he  appreciated  the  honor  he  must  pro- 
test and  asked  them  not  to  vote  for  him  at  the  joint  conven- 
tion. The  result  of  the  first  day's  balloting  indicated  that  Mr. 
Lodge  would  be  elected  at  the  joint  convention  of  both 
Houses  by  at  least  one  vote.  He  did  even  better  and  was  re- 
elected for  his  fourth  term  with  five  votes  to  spare.  The  joint 
ballot  for  Senator  was  as  follows: 


Lodge  146 

Whipple     121 

Ames    7 

Lowell    2 

Thayer   i 

McBride    i 

Guild     I 

In  balloting  in  the  joint  convention,  two  Democratic  Sen- 
ators, Michael  J.  Murray  and  Martin  P.  F.  Curley  of  Boston, 
shifted  their  votes  from  Whipple  to  Lodge.  Representative 
Arkwell  of  Worcester  who  voted  for  Speaker  Walker  the  day 
before  changed  his  vote  to  Lodge.     One  of  Ames'  men,  Kil- 

248 


Patrick  of  Lowell,  also  voted  for  Lodge.  Representative 
Greenwood  of  Everett  who  voted  for  Speaker  Walker  the  day- 
previous  did  not  respond  when  his  name  was  first  called  but 
before  the  conclusion  of  the  calling  of  the  roll  he  voted  for 
Lodge. 

The  other  Walker  men  changed  to  Pres  Lowell  of  Har- 
vard who  received  two  votes  for  Senator.  Cogswell  of  Lynn 
cast  his  vote  for  Curtis  Guild  Jr  as  he  did  on  the  first  ballot. 
The  only  absentee  was  James  H.  Mclnerney,  Democrat,  of 
Boston. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Lodge's  Symphony  Hall  speech  he  left 
for  Washington  and  committed  the  care  of  his  interests  to 
his  friends  in  the  Legislature.  His  son-in-law,  Congressman 
■  Gardner  remained  to  direct  the  fight.  On  hearing  of  his  re- 
election Mr.  Lodge  expressed  his  gratitude,  saying: 

"I  am  very,  very  grateful  to  the  legislators  of  Massachusetts 
and  to  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth,  whom  they  represent,  for 
the  signal  honor  they  have  conferred  upon  me  for  a  fourth  time  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  I  am  deeply  indebted  to  those  news- 
papers in  Boston  which  have  earnestly  and  ably  sustained  me,  and 
to  the  press  of  the  State  almost  without  exception  for  the  powerful 
and  convincing  support  it  has  so  generously  given  to  me. 

"To  the  Republicans  of  the  State  and  of  the  Legislature,  I  wish 
to  express  my  gratitude  which  is  heartfelt  for  the  unwavering  sup- 
port they  have  given  me,  a  support  which  I  trust  may  not  be  un- 
serviceable to  the  great  party  in  whose  principles  we  all  alike  believe. 

"I  am  deeply  grateful  to  my  friends,  both  in  the  Legislature  and 
outside  it,  who  have  labored  for  me  with  a  loyalty,  a  devotion  and 
a  complete  disinterestedness  which  I  have  never  seen  equalled.  I 
cannot  find  words  adequately  to  express  my  sense  of  gratitude  for 
such  devotion  and  loyalty.  I  can  only  hope  that  my  friends  who 
have  so  labored  for  me  will  all  realize  what  I  feel,  how  heartfelt  are 
my  thanks,  and  I  trust  that  I  may  be  able  to  repay  them  by  service 
to  the  country  and  to  the  State  which  they  will  deem  worthy  of  a 
Senator  from  Massachusetts." 

Nahant  had  a  celebration  over  the  re-election  of  its  dis- 
tinguished citizen.  The  Senator  was  deeply  touched  by  the 
demonstration  in  his  old  home  town.  It  was  a  proud  moment 
for  the  senior  Senator  when  he  was  sworn  in  for  another  six 
years  service.  His  election  was  a  knockout  blow  for  Gov  Foss 
who  begrudgingly  signed  his  certificate  of  election.  The  two 
Democratic  Senators  who  voted  for  him  and  the  one  Repre- 
sentative who  remained  away  from  the  joint  session  were 
berated  by  the  anti-Lodge  press  and  accused  of  all  sorts  of 
political  crimes.  The  Representative,  it  was  claimed,  had  been 
the  beneficiary  of  a  favor  at  the  hands  of  Senator  Lodge  some 

249 


years  before;  one  of  the  Senators,  it  was  claimed,  hoped  to 
receive  some  favors  for  a  son  in  the  navy,  while  the  other,  it 
was  asserted,  voted  for  Lodge  because  an  old  friend  who  had 
helped  him  many  times  asked  him  to  do  so.  Not  even  Senator 
Lodge's  bitterest  political  foes  charged  corruption  or  inti- 
mated that  any  questionable  methods  had  been  resorted  to  in 
the  campaign.  Senator  Lodge's  fourth  re-election  was  a  high 
tribute  to  the  man  and  an  appreciation  of  his  worth  as  a 
Massachusetts  representative  in  the  upper  branch  of  Con- 
gress. 


250 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 

CONTEST  OVER  SPEAKERSHIP  OF  THE   HOUSE   OP  1911— WALKER 
DEFEATS   MARTIN   M.    LOMASNEY   AFTER  A  SHARP  FIGHT. 

ORDINARILY  the  contest  for  Speaker  of  the  Massachu- 
setts House  of  Representatives  is  a  factional  fight  with- 
in the  Republican  ranks.  The  public  service  corpora- 
tions make  their  influence  felt  and  it  is  seldom  that  a  man 
reaches  that  office  who  is  not  regarded  by  them  as  "safe  and 
sane."  Indeed  there  are  cases  where  the  corporations  and 
some  of  the  big  banking  houses  of  Boston  have  actually  pick- 
ed the  Speaker  of  the  House  and  the  President  of  the  Senate 
and  have  lined  up  the  votes  for  them.  The  corporations  feel 
that  they  must  protect  their  vested  interests  and  guard  against 
unjust  laws  from  their  standpoint.  Having  paved  the  way 
for  the  Speaker,  the  next  thing  is  to  see  that  the  legislative 
committees  which  report  on  proposed  legislation  which  af- 
fects them  are  not  wholly  unfriendly.  The  activities  of  the 
corporations  begin  at  the  start — the  primaries — and  their 
"grapevines"  lead  to  every  branch  of  the  government. 

For  a  generation  or  more,  the  Republicans  never  had  to 
worry  about  the  Speakership  of  the  House.  Republican  after 
Republican  succeeded  Republicans  in  that  office.  It  was  a 
coveted  place,  a  stepping  stone  to  the  Governorship.  The 
election  in  1910  gave  the  Republicans  only  a  slim  majority  of 
the  lower  branch.  In  the  organization  of  the  House  of  1911, 
the  Democrats  needed  but  nine  more  votes  to  control  it  and 
elect  its  officers.  The  lone  Socialist  would,  in  all  probabilityj 
vote  with  them  they  reasoned.  All  that  was  necessary  then 
was  to  ensnare  eight  Republicans.  There  were  plenty  of  Re- 
publicans who  didn't  approve  of  Speaker  Walker.  He 
wobbled  too  much  politically  to  suit  them  or  else  they  were 
dissatisfied  with  his  course  as  Speaker. 

The  Democrats  had  carefully  scanned  the  situation  and 
it  was  given  out  at  headquarters  that  Representative  Martin 
M.  Lomasney  of  Boston  would  be  a  candidate  for  Speaker. 
Mr.  Lomasney  didn't  say  so  but  his  friends  declared  that  they 

251 


felt  sure  that  they  would  be  able  to  capture  enough  Republi- 
can votes  to  land  him  in  the  Speaker's  chair  if  the  Democrats 
would  line  up  solidly  for  him.  There  was  the  rub.  Lomasney, 
a  rough-and-tumble  political  fighter,  had  many  enemies  in 
his  own  party  and  they  began  to  busy  themselves  against  him. 
For  years  Lomasney  had  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
forceful  men  in  the  Legislature.  In  his  long  political  career 
he  had  made  many  influential  friends  among  the  Republicans 
some  of  whom  winked  at  his  aspirations  to  preside  over  the 
House. 

Walker  and  his  friends  began  to  get  uneasy.  Open  war 
on  Lomasney  was  decided  upon.  At  a  meeting  of  some  of 
Speaker  Walker's  supporters  it  was  decided  that  the  Speaker 
should  sound  the  alarm.  In  an  address  to  the  public  Mr. 
Walker  said : 

"I  feel  that  it  is  important  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
clearly  understand  the  political  situation  in  this  Commonwealth,  as 
it  relates  to  the  House  of  Representatives  which  will  convene  on 
Jan  4  next. 

"In  the  House  there  will  be  127  Republicans,  112  Democrats  and 
one  Socialist.  The  membership  of  the  House  is  240.  If  all  members  are 
present  it  will  reiuire  121  votes  to  elect  a  speaker.  If  the  Democrats 
and  the  Socialist  vote  unitedly  for  a  Democratic  candidate  it  will  be 
necessary  for  that  candidate  to  get  but  eight  Republican  votes  to 
make  him  Speaker  of  the  House. 

"There  is  a  serious  and  determined  efifort  on  the  part  of  the 
Boston  Democracy  to  get  possession  of  the  House.  Their  candidate 
will  be  Martin  M.  Lomasney  of  Ward  8,  Boston.  I  am  informed 
that  Mr.  Lomasney  is  claiming  that  he  has  enough  votes  to  elect 
him  Speaker.  I  do  not  believe  it  but  that  the  situation  is  serious 
cannot  be  denied. 

"If  Republicans  are  absent  from  the  House  when  the  House 
convenes  at  11  o'clock  on  Wednesday,  Jan.  4,  or  if  the  Republicans 
allow  their  votes  for  Speaker  to  be  split,  the  situation  becomes  still 
more  serious.  A  strenuous  effort  is  being  made  to  induce  some  Re- 
publicans to  be  absent  and  to  induce  other  Republicans  to  vote  for 
some  one  other  than  the  Republican  nominee  for  Speaker. 

"Every  possible  wire  is  being  pulled  on  the  quiet  to  bring  about 
this  result.  The  fight  is  being  waged  not  simply  to  turn  over  a  Re- 
publican House  to  the  Democrats,  but  to  turn  it  over  to  the  Boston 
Democratic  machine  for  their  own  purpose.' 

There  was  one  Democratic  stumbling  block  in  Mr.  Lo- 
masney's way.  Representative  Charles  F.  McCarthy  of  Marl- 
boro was  a  candidate  for  the  nomination.  The  leaders  of  the 
Democratic  legislative  forces  stacked  the  cards  against  Mc- 
Carthy and  he  was  denounced  as  a  traitor.  Other  Democra- 
tic members  were  suspected  and  accused  of  treachery.  New 
Year's  day,  McCarthy  announced  that  he  was  willing  to  meet 

252 


Lomasney  for  a  show  down  of  strength,  adding  that  if  the 
latter  could  show  him  that  he  had  the  most  votes  he  would 
quit.  Lomasney  had  the  most  votes  and  McCarthy  acknowl- 
edged it.  By  a  vote  of  78  to  4  the  Democratic  caucus  of  the 
House  members  nominated  Lomasney  over  McCarthy  and 
the  latter  made  the  selection  unanimous. 

The  Republicans  of  the  House  caucused  the  morning  of 
the  day  of  the  convening  of  the  Legislature.  After  Speaker 
Walker  had  been  renominated,  Mr.  Cushing  of  Boston  moved 
that  the  caucus  favor  an  open  ballot  for  Speaker.  He  said 
he  had  seen  by  the  papers  that  25  Republicans  would  vote 
for  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Speaker.  "I  for  one  do  not 
wish  to  be  exposed  to  any  suspicion  of  disloyalty,"  he  said. 
"I  wish  to  have  it  known  how  I  vote  and  I  think  every  man 
in  this  room  wishes  it." 

"I  would  personally  trust  every  man  in  the  room  to  the  last 
ditch,"  said  Speaker  Walker.  "I  haven't  asked  for  an  '^pen  ballot 
but  I  am  willing  to  take  the  decision  of  the  House.  The  people  have 
a  right  to  know  how  we  act  in  this  matter.  It  has  been  the  custom  in 
Massachusetts  to  have  a  secret  ballot,  but  it  was  because  there  has 
never  been  a  contest  like  this  one.  The  Speaker  of  the  National 
House  is  elected  on  an  open  ballot  and  is  the  custom  in  other  palia- 
mentary  bodies.  I  believe  I  have  as  many  personal  friends  in  the 
Democratic  party  as  my  friend  Lomasney  has  in  the  Republican 
party.  We  have  a  rule  that  a  roll  call  may  be  demanded  at  any  time 
in  order  that  members  may  have  a  vote  on  record  when  they  deem 
it  advisable.  I  am  willing  to  leave  it  entirely  in  your  hands  and  in 
the   hands    of   the   House." 

Mr.  White  of  Brookline  said  he  was  surprised  that  the 
House  hadn't  always  had  an  open  ballot,  "This  is  no  time 
for  cowards  in  the  Republican  party.  Any  man  who  won't 
stand  up  and  tell  the'  State  whom  he  wants  for  Speaker  should 
leave  the  Republican  party,"  said  Mr.  White.  The  motion 
was  then  carried  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  124  members. 

When  the  House  met  the  fight  to  make  Lomasney  Speak- 
er began  before  Gov  Draper  had  left  the  rostrum,  after  swear- 
ing in  the  members.  Representative  Reidy  of  Boston,  a  Dem- 
ocrat, jumped  to  his  feet  and  addressed  the  presiding  officer 
but  the  chair  refitsed  to  give  his  attention  to  any  one  while 
the  official  party  was  filing  out  of  the  chamber.  While  they 
were  passing  up  the  aisle,  Representative  Underbill,  of  Somer- 
ville,  advanced  to  the  clerk's  desk  and  handed  him  a  motion 
that  the  rules  of  last  year  year  be  adopted. 

Fighting  began  at  once.     Representative   Washburn  of 

253 


Worcester  offered  a  motion  which  precipitated  the  battle  of 
the  day.  He  moved  that  the  House  proceed  to  the  election 
of  a  Speaker  and  that  each  Representative  as  his  name  was 
called  by  the  clerk  should  rise  in  his  seat  and  announce  his 
choice  for  Speaker. 

Representative  Lomasney  immediately  raised  a  point  of 
order  that  this  motion  was  not  in  order,  under  the  provision 
of  rule  8  of  the  House  of  the  year  before,  which  read  as  fol- 
lows: 

"In  cse  of  a  vacancy  in  the  office  of  Speaker  or  in  case  the 
Speaker  or  the  member  named  by  him  in  accordance  with  the  preced- 
ing rule  (to  preside  over  the  House)  is  absent  at  the  hour  to  which 
the  House  stands  adjourned,  the  senior  member  present  shall  call  the 
House  to  order  and  shall  preside  until  a  Speaker  pro  tempore  or  a 
Speaker  is  elected  by  ballot,  which  shall  be  the  first  business  in  order." 

Representative  Eames,  the  presiding  officer,  by  reason 
of  seniority,  ruled  that  the  point  of  order  was  not  well  taken 
as  this  rule  applied  only  in  cases  when  a  permanent  Speaker 
had  been  chosen  and  is  absent. 

Representative  Lomasney  appealed  from  the  decision  Df 
the  chair,  and  after  a  long  debate  the  House  voted  to  sustain 
the  chair  by  a  vote  of  125  to  109.  In  appealing  from  the  de- 
cision of  the  chair,  Mr.  Lomasney  said : 

"For  the  first  time  in  132  years,  the  order  of  things  in  the  House 
is  about  to  'be  changed.  This  is  because  certain  men  in  the  House 
presume  to  put  themselves  above  their  fellows;  they  presume  to 
doubt  the  integrity  of  the  word  of  some  of  their  associates.  This 
change  is  not  because  of  any  public  demand,  but  because  the  Speaker 
last  Sunday  appealed  to  the  Republicans  to   come  and   save   him. 

"Why  does  he  change  now?  For  two  years  he  has  sat  in  that 
chair  and  by  his  fair  and  manly  course  has  won  the  approbation  of 
all.  Why  does  he  change  Because  of  his  friends  1  am  told.  I 
say,  God  save  him  from  his  friends.  I  will  call  to  your  attention  a 
similar  incident  in   1880,   when  we   had  a  somewhat   similar  contest. 

"There  were  three  candidates  then.  Our  rules  distinctly  state 
that  the  Speaker  shall  be  elected  by  ballot  and  that  probably  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  gentleman  from  Somerville  (Mr.  Underbill).  He 
shakes  his  head  and  smiles;  so  much  the  worse. 

"When  he  found  us  supporting  his  order,  if  he  was  a  fair  man 
and  a  square  man,  he  would  act  differently.  We  are  now  sworn  in 
and  all  our  acts  can  be  tested  in  the  courts.  I  make  fhis  offer  that 
the  gentleman  from  Somerville  again  offer  his  order  and  let  us  have 
a  clean  vote  upon  it." 

Representative  Washburn  of  Worcester,  answering  the 
speech  of  Mr.  Lomasney  said  that  any  one  would  well  hesitate 
in  crossing  swords  with  the  unique  figure  whose  work  in  the 
Legislature  and  the  politics  of  Boston  and  the  State  was  so 

254 


Thomas  F.  Cassidy. 


Allen   T.  Treadway. 


Robert  M.  Washburn. 


Martin     M.     Lomasney. 


well  known.  "His  purity,"  said  Mr.  Washburn,  "which  he 
has  likened  to  the  snow  on  the  hilltops  of  the  State,  is  I  fear, 
also  like  the  snow  in  that  it  melts  with  the  first  rain.  I  trnst 
the  House  will  uphold  the  ruling  of  the  chair." 

Although  he  made  a  gallant  fight  for  the  Speakership, 
Lomasney  was  unable  to  hold  the  Democratic  vote  and  the 
promised  support  from  dissatisfied  Republicans  did  not  ma- 
terialize. Joseph  Walker  was  elected  Speaker  for  the  third 
time.  The  open  ballot  probably  saved  him.  The  vote  for 
Speaker  on  the  open  ballot  was : 

Whole  number  of  votes  cast,  233 ;  necessary  for  a  choice, 
117;  Joseph  Walker  130;  Martin  M.  Lomasney  99;  Charles  F. 
McCarthy  4. 

Five  Democrats  voted  for  Walker  and  four  voted  for 
Charles  F.  McCarthy  of  Marlboro.  Those  voting  for  Walker 
were:  O'Hearn  of  Framingham,  Bartlett  of  Plymouth,  Dwyer 
of  Weymouth,  Parker  of  Wobum,  and  Pope  of  Leominster. 

In  the  Senate  President  Treadway  was  again  re-elected. 
The  14  Democratic  members  of  the  Senate  voted  for  Senator 
John  F.  Malley  of  Springfield  for  President. 


255 


CHAPTER  XX'XV 

GOV  FOSS'   FIRST   ADMINISTRATION— HIS   RADICAL.   INAUGURALr— 
FRICTION  BETWEEN  EXECUTIVE  AND   LEGISLATIVE   DEPART- 
MENTS— SPIRITED    CONTEST    OVER    ELECTION    OF    SECRE- 
TARY  OF    STATE — SENATOR   WHITE    CHOSEN   AUDITOR 
— LONGEST    LEGISLATIVE    SESSION    ON    RECORD — 
TECH'S   MILLION. 

EUGENE  Noble  Foss  began  the  first  of  his  three  terms  as 
Governor  Jan.  5,  1911.  Five  years  had  passed  since  the 
Democrats  had  witnessed  the  inauguration  of  a  Govern- 
or of  their  party.  They  made  the  most  of  the  occasion.  Two 
thousand  invitations  to  be  present  at  the  inaugural  ceremonies 
were  issued.  Judging  by  the  size  of  the  crowd  at  the  State 
House  none  of  the  invitations  went  astray  in  the  mails. 

The  House  galleries  were  packed.  Every  inch  of  space 
in  the  chamber  where  the  exercises  took  place  was  occupied 
by  the  friends  and  admirers  of  the  new  Chief  Executive. 
Prominent  Democrats,  unable  to  obtain  seats,  stood  in  the 
main  aisle  to  witness  the  ceremony  of  inaugurating  the  45th 
Governor  under  the  Constitution,  to  hear  him  read  his  inaug- 
ural and  to  test  the  sincerity  of  his  newly  professed  political 
faith. 

There  was  a  good  representation  of  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  and  Superior  Courts  present  and  three  ex-Govern- 
ors, J.  Q.  A.  Brackett,  Curtis  Guild  Jr,  and  John  L.  Bates, 
added  further  dignity  to  the  occasion,  while  representatives 
of  foreign  governments  occupied  seats  of  honor  in  the  body 
of  the  House. 

The  Governor's  wife  and  two  daughters,  his  father  and 
mother,  George  E.  Foss  of  Chicago,  Republican  Congressman 
from  the  10th  Illinois  district,  the  Governor-elect's  brother, 
and  other  relatives  of  the  Foss  family,  and  a  half  hundred 
close  personal  and  political  friends  occupied  seats  in  the 
Speaker's  gallery. 

It  was  a  great  day  for  the  Foss  family.  The  oath  of  of- 
fice was  administered  by  President  Treadway  of  the  Senate 
at  12.20  P  M  and  thenceforth  for  three  years,  Mr.  Foss  kept 
politicians,  office  holders  and  the  public  guessing  what  his 

256 


next  move  would  be.  He  got  a  lot  of  fun  out  of  the  Govern- 
orship. He  ofTended  many  who  believed  that  a  certain  amount 
of  dignity  went  with  the  office. 

Following  Gov  Foss  three  years  in  his  political  gyrations 
requires  an  agile  mind.  At  times  it  is  tiresome,  especially  if 
one  thinks  one's  self  detecting  a  lack  of  sincerity  in  the  ac- 
tions of  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  State.  He  played  politics 
in  almost  everything.  The  ease  with  which  Mr.  Foss  could 
change  his  political  coat  was  exceeded  only  by  his  ability  to 
escape  from  a  compromising  position.  His  critics  termed 
him  the  political  Hudini.  This  doubtful  compliment  he  seemed 
to  enjoy. 

The  main  points  of  his  inaugural  may  be  summarized  as 
follows : 

Abolish  the  boss,  the  caucus,  the  nominating  convention;  in 
fact,  all  political  machinery." 

He  declared  for  the  initiative,  the  referendum  and  the  recall. 

Labor's  rights  must  be  recognized  and  the  v/orkmen  exempted 
from  unfair  injunction  proceedings. 

Declared  for  a  workingmen's  compensation  act. 

He  demanded  the  immediate  installation  of  vocational  and 
trade  schools. 

He  asked  for  legislation  with  a  view  to  bring  trunk  lines  of 
railroads  of  this  country  and  Canada  to  our  ports,  the  development 
of  the  Port  of  Boston  by  co-operation  of  the  State  and  city  in  own- 
ership of  docks  and  terminals,  and  a  system  of  waterways  and  canals 
to  supplement  railroads. 

He  denounced  Holding  companies,  and  cited  the  Boston  Hold- 
ing company  as  an  example;  quasi-public,  or  public-service  corpora- 
tions desiring  anything  from  the  Legislature  should  put  their  case 
before  the  public  itself. 

That  delays  in  the  courts  may  be  avoided,  he  recommended  an 
increase  in  the  number  of  Justices  of  the  Superior  Court.  Recom- 
mended that  the  salaries  of  Justices  of  the  Supreme  and  Superior 
Courts  be  increased. 

He  called  for  a  State  Finance  Commission  to  oversee  the  bus- 
iness methods  of  the  various  State  and  county  departments,  and, 
when    occasion    demanded,    city   and    town    governments. 

On  business  principles  he  was  opposed  to  commissions,  and  ad- 
vised abolition  of  the  Railroad,  Gas  and  Electric  Light,  Boston 
Transit  and  the  Highway  Commissions,  and  in  their  place,  to  exer- 
cise all  their  functions,  the  creation  of  a  Public  Utilities  Board,  to 
be  composed  of  five  members,  with  terms  of  lo  years  each,  any  mem- 
ber subject  to  recall  at  any  State  election. 

He  declared  for  the  creation  of  a  Greater  Boston  by  a  com- 
mercial and  political  unions,  on  the  borough  system,  of  all  the  cities 
and  towns  within  a  radius  of  lo  miles,  every  city  and  town  to  pre- 
serve its  autonomy,  individuality  and  historic  interest.  He  com- 
mitted himself  unreservedly  to  the  principle  of  home  rule  fur  cities. 

He  denounced  the  use  of  money  in  elections.  Carriages  r.'-eded 
to  take  infirm  voters  to  the  polls  should  be  paid  by  the  State;  elec- 
tion warden  should  have  power  to  issue  warrant  and  bring  to  polls 

257 


able  bodied  citizens  who  neglect  to  cast  ballot.  State  should  pro- 
vide political  parties  with  halls  in  which  to  hold  rallies  in  State  elec- 
tions, and  provide  candidates  with  circulars  in  which  they  can  give 
their  arguments. 

He  demanded  legislation  for  the  direct  nomination  of  United 
States  Senators  by  the  people,  and  confidently  expected  the  Legisla- 
ture to  elect,  irrespective  of  party,  a  successor  to  Mr.  Lodge  who 
would  "represent  the  progressive  platform  for  which  the  majority 
of  the  people  voted." 

He  recommended  that  in  redistricting  the  State  as  demanded 
by  Federal  law,  no  consideration  should  be  given  lo  partisan  schemes 
but  that  every  district  should  be  laid  out  on  geometrical  lines  of 
latitude   and   longitude   by   State    engineers. 

He  interpreted  the  verdict  at  the  last  election,  as  a  demand  that 
duties  be  removed  from  all  food  products,  raw  materials  be  placed 
on  free  list,  and  substantial  reductions  be  made  on  manufactured 
goods;  that  the  Federal  Government  reduce  United  States  duties 
to  a  level  with  those  of  Canada,  and  then  seek  further  reciprocal 
trade  relations  with  her  and  other  countries. 

Massachusetts  should  aid  the  Federal  Government  in  levying  an 
income  tax. 

He  gave  the  Legislature  plenty  to  think  about.  One  of 
the  first  things  Gov  Foss  did  was  to  consult  the  Attorney- 
General  concerning  a  special  election  in  the  Cape  Congres- 
sion  District  which  he  represented  until  he  v.-as  sworn  in  as 
Governor.  Judge  Harris,  of  Bridgewater,  had  been  elected  for 
the  long  term,  but  there  remained  only  a  few  weeks  more  of 
Foss'  term  prior  to  the  passing  of  the  61st  Congress.  Atty 
Gen  Malone  decided  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  hold  an 
election  under  the  laws  before  Congress  adjourned  and  so  no 
precept  for  an  election  was  issued. 

Speaker  Walker  began  early  in  the  session  to  manifest 
Progressive  predelictions.  He  introduced  a  direct  nomination 
bill  for  Governor  and  other  State  officers.  It  was  interpreted 
as  a  notice  to  the  Republicans  that  he  was  in  a  receptive 
state  of  mind  on  the  Governorship. 

Gov  Foss  had  been  in  office  hardly  two  weeks  when 
Judge  Harris  of  the  Superior  Court  resigned  to  take  effect 
March  1  when  he  was  to  assume  his  duties  as  Congressman 
from  the  14th  district  succeeding  Foss.  Judge  Bond  of  the 
same  court  had  just  died  and  Mr.  Foss  began  his  great  record 
as  a  judge  maker  which  has  never  been  equalled  by  any  other 
Governor  in  the  past  25  years  in  point  of  the  number  of  ap- 
pointees to  the  bench. 

In  accordance  with  his  announced  policy  of  "persistent, 
pitiless  publicity"  Gov  Foss  broke  all  precedents  and  gave 

258 


out  a  list  of  names  submitted  to  him  for  two  justices  of  the 
Superior  Court.  No  other  Governor  had  done  such  a  thing  and 
it  created  a  mild  sensation  in  legal  and  political  circles. 

After  a  brief  delay  he  named  Joseph  F.  Quinn  of 
Salem  and  John  D.  McLaughlin,  Assistant  Corporation  Coun- 
sel of  Boston  to  the  two  vacancies.  Both  were  promptly  con- 
firmed. He  never  published  any  more  lists  of  candidates  for 
any  office  and  like  most  of  those  who  shout  the  loudest  for 
publicity  in  public  affairs  he  soon  became  as  exclusive  and 
as  uncommunicative  as  an  old  fashioned  politician  who  de- 
lights surprising  the  public  in  his  selection  of  public  officials. 

The  Legislature  was  called  upon  during  the  session  to 
fill  two  important  State  offices.  William  M.  Olin,  Secretary 
of  State  and  Henry  E.  Turner,  State  Auditor  died.  Under 
the  law  the  Legislature  elected  their  successors  to  fill  out  their 
unexpired  terms.  The  contest  over  the  Secretaryship  which 
was  the  first  to  be  filled  was  bitter  and  partizan. 

Death  claimed  Col  William  M.  Olin,  Secretary  of  State, 
in  the  middle  of  the  session.  The  Legislature  took  appropriate 
action  and  recorded  its  appreciation  of  the  long  and  faithful 
services  of  the  popular  and  efficient  State  official.  Funeral 
services  were  held  at  his  home.  The  body  was  taken 
to  Ithe  State  House  where  it  lay  in  State  in  the  Hall  of 
Flags.  Every  mark  of  respect  was  shown  the  late  Secretary 
of  State  by  his  G  A  R  comrades,  the  Governor,  State  officials, 
and  members  of  the  Legislature. 

The  flowers  over  the  newly  made  grave  of  Sec  Olin  were 
hardly  wilted  before  the  fight  began  over  his  successor.  The 
Legislature  filled  the  vacancy  by  electing  Representative  Al- 
bert P.  Langtry  of  Springfield.  The  Democrats  voted  for 
Frank  J.  Donahue.  The  vote  was:  Langtry  151;  Donahue 
123;  Sherman  1;  Blank  1, 

The  election  of  Langtry  required  the  most  drastic  and 
partisan  measures  witnessed  in  the  Massachusetts  Legisla- 
ture in  a  generation.  The  Republican  leaders  realized  that 
heroic  treatment  was  necessary  in  Langtry 's  case.  They  were 
afraid  that  if  they  didn't  compel  their  members  to  show  their 
hands  their  chances  for  electing  their  candidate  for  Secretary 
of  State  would  be  jeopardized  and  they  accordingly  proceeded 
to  put  their  steam  roller  into  use. 

Men  who  talked  insurgency  24  hours  before,  voted  like 

259 


regulars  when  the  ballots  were  cast.  It  was  apparent  that 
the  Republicans  had  whipped  every  man  into  line  and  that  it 
was  a  straight  out  and  out  party  fight,  the  moment  Speaker 
Walker  relinquished  the  chair  and  turned  the  gavel  over  to 
President  Treadway  of  the  Senate,  when  both  branches  of  the 
Legislature  convened  and  began  the  task  of  choosing  Col 
Olin's  successor. 

Speaker  Walker  who  directed  the  Republican  forces 
sounded  the  party  call  in  the  first  notes  of  his  speech.  John 
F.  Meany,  of  Blackstone,  the  temporary  House  Democratic 
leader,  prompted  and  aided  by  Martin  M.  Lomasney,  accepted 
the  challenge,  and  from  that  moment  the  charices  of  elect- 
ing a  Democrat  to  succeed  Col  Olin  vanished.  It  was  just 
what  the  Republican  leaders  wanted.  Up  to  that  time  they 
were  in  doubt,  but  never  for  a  moment  did  they  question  their 
ability  to  control  the  convention  after  partisan  politics  had 
been  injected  into  it.  Speaker  Walker,  leaving  the  chair,  took 
the  floor  and  offered  a  motion  for  an  open  ballot  for  Secretary 
,of  State  on  the  ground  that  the  legislators  were  acting  in  a 
representative  capacity  and  that  the  people  had  the  right  to 
know  how  they  voted. 

Representative  Meaney  of  Blackstone  moved  to  substi- 
tute a  motion  providing  that  each  member  of  the  convention, 
as  his  name  was  called,  should  deposit  his  ballot  in  a  recep- 
tacle for  the  purpose.    Speaking  to  his  motion,  he  said : 

"This  is  a  convention  for  the  election  of  a  Secretary  of  State, 
and  not  a  caucus  to  advance  the  welfare  of  any  poiltical  party;  I 
hope  it  will  be  conducted  according  to  the  Constitution  of  our  own 
State  and  according  to  no  other  authority,  not  even  that  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

The  Republicans  followed  their  caucus  vote,  favored  the 
open  ballot  and  thus  once  more  saved  their  candidate.  The 
Republican  caucus  chose  Senator  John  E.  White  of  the  Cape 
over  Elmer  C.  Potter  as  their  candidate  for  State  Auditor. 
White  was  one  of  the  most  popular  members  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. He  had  personal  friends  in  the  Democratic  party  and 
the  latter  contented  itself  in  his  case  in  casting  a  perfunctory 
vote  for  its  candidate,  Representative  Lincoln  Breckinridge 
of  North  Adams  at  the  joint  convention.  The  Auditorship 
was  filled  in  July  towards  the  end  of  the  session  when  every- 
body except  the  Governor  was  anxious  for  the  Legislature  to 
adjourn. 

260 


Eben    S.    S.    Keith. 


Alexander    McGreeor. 


Levi    H.    Greenwood. 


R'jgcr    Sherman    Hoar, 


William  Jennings  Bryan,  the  Democratic  National  leader 
visited  Boston  early  in  March  and  was  the  guest  of  both 
branches  of  the  Legislature.  In  the  upper  branch  the  Sena- 
tors rose  to  receive  him  as  he  entered  the  chamber  and  in  the 
House  the  applause  that  followed  his  speech  continued 
through  his  leave  taking  until  he  had  passed  out  of  the  hall. 
Before  he  left  the  State  House  Mr.  Bryan  pronounced  Gov 
Foss  the  "hottest  thing  in  the  Progressive  line"  that  he  had 
run  across  in  the  East. 

The  session  of  1911  was  the  longest  in  the  history  of  the 
State,  exceeding  the  Butler  year  of  1883  when  the  Legislature 
was  in  session  203  calendar  days.  The  session  of  1911  occu- 
pied 206  calendar  days,  being  prorogued  at  6.59  P.  M.,  Friday, 
July  28.    719  acts  and  153  resolves  were  passed. 

Several  times  the  legislators  manifested  a  desire  to  be 
prorogued.  Republicans  and  a  few  Democrats  treated  with 
scorn  many  of  the  Governor's  suggestions  for  legislation.  His 
official  message  writer  kept  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  busy,  trot- 
ting back  and  forth  to  the  Executive  Department,  doing  es- 
cort duty  for  the  Governor's  veto  and  message  bearer.  On 
several  occasions  when  messages  were  announced  "from  His 
Excellency,"  the  announcement  was  received  with  derisive 
laughter  and  at  times  Democrats  vied  with  Republicans  i.i 
putting  the  measures  over  the  Governor's  veto. 

Acts  of  discourtesy  and  even  open  insult  did  not  bother 
Governor  Foss.  Towards  the  end  of  the  session  he  openly  de- 
fied the  members  of  the  Legislature  and  bade  them  go  on  with 
their  opposition.  In  the  middle  of  July,  while  the  House  was 
discussing  his  veto  of  the  increase  of  their  salaries  from  $750 
a  year  to  $1000,  the  78th  message  from  the  Governor  arrived 
and  for  the  first  time  in  the  memory  of  the  oldest  attache  of 
the  House,  a  message  from  the  Governor  of  the  State  was 
received  with  groans,  cat  calls,  hisses  and  unprintable  re- 
marks by  the  Representatives.  In  an  interview  in  the  Boston 
Globe,  Gov  Foss  thus  commented  on  the  attitude  of  the  Leg- 
islature towards  him : 

"This  fight  for  right  legislation  has  hardly  begun  yet.  It's  cnly 
in  its  infancy.  Let  them  come  on.  They'll  find  me  ready  any  time 
they  want  to  start  in. 

"I've  been  hearing  from  the  people  and  I  know  they  have  a 
pretty   good  idea  of  the  situation   at  the   State   House. 

"If  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  wants  to  go  before  the  peo- 
ple of  the  State  on  its  record  and  mine,  I'm  ready.  Let  them  start 
at  once  and  they'll  find  me  right  on  the  job  all  the  time. 

261 


"I  shall  be  at  the  State  House  tomorrow,  the  next  day  and  all 
next  week.  If  the  Legislature  thinks  that  they  are  through  with 
the  people  and  with  me,  they'll  find  out  before  long  that  they  are 
slightly  mistaken. 

"I  was  elected  on  a  platform  that  promised  certain  specific 
things  to  the  people  of  the  State  and  I  propose  so  far  as  I  am  per- 
sonally able,  assisted  by  the  powers  conferred  upon  me  by  the  Con- 
stitution, to  see  to  it  that  those  pledges  made  on  every  platform  from 
which   I   spoke  are  redeemed. 

"A  recreant  Legislature  has  no  terrors  for  me.  The  fight  is  on 
and  they'll  find  me  standing  where  I  stood  nine  months  rgo  when 
I  promised,  if  elected,  to  give  the  State  a  business-like  administra- 
tion in  the  interest  of  all  the  people. 

"My  nomination  papers  have  been  taken  out.  I  am  a  candidate 
for  re-election.     That's  my  answer  to  the   Legislature." 

The  newspaper  men  had  come  to  refer  to  the  Governor 
as  the  "Old  Boy."  The  nickname  stuck  to  him  through  his 
three  terms.  It  was  a  favorite  term  of  his  own.  He  frequently- 
used  it  in  chats  with  newspaper  men  and  others.  The  Con- 
stitution gives  the  Governor  the  right  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Council  to  prorogue  the  Legislature  and  unless 
he  consents  to  adjournment  it  must  remain  in  session.  Under 
the  law  the  Legislature  cannot  adjourn  itself  over  more  than 
two  legislative  days.  The  Governor  had  the  whip  hand  in 
this  case. 

Local  history  does  not  record  an  instance  of  a  Massa- 
chusetts Legislature  turning  on  the  Chief  Executive  of  the 
Commonwealth  as  it  did  on  Governor  Foss  when  the  Senate, 
without  the  semblance  of  debate,  passed  over  his  veto  two 
bills  in  succession  by  a  vote  of  28  to  0. 

The  position  of  the  House  was  as  emphatic  and  pro- 
nounced as  that  of  the  Senate.  The  leaders  of  the  Governor's 
own  party,  with  few  exceptions,  appeared  to  be  more  vindica- 
tive than  the  Republicans.  Leader  Lomasney  of  the  Demo- 
crats in  the  House  mildly  rebuked  Leader  Underbill  of  the 
Republicans  for  his  language  in  reference  to  the  Governor's 
message  under  discussion,  but  the  same  Democratic  leader 
cast  his  vote  with  those  who  disagreed  with  His  Excellency 
and  voted  to  pass  the  measures  over  the  Governor's  veto. 

The  following  day  the  House  outdid  the  Senate  by  pass- 
ing over  the  Governor's  veto  the  bill  for  pensions  of  members 
of  the  State  police,  putting  them  on  the  same  basis  as  that  of 
the  Boston  police.  Having  done  this  the  same  body  proceeded 
to  pass  over  his  veto  the  bill  to  increase  the  salary  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Legislature  from  $750  to  $1000.  It  also  passed 
over  the  Governor's  veto,  the  bill  to  establish  minimum  sala- 

262 


ries  of  judges  and  registrars  of  probate.  Lack  of  co-operation 
between  the  Legislative  and  Executive  departments  is  not  con- 
ducive to  the  best  results  in  law  making.  During  the  entire 
session  of  the  Legislature,  the  State  departments  and  the 
Legislature  were  kept  in  a  turmoil.  There  was  politics  on  the 
Republican  side  as  well  as  on  the  Democratic  side.  Not  much 
of  Gov  Foss'  ambitious  Legislative  program  was  enacted  into 
law  in  the  form  he  demanded  it.  One  of  the  last  acts  of  the 
Democratic  members  was  to  name  a  Legislative  committee  to 
stir  up  interest  in  the  Fall  contests  for  Legislative  seats  and 
the  conference,  which  chose  the  committee,  sullenly  endorsed 
Gov  Foss  for  re-election. 

January  25th,  Gov  Foss  sent  a  special  message  to  the  Leg- 
islature asking  for  authority  to  investigate  all  departments 
before  he  made  up  the  budget.  The  Ways  and  Means  com- 
mittee, to  which  the  request  was  referred,  reported  and  the 
investigation  proceeded  after  the  Foss  fashion.  Economy  and 
efficiency  experts  were  employed  at  high  salaries  and  they  be- 
gan their  work.  Norman  H.  White  of  Brookline,  chairman 
of  the  House  Ways  and  Means  committee  objected  to  their 
methods  and  claimed  that  the  Executive  was  usurping  the 
powers  of  the  House,  but  the  investigation  went  on  and  their 
reports  were  spasmodically  made  public  by  the  Governor. 
Some  of  the  State  department  heads  objected  to  the  acts  of 
the  experts  and  denounced  their  reports,  notably  State  Treas- 
urer Stevens,  who  vehemently  asserted  that  the  experts  had 
misrepresented  things  in  his  department.  The  upshot  of  the 
experts'  investigation  was  a  demand  by  the  Governor  for  the 
creation  of  a  State  Finance  Commission  which  would  superin- 
tend all  public  expenditures  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  the 
Legislature  refused  to  authorize  the  establishment  of  such  a 
department. 

The  Governor  did  get  through  his  Port  Directors  bill  and 
an  appropriation  of  $9,000,000  for  harbor  development  of  Bos- 
ton. At  the  head  of  this  commission  he  named  Hugh  Ban- 
croft. From  this  apropriation  was  built  the  great  Common- 
wealth Dock  headhouse  and  the  locality  improved,  but  the 
wisdom  of  such  a  large  outlay  of  public  money  has  been  se- 
riously questioned  since  competent  experts  declare  that  the 
State  has  a  "white  elephant"  on  its  hands.  The  Port  Direc- 
tors   also    purchased    East    Boston    water    front    property 

263 


which,  when  improved  ought  to  enhance  the  value  of  the  East 
Boston  Land  Co.'s  holdings  owned  largely  by  Gov  Fcss. 

One  of  the  commendable  pieces  of  legislation  passed,  was 
the  Cavanagh  Loan  Shark  bill,  regulating  through  a  State 
Commissioner  named  by  the  Governor,  the  small  loan  busi- 
ness which  had  preyed  upon  poor  people  and  charged  them  ex- 
cessive interest  on  loans.  The  legislation  didn't  accomplish 
all  that  it  was  hoped  it  would  but  it  brought  the  loan  sharks 
under  State  control. 

Labor  didn't  get  all  it  expected.  The  Governor  signed 
^he  54  hour  bill  under  pressure  but  he  vetoed  the  Peaceful 
Picketing  bill.  The  Senate  killed  the  Public  Opinion  bill.  A 
new  Corrupt  Practices  bill  became  a  law  limiting  the  amount 
of  money  a  candidate  may  spend  in  the  primaries  for  a  nomin- 
ation and  at  the  polls  election  day. 

Taxation  was  a  question  close  to  Gov  Foss'  heart  and  he 
wrote  and  talked  much  about  it.  Prof  Bullock  of  Harvard 
was  employed  to  advise  the  Governor  on  the  question,  but  the 
average  Legislator  knows  little  about  such  an  intricate  prob- 
lem and  they  viewed  with  suspicion  Foss'  attitude  on  the 
question  believing  that  his  scheme  favored  the  man  of  wealth 
and  they  turned  down  his  tax  reform  scheme. 

He  gave  his  approval  to  the  legislative  invitation  to  the 
Grand  Trunk  Railway  of  Canada  to  build  a  line  to  Boston  and 
demanded  the  repeal  of  the  Railroad  Holding  measure,  where- 
by the  New  Haven  held  control  of  the  Boston  and  Maine  R. 
R.  The  latter  demand  was  not  granted.  The  Institute  of 
Technology  was  given  a  $1,000,000  grant  and  in  signing  the 
bill,  Gov.  Foss  said  that  the  understanding  was,  that  it  should 
be  the  last  State  aid  the  institution  would  ask  of  the  Com- 
monwealth. The  House  killed  a  Sunday  baseball  bill.  The 
Senate  also  killed  what  was  known  as  the  Lifting  Jack  bill, 
which  would  compel  railways  to  carry  lifting  jacks  on  every 
car. 

For  years  the  proposition  to  erect  a  statue  to  Gen  Butler 
had  been  coming  before  the  Legislature.  There  was  always 
violent  opposition  to  it  from  certain  elements.  As  a  rule,  the 
Democrats  generally  favored  the  idea.  This  year  the  com- 
mittee on  State  House  grounds  reported  favorably  for  an  ap- 
propriation, but  the  bill  didn't  reach  the  Executive  Depart- 
ment. 

The  bill  forbidding  Chinese  keeping  restaurants  was  de- 

264 


dared  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  at- 
tempt to  pass  such  a  law  was  abandoned.  The  attempt  to 
amend  the  Boston  charter  was  beaten.  The  annexation  of 
Hyde  Park  to  Boston  was  authorized  and  a  referendum  at- 
tached, submitting  the  proposition  to  both  Hyde  Park  and 
Boston  voters.  Woman  Suffrage  was  beaten  by  a  vote  of 
161  to  69  in  the  House  and  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  31  to  6. 
The  House  went  on  record  by  a  vote  of  170  to  7i7  favoring  the 
direct  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the  people,  but 
the  Senate  on  a  close  vote  killed  the  proposition. 

Gov  Foss'  first  veto  was  negatived  in  the  House  by  a  vote 
of  155  to  51.  The  bill  provided  that  applicants  under  rhe  Civil 
Service  law  should  not  be  compelled  to  set  out  in  their  appli- 
cation blanks  offenses  committed  before  they  were  16  years 
of  age.  Although  the  persistent  rumor  was  that  the  Govern- 
or would  veto  the  Veterans'  retirement  bill,  whereby  veter- 
ans in  the  service  of  the  City  of  Boston  might  be  retired  on 
half  pay,  he  signed  it  after  a  conference  with  Representative 
Lomasney,  one  of  its  advocates. 

The  liquor  people  made  a  determined  fight  in  the  Legisla- 
ture to  repeal  the  Bar  and  Bottle  bill  but  were  unsuccessful. 
The  House  ratified  the  amendment  to  the  U  S  Constitution 
on  the  income  tax.  The  Senate  rejected,  but  the  following 
year  both  branches  accepted  it  and  thus  closed  a  question 
which  had  agitated  the  Legislature  for  several  years. 

His  veto  of  the  Boston  elementary  school  teachers  in- 
crease of  salary  brought  down  a  storm  of  abuse  on  his  head 
and  the  advocates  of  the  measure  were  unable  to  put  it  over 
his  veto.  Gov  Foss  took  the  ground  that  it  was  a  question 
for  the  Boston  School  Board  to  determine,  rather  than  the 
Legislature,  the  same  position  he  took  on  the  bill  lowering 
the  height  of  members  of  the  Boston  Fire  Department,  say- 
ing that  the  city  authorities  should  regulate  that  question. 

As  the  session  was  nearing  its  end,  Gov  Foss  sent  a  com- 
munication to  the  Legislature  demanding  an  investigation  of 
the  business  methods  of  the  United  Shoe  Machinery  Co.  but 
the  Legislature  sent  word  back  that  there  was  law  enough 
if  an  investigation  were  needed.  The  term  of  office  of 
Police  Commissioner  O'Meara  of  Boston  expired.  As  usual, 
the  Governor  kept  everybody  guessing.  Democratic  politi- 
cians wanted  O'Meara  turned  down,  but  on  May  30  the  Gov- 
ernor sent  O'Meara's  name  to  the  Executive  Council  for  an- 

265 


other  term  of  five  years.  The  nomination  was  confirmed  un- 
der a  suspension  of  the  rules.  For  months  the  Governor  had 
been  "jollying"  two  old  neighbors,  telling  them  that  they  were 
the  kind  of  men  he  wanted  for  Police  Commissioner.  He  was 
in  the  habit  of  walking  from  his  home  in  Jamaica  Plain  to  the 
State  House  fine  mornings.  One  of  the  applicants  he  disposed 
of  after  a  brisk  walk  up  Beacon  Hill.  The  prospective  police 
commissioner  was  obliged  to  lean  against  the  embankment  at 
the  State  House  grounds,  to  get  his  breath  before  essaying  to 
run  up  the  steps  after  His  Excellency.  Whereupon,  the  Gov- 
ernor informed  him  that,  as  a  policeman  should  be  long- 
winded,  he  would  not  do.  The  other  victim  of  his  cruel  hoax 
was  told  the  day  of  the  nomination,  to  go  down  to  Newspaper 
Row  at  3  P  M  and  there  he  would  learn  something  that  would 
"please  him."  He  did  so,  and  shortly  after  3PM  the  news- 
paper bulletin  boards  announced,  in  big  letters,  the  reappoint- 
ment and  confirmation  of  O'Meara. 


266 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

STATE  CAMPAIGN  OP  1911— JUDICIAL  AND  OTHER  APPOINTMENTS 
BEFORE   THE  OPENING  OF  THE   BATTLE   FOR  FOSS'    RE-ELEC- 
TION— CONTEST     FOR     REPUBLICAN     GUBERNATORIAL 
NOMINATION    WON    BY    FROTHINGHAM — FOSS 
RE-ELECTED. 

1 

i 

ENOUGH  votes  had  been  cast  for  Foss  as  a  Progressive 
in  the  last  State  election  to  constitute  a  political  party 
within  the  meaning  of  the  law  and  the  Governor  was 
in  a  position  to  hold  that  over  the  heads  of  the  Democrats,  in 
case  they  should  seriously  consider  turning  him  down  as  the 
Democratic  gubernatorial  candidate.  There  had  been  threats 
of  that  nature  but  they  vanished  after  his  endorsement  by  the 
Democratic  legislators.  The  Governor  had  been  so  busy  with 
legislation  and  investigations  that  he  had  neglected  to  fill 
more  that  a  score  of  good  paying  positions,  which  the  Demo- 
crats coveted.  He  kept  dangling  these  plums  before  his  new 
party  associates.  As  the  primaries  approached,  he  shook  the 
plum  tree  gently.  A  running  mate  must  be  chosen  for  P'oss. 
Several  names  were  suggested  but  as  usual,  Foss  put  it  oil  un- 
til the  last  moment,  when  David  I.  Walsh  of  Fitchburg,  was 
agreed  upon.  Thomas  F.  Cassidy  last  year's  candidate,  declined 
to  run  again.    He  didn't  like  the  way  Foss  treated  him. 

Early  in  August,  Chief  Justice  Knowlton  of  the  Supreme 
Court  asked  to  be  retired  because  of  an  affection  of  the  eyes. 
In  his  place  Judge  Rugg  of  the  same  Court  was  appointed. 
Four  Superior  Court  judges  were  named  that  month,  all  on 
one  day. — Patrick  M.  Keating  of  Boston,  John  B.  Ratigan, 
Worcester,  Democrats  and  Walter  Perley  Hall,  Fitchburg 
and  Hugo  A.  Dubuque,  Fall  River,  Republicans.  Hall  had 
been  a  member  of  the  Railroad  Commission.  His  place  was 
given  to  Frederick  J.  Macleod,  chairman  Democratic  State 
Committee,  who  desired  a  judgeship,  but  the  "Old  Boy"  de- 
cided Macleod's  experience  at  the  bar  had  not  been  extensive 
enough.  The  vacancy  on  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  v/as 
filled  by  the  promotion  of  Judge  Charles  A.  DeCourcey  of 
the  Superior  Court. 

267 


Asa  R.  Minard,  a  Foss  boomer,  named  as  Small  Loan 
Commissioner,  was  rejected  by  the  Council  and  for  months 
that  office  was  vacant  until  finally,  the  Council  confirmed  E. 
Gerry  Brown  of  Brockton.  Other  smaller  plums  were  handed 
to  the  faithful  by  the  Governor.  He  did  not  forget  his  old 
Republican  friends. 

The  Republicans  had  a  three  cornered  fight  for  Gov- 
ernor— Lieut  Gov  Frothingham,  Speaker  Walker  and  Nor- 
man H.  White  being  the  candidates.  They  all  took  a  whack 
occasionally  at  the  "Old  Boy."  Frothingham's  opponents 
charged  that  he  was  the  machine  candidate,  but  Frothingham 
won  and  his  nearest  opponent  in  the  race,  Joseph  Walker, 
immediately  proferred  him  his  support  and  subscribed  a  hand- 
some sum  to  the  campaign  fund.  The  third  man  in  the  con- 
test, Norman  H.  White,  was  not  so  demonstrative  in  his  loyal- 
ty to  the  party  candidate.  Robert  Luce  of  Somerville,  was 
the  choice  for  Lieutenant  Governor. 

The  Suffragists  decided  to  put  all  candidates  on  record 
regarding  equal  suffrage.  A  big  touring  car  filled  with  well 
known  Suffragettes  trailed  Candidate  Frothingham  through 
Berkshire  County.  At  Stockbridge,  Miss  Margaret  Foley, 
standing  in  the  tonneau  of  the  car,  asked  Mr.  Frothingham 
if  he  was  in  favor  of  woman  suflrrage.  Mr.  Frothingham  re- 
plied that  it  was  a  constitutional  question  with  which  the 
Governor  had  nothing  to  do.  Miss  Foley  harangued 
the  crowd  saying  that  Frothingham's  record  was  100% 
bad.  Miss  Foley  and  her  associates  kept  up  their  heckling 
of  the  candidate  at  the  various  stops  and  made  speeches  to 
the  street  crowds.  The  Republican  State  Committee  and  the 
City  and  Town  committees  all  worked  hard  to  get  out  the 
vote  for  their  ticket  this  year,  but  the  tide  was  still  against 
them. 

The  Democratic  State  ticket  was  agreed  upon  in  advance 
of  the  primary.  George  Fred  Williams,  who  had  not  yet 
broken  with  Foss,  was  selected  to  write  the  platform.  The 
State  Convention  was  held  at  Faneuil  Hall.  It  was  a  Demo- 
cratic love  feast.  Sherman  Whipple  presided  and  delivered  a 
good  natured  speech  containing  many  sharp  thrusts  at  the 
Republicans.  Mr.  Whipple's  reference  to  Gov  Foss'  judicial 
appointments  to  the  higher  courts  and  his  tribute  to  the  Gov- 
ernor's painstaking  care  in  the  selection  of  the  judges  evoked 
the   liveliest   enthusiasm,    which    was   prolonged   for   several 

268 


Louis    A.    Coolidare. 


John   F.    Malley. 


August    Belmont. 


Grafton  D.  Gushing. 


moments.  Mr.  Whipple  was  one  of  Gov  Foss'  consultors  on 
Judicial  appointments.  The  delegates  howled  with  de- 
light as  Mr.  Whipple  described  the  Republican  candidate  as  a 
young  man  of  pleasing  personality,  but  who  was,  nevertheless, 
"the  representative  of  the  special  interests."  When  he  got 
to  his  word  picture  of  Senators  Lodge  and  Crane,  Mr.  Whipple 
fairly  shook  with  laughter.  "Senator  Lodge,  he  of  the  silver 
tongue,  and  Senator  Crane,  he  of  the  golden  tongue — Senator 
Lodge  whose  speech  is  silver  and  Senator  Crane  whose  silence 
is  golden,"  struck  the  delegates  as  being  good,  and  they  sat 
back  in  their  chairs  and  chuckled  to  their  heart's  content.  Mr. 
Whipple  indulged  in  more  good  natured  criticisms  of  Senator 
Crane  to  the  delight  of  the  delegates.  He  asked  the  dele- 
gates if  they  had  seen  the  snapshot  picture  of  Senator 
Lodge  and  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  Machinery 
Company,  reading  the  bulletin  in  front  of  the  Globe  Building 
the  day  following  the  Republican  primaries. 

This  reference  called  forth  more  laughter.  He  neglected 
to  explain  that  the  Treasurer  of  the  Shoe  Machinery  Co., 
Louis  A.  Coolidge,  had  been  Mr.  Lodge's  private  secretary  at 
one  time  and  that  the  two  were  friends  of  many  years  stand- 
ing. But  Mr.  Whipple  was  not  counsel  for  the  defense  in  th?s 
case.  Why  should  he  explain?  Acting  on  the  "belief  that 
everything  is  fair  in  love  and  politics,  the  astute  Mr.  Whipple 
made  the  most  of  the  incident  for  the  purpose  of  conveying 
the  impression  that  Senator  Lodge  was  in  some  mysterious 
way  connected  with  the  Shoe  Machinery  Co. 

Louis  A.  Coolidge  had  been  a  prominent  figure  in  Wash- 
ington newspaper  and  official  life  for  many  years.  He  left  the 
employ  of  Senator  Lodge  to  become  the  Washington  corres- 
pondent of  the  Boston  Journal.  For  some  years  he  was  also 
the  representative  of  the  Springfield  Republican  at  the 
National  Capital.  In  Washington  he  made  friends  among 
the  big  men  of  both  parties.  His  popularity  with  his  fellow 
correspondents  was  shown  by  his  election  as  President  of  the 
Gridiron  Club,  a  famous  organization  of  Washington  corres- 
pondents. In  more  than  one  National  campaign  he  had  di- 
rected the  publicity  work  of  the  Republican  National  Commit- 
tee and  President  Roosevelt  appointed  him  Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury.  He  resigned  this  position  to  become  the 
Treasurer  of  the  United  Shoe  Machinery  Co,  one  of  the  largest 
industrial  enterprises  in  Massachusetts. 

269 


Representative  Meany  of  Blackstone,  the  temporary  presid- 
ing officer  of  the  convention  vs^as  the  Governor's  personal  rep- 
resentative on  the  floor  of  the  House  during  the  legislative 
session.  He  told  what  the  Democrats  had  succeeded  in  doing 
in  the  session,  saying: 

"The  Legislature  of  191 1,  responsive  to  the  inaugural  recommen- 
dations of  the  Governor,  gave  to  the  cause  of  labor  greater  impetus 
than  it  Jias  received  in  a  score  of  years.  The  Eight  Hour  Bill,  twice 
wrung  from  unwilling  Legislatures  only  to  be  vetoed  by  a  Republi- 
can Governor,  now  vitalizes  and  makes  effective  a  law  which  had 
been  more  recognized  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance. 

"The  54  hour  bill,  for  women  and  minors  sought  for  by  the 
workers  for  a  long  period  of  years,  supported  by  humanitarian  or- 
ganizations, denied  by  successive  Legislatures,  now  gives  to  capital 
and  labor  alike  a  respite  from  agitation  and  places  Massachusetts 
pre-eminent  among  the  States  in  labor  legislation. 

"The  Unions  Fines  and  the  Hoar  Jury  Trial  Acts  give  an  added 
measure  to  legitimate  protection  to  the  worker;  and  the  Workmen's 
Compensation  law,  forced  to  enactment  this  year  by  Democratic 
insistence,  is  one  of  the  most  important  pieces  of  legislation  upon 
the  books. 

"The  great  industry  of  agriculture,  once  the  mainstay  of  the 
Commonwealth,  was  protected  against  unfair  and  ruin-bearing  legis- 
lation in  Gov.  Foss's  veto  of  the  Ellis  Milk  bill." 

Gov  Foss  appeared  and  read  a  speech  in  which  he  said  he 
welcomed  the  injection  of  the  tariff  in  the  fight. 

"The  Republican  party  is  without  a  leader  or  a  definite  tariff 
policy,"  said  Gov  Foss.  "The  chief  contribution  of  the  Republican 
party  to  the  industrial  situation  in  the  past  four  years  has  been  agi- 
tation. During  that  time  business  activity  has  been  discouraged  and 
values  have  shrunk. 

"From  Jan  8,  1910  to  Sept.  26,  191 1,  there  was  a  shrinkage  in  the 
market  value  of  20  standard  railroad  and  industrial  stocks  of  about 
$886,000,000.  Whatever  the  cause  of  this  shrinkage,  it  certainly 
cannot  be  laid  to  the  door  of  the  Democratic  party.  It  is  the  Re- 
publican party  that  has  been  charged  with,  and  has  actually  pre- 
vented, the  restoration  of  confidence  in  the  business  world.  And 
the  Republican  managers  in  this  Commonwealth  not  only  have 
forsworn  leadership  out  of  the  darkness,  but  have  actually  closed 
the  door  against  the  light." 

The  platform  praised  the  State  administration  and  com- 
mended its  judicial  appointments.  It  demanded  the  abolition 
of  party  enrollment. 

The  Republican  ticket  had  been  nominated  and  their  cam- 
paign was  on.  In  the  midst  of  the  campaign,  the  Governor 
named  Prof  Garrett  Droppers  of  Williams  College  to  succeed 
Clinton  White  as  Railroad  Commissioner  and  Charles  G. 
Wood  of  New  Bedford  a  member  of  the  State  Board  of  Con- 

270 


ciliation  and  Arbitration.  Droppers  was  rejected  after  the 
State  election  but  Wood  was  confirmed.  Among  other  ap- 
pointments in  the  same  batch  were :  Dr.  L.  Vernon  Briggs  of 
Boston,  to  succeed  Henry  P.  Field  of  Northampton  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  State  Board  of  Insanity. 

The  Governor  also  named  Warren  F.  Spaulding  of 
Cambridge,  to  succeed  Fred  G.  Pettigrove,  as  chairman  of  the 
Board  of  Prison  Commissioners,  who  was  rejected,  and  Repre- 
sentative Arthur  Eogue  of  Lynn  as  Register  of  Probate  and 
Insolvency  in  Essex  County  as  the  successor  of  the  late  Jere- 
miah T.  Mahoney  of  Salem.  Dr.  Henry  P.  Walcott  of  Cam- 
bridge was  reappointed  chairman  of  the  Metropolitan  Water 
and  Sewerage  Board. 

The  Governor  also  nominated  for  the  second  time  for 
clerk  of  the  Boston  Juvenile  Court,  William  L.  Reed,  the  col- 
ored messenger  at  the  Governor's  office  to  succeed  Clerk  Vv'il- 
liams  another  colored  man,  who  was  anti-Foss.  Reed  was 
rejected.  Some  time  before  he  had  named  David  Stoneman, 
a  young  Jewish  lawyer,  as  Associate  Justice  of  the  Dorchester 
Municipal  Court,  and  the  Council  rejected  him.  In  the  cam- 
paign, the  Governor  told  the  public  of  his  troubles  with  the 
Council,  declared  it  a  relic  of  the  past  and  asked  the  people  to 
rebuke  the  Republican  members  who  had  opposed  his  nom- 
inations. 

One  of  Gov  Foss'  campaign  tricks  was  to  charge  the  other 
side  with  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  at  the  11th  hour.  On 
November  3  he  demanded  a  Grand  Jury  investigation  of  al- 
leged violations  of  laws  governing  political  campaign  solici- 
tations and  alleged  illegal  political  advertisements.  Gov  Foss 
sent  to  Dist  Atty  Pelletier  a  letter  calling  for  prosecution  of 
the  Republican  State  Committee,  Ex-President  Theodore 
Roosevelt  and  other  officers  of  The  Outlook  magazine,  the  two 
United  States  Senators  from  Massachusetts,  the  Republican 
candidate  for  Governor  and  officers  of  the  United  Shoe  Ma- 
chinery Co.,  of  the  American  Woolen  Co.,  and  the  Arkwright 
dub,  charging  them  with  illegal  campaign  contributions,  but 
the  District  Attorney  found  nothing  to  prosecute  after  elec- 
tion. The  Governor  made  a  day's  tour  of  the  Cape  all  alone, 
the  day  before  election,  announced  that  he  had  spent  $16,635 
in  his  campaign  and  was  back  for  a  whirlwind  tour  of  Boston 
that  same  night.  His  Democratic  friends  felt  that  it  was  time 
wasted  to  give  a  day  to  the  few  voters  of  the  Cape  and  de- 
clined to  go  with  him,  preferring  to  devote  the  time  to  Greater 
Boston. 

271 


Foss  was  re-elected  by  nearly  9000  plurality,  falling  over 
40,000  below  his  claim.  Luce,  Republican  candidate  for  second 
place,  was  successful  over  Walsh,  Democrat,  by  a  little  over 
4000  votes.  Mr.  Luce  was  not  in  good  favor  with  the  liquor 
interests  because  of  his  temperance  views  and  they  worked 
hard  to  defeat  him. 

The  House  elected  stood:  Republican  142;  Democrats 
97;  Socialist  1.    The  Senate:  Republican  36;  Democrats  14. 

The  vote  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor 
was:  Foss,  Democrat,  214,897;  Frothingham,  Republican, 
206,795 ;  Gary,  Socialist,  13,355 ;  Lieutenant  Governor :  Luce, 
Republican,  204,489;  Walsh,  Democrat,  200,318;  Hutchins, 
Socialist,  15,059. 

Gov  Foss  was  the  first  Democratic  gubernatorial  candi- 
late  to  be  re-elected  since  William  E.  Russell. 


272 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 

PROGRESSIVE      REPUBLICANS      ORGANIZE      FOR      PRESIDENTIAL, 
CAMPAIGN    OF    1912— GOV    FOSS'    SECOND    TERM— MORE    RADI- 
CALISM   IN    HIS    SECOND    INAUGURAL — STUNG    BY    PRESI- 
DENTIAL   BEE — IMPEACHMENT    TALK    INDULGED    IN- 
SOME    OF    THE    IMPORTANT    LEGISLATIVE    ACTS. 

THERE  is  little  doubt  that  Gov  Foss'  judicial  appoint- 
ments contributed  more  to  his  re-election  than  any  one 
factor  in  the  campaign.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  State  the  Democrats  had  been  given  anywhere  near  a 
fair  representation  on  the  judiciary.  After  election  the  Gov- 
ernor made  three  more  appointments  to  the  Superior  Court. 
Nathan  D.  Pratt  of  Lowell  was  named  to  succeed  the  late 
Judge  Richardson,  Frederick  H.  Chase  of  Boston  was  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  Judge  DeCourcey  promoted  to  the  Su- 
preme Court  and  Richard  W.  Irwin  of  Northampton  was 
named  to  succeed  Judge  Serman,  retired.  The  two  former 
were  Democrats  and  the  latter  a  Republican. 

Foss  was  hailed  by  some  enthusiasts  as  a  Presidential  pos- 
sibility. It  was  not  long  before  there  was  evidence  that  the 
Presidential  bee  was  buzzing  in  his  bonnet.  Later  he  be- 
came an  avowed  candidate  for  the  Democratic  nominati.in. 

The  Progressive  Republican  movement  had  begun  to 
manifest  itself  in  the  State.  Late  in  December  they  held  a 
meeting  in  Tremont  Temple,  which  was  addressed  by  Gov 
Bass  of  New  Hampshire  and  Ex-Congressman  Record  of  New 
Jersey.  A  platform  was  adopted  containing  nine  planks  as 
follows : 

I — Direct  primaries  for  delegates  to  the  National  Convention, 
because  of  "our  faith  in  the  wisdom  of  the  free  opinion  of  the  ma- 
jority." We  fear  danger  "from  demagogues"  less  than  that  of  be- 
ing deceived  "by  selfish  and  corrupt  party  organizations." 

2 — Direct  election  of  United  States  Senators. 

3 — ^Increase  in  the  control  of  the  people  over  their  Legislatures, 
not  to  replace  but  to  safeguard  the  system  of  repi.-»sentative  gov- 
ernment. 

4 — Strict  enforcement  of  law  relating  to  the  employment  of  lab- 
or, especially  that  of  women  and  children  and  the  enactment  of 
laws  to  provide  for  safety  appliances  and  better  sanitary  conditions. 

5 — Rigid   enforcement   of   the    Pure    Food   laws,   the   elimination 

273 


from  public  service  of  those  lax  in  the  enforcement,  and  the  enact- 
ment of  such  new  legislation  as  may  be   necessary. 

6 — Conservation  of  natural  resources,  but  against  their  monopo- 
lization, 

7 — Parcels  post  immediate  installation  under  the  National  Gov- 
ernment. 

8 — Downward  revision  of  the  tariff  under  a  non-partisan  board 
of  experts. 

9 — Control  of  monopolistic  combinations  by  insistence  on  pub- 
licity and  by  regulation  through  an  administrative  body  clothed 
with  sufficient  power. 

This  gathering  was  a  forerunner  of  what  was  to  be  a 
movement  of  the  Roosevelt  men  in  the  party  who  opposed 
Taft  and  left  the  Old  Guard  with  the  electoral  vote  of  but  two 
States  in  the  next  Presidential  election — Vermont  and  Utah. 

Grafton  D.  Gushing  succeeded  Joseph  Walker  as  Speaker 
of  the  House  and  Levi  H.  Greenwood,  President  of  the  Senate 
in  place  of  Allen  Treadway. 

Inauguration  day  was  Jan  4.  The  Chief  recommenda- 
tions in  the  Governor's  inaugural  were: 

The  Boston  Holding  Company  "must  be  dissolved." 

If  the  New  York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford  and  the  Boston 
and  Maine  railroads  are  not  parallel  and  competing  lines,  within  the 
definition  of  the  Sherman  law,  then  there  is  no  objection  to  their 
consolidation  under  proper  restrictions  and  conditions. 

But  the  two  lines  must  be  physically  connected  and  thus  pro- 
vide through  passenger  and  freight  traflFic.  Either  the  railroads  may 
be  required  to  make  the  connection  as  one  of  the  conditions  of  their 
consolidation,  or  the  public  can  assume  the  ownership  of  the  rail- 
road  terminals   and    furnish   the   necessary   connection. 

Cities  and  towns  in  the  Metropolitan  district  should  be  com- 
bined into  a  Greater  Boston  so  that  the  port  and  the  transportation 
faciliies  could  be  developed  to  make  Boston  one  of  the  lo  great 
cities    of   the   world. 

There  should  be  public  ownership  of  docks  and  water  terminals. 
To  secure  the  entrance  of  the  Great  Trunk  lines  of  Canada  into 
Boston,  the  railroad  terminals  should  be  publicly  owned,  if  that  is 
necessary. 

Persons  desiring  to  market  stock  or  other  securities  in  the 
State  should  be  required  to  obtain  permission  of  a  State  authority, 
based  upon  a  sworn  statement  of  the  actual  condition  of  the  enter- 
prise. 

The  Legislature  should  investigate  the  so-called  Bread  Trust, 
now  in  the  process  of  formation. 

Trusts  and  monopolies  should  be  regulated  by  the  State,  and  for 
this  purpose  the  full  power  of  enforcing  the  anti-trust  :.ct  of  1908 
should  be  restored  to  district  attorneys. 

A  Public  Utilities  Board  should  be  created  to  take  the  place 
of  the  Railroad,  and  Gas  and  Electric  Light  Commission,  and  to  su- 
pervise  telephone  and   telegraph   service. 

A  State  Finance  Board  should  be  authorij:ed  to  supervise  State 
and  county  expenses. 

274 


Charles   Sumner    Bird. 


Daniel    Cosgrove. 


Matthew    Hale. 


Joseph    Walker. 


Party  enrollment  at  the  primaries  should  be  done  away  with,  as 
the  voter  is  entitled  to  the  same  secrecy  at  the  primaries  that  he 
enjoys  at  the  polls. 

The  initiative,  referendum  and  recall  were  again  urged  upon 
the  Legislature  for  adoption. 

United  States  Senators  should  be  chosen  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people. 

Voters  should  be  permitted  to  express  their  choice  of  candidates 
for  nomination  for  President  and  Vice  President. 

All  campaign  advertising,  participation  by  corporations  in  elec- 
tions, all  hiring  or  loaning  of  conveyances  and  all  expenditures  of 
money  at  the  polls  should  be  prohibited  under  heavy  penalties. 

The  man  who  sells  his  vote  must  be  punished  as  well  as  the 
man  who  buys  it. 

All  candidates  and  committees  should  be  compelled  to  make 
sworn  statements  of  expenses  the  day  before  election. 

The  State  should  publish  a  pamphlet  in  which  each  candidate 
should  have  space  to  state  his  claims. 

Provision  should  be  made  for  submitting  the  question  cf  wo- 
man suffrage  to  the  people. 

A  constitutional  amendment  forbidding  the  enactment  of  all 
special  and  local  legislation  for  cities  should  be  passed  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  people  to  the  end  that  interference  with  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  cities  shall  be  stopped. 

Under  proper  conservation  of  natural  resources  $25,000,000  a 
year  could  be  derived  from  timber  alone,  and  a  revenae  of  $500,000 
a  year  could  be  provided  by  the  fostering  of  the  shellfish  industry 
and  the  developments  of  the  flats  owned  by  the  Commonwealth. 

A  Labor  Bureau  should  be  created  for  the  enforcem(;nt  of  labor 
statutes  and  for  the  advancement  into  laws  of  plans  for  legislation 
already  formulated. 

The  State  Prison  at  Charlestown  should  be  sold  and  a  new 
prison  constructed  with  a  view  to  the  classification  and  separation 
of  prisoners. 

Prisoners  should  be  compensated  for  their  labor,  and  Iheir  earn- 
ings paid  to  their  dfrpendents  or  retained  to  be  paid  to  the  prisoner 
at  the  expiration  of  his  term. 

A  State  fair  should  be  established  and  larger  appropriations 
made  for  agricultural  societies  and  for  fairs  and  exhibitions,  for  the 
purpose  of  increasing  the  amount  and  value  of  farm  and  dairy  pro- 
ducts. 

Free  scholarships,  awarded  for  superior  merit  and  carrying  free 
tuition  in  any  college  in  the  State  approved  by  the  State  Beard  of 
Education  should  be  provided  by  the  State  in  place  of  grants  to 
educational  institutions.  An  appropriation  of  $50,000  would  be  suffi- 
cient for  the  purpose. 

The  Legislature  should  ratify  the  proposed  Federal  tax  amend- 
ment. 

The  immediate  reform  of  the  tax   system  of   the  State. 

Massachusetts  should  co-operate  with  other  New  Fngland  States 
for  more  uniform  legislation  with  regard  to  taxation,  regulation  of 
railroads  and  other  corporations,  and  the  conservation  of  forests, 
water  powers,  fisheries  and  other  natural   resources. 

In  anticipation  of  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal  "our  im- 
perative duty''  is  to  make  of  Boston  a  great  maritime  ciiy,  to  secure 
the  best  possible  transportation  service,  and  in  every  way  to  pre- 
pare for  a  better  New   England. 

275 


In  a  special  message  to  the  Senate,  Jan  18,  Governor  Foss 
urged  a  real  State  Income  tax.  The  State  police  announced 
that  they  had  evidence  of  an  Anarchist  plot  to  kill  the  Gov- 
ernor, because  he  had  ordered  out  the  Militia  in  the  Lawrence 
Textile  strike.  Precautions  were  taken  to  prevent  any  attack 
on  the  Governor,  but  nothing  more  was  heard  of  ihe  alleged 
plot. 

Sheriff  Seavy  of  Suffolk  County,  died  in  January  and  the 
Governor  appointed  John  Ouinn  Jr.  the  Democratic  member 
of  the  Executive  Council  to  succeed  him.  The  Legislature 
elected  Edward  D.  Collins  of  South  Boston  to  succeed  Coun- 
cillor Quinn. 

The  initiative  and  referendum  was  unable  to  muster  a 
two-thirds  vote  in  the  House  and  failed  as  a  Constitutional 
amendment.  Redistricting  the  State  into  16  Congressional 
districts  proved  a  difficult  task  for  the  legislative  special  com- 
mittee and  occasioned  a  lot  of  criticism  from  members  of  the 
Legislature  and  Congress. 

Of  the  numerous  appointments  made  by  Gov  Foss  in 
May,  the  most  important  were  the  five  new  Industrial  Accident 
Board  members  to  administer  the  Workingmens'  Compensa- 
tion Act  passed  the  year  before.  The  chairman  received  a 
five  years'  salary  of  $5000  and  the  others  $4500  each.  The  men 
appointed  and  their  terms  were :  Chairman,  James  B.  Carroll 
of  Springfield,  five  years ;  Dudley  M.  Holman  of  Taunton,  the 
Governor's  Secretary,  four  years ;  Ex-Mayor  David  T.  Dickin- 
son of  Cambridge,  three  years;  Edward  F.  McSweeney  of 
Boston,  two  years ;  Representative  Joseph  A.  Parks  of  Fall 
River,  one  year. 

Late  in  May  the  legislators  planned  to  adjourn,  but  the 
Governor  served  notice  on  them  that  he  would  not  prorogue 
them  until  the  members  passed  certain  measures,  particularly 
the  reorganization  of  the  Railroad  Commission  and  his  bill 
merging  the  Boston  &  Maine  with  the  New  Haven.  June  10th, 
after  repeated  unsuccessful  attempts  by  individuals  to  get  the 
Governor  to  prorogue  the  Legislature,  Senator  George  II. 
Tinkham  suggested  that  if  Gov  Foss  continued  to  sign  and 
veto  legislation,  not  done  on  its  merits,  the  Governor  should 
be  impeached  by  the  House  and  Senate,  in  accordance  with 
the  terms  of  the  Constitution  which  provides  for  that  action 
in  cases  of  mal-administration  and  misconduct  by  the  Execu- 
tive. 

Senator  Tinkham  charged  that  Gov  Foss'  action  was  tak- 

276 


en  in  order  to  obtain  his  own  ends,  and  in  case  impeachment 
proceedings  were  instituted,  it  was  suggested  that  inquiry 
should  be  made  as  to  whether  there  had  been  a  working  un- 
derstanding between  him  and  the  New  York,  New  Haven  and 
Hartford  Railroad  Company  to  obtain  or  prevent  legislation 
for  their  mutual  benefit.  The  Governor  only  laughed  at  the 
suggestion  but  from  that  on  the  Executive  and  Legislative 
branches  worked  more  in  harmony.  On  the  evening  of  June 
14,  the  Governor  prorogued  the  Legislature. 

He  signed  the  Grand  Trunk  Bill  which  enlarged  and  ex- 
tended the  corporate  powers  of  the  Southern  New  England 
Railroad  Company,  a  part  of  the  Grand  Trunk  system.  With 
the  signing  of  the  measure  several  gentlemen  personally  and 
financially  interested  who  were  earnestly  watching  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill,  breathed  sighs  of  relief.  Among  them  were 
Moorfield  Storey,  E.  H.  FitzHugh,  President  of  the  Southern 
New  England,  and  the  Vermont  Central,  Charles  S.  Baxter, 
Judge  Thomas  W.  Kenefick  of  Palmer  and  Cy  Warman,  the 
accomplished  press  representative  of  the  Grand  Trunk.  These 
gentlemen  had  good  reason  to  worry.  His  Excellency  had 
given  them  his  personal  assurance  that  he  did  not  intend  to 
sign  the  measure  until  he  had  secured  legislation  for  the 
transportation  commission  desired  by  him.  With  this  legis- 
lation not  yet  in  sight,  the  Governor  settled  all  doubts  about 
the  Grand  Trunk  by  signing  the  measure  and  congratulating 
the  people  of  the  Commonwealth  in  a  special  message  that  the 
Grand  Trunk  Railroad  system  was  coming  to  Boston.  It  is 
still  on  its  way. 

There  was  a  systematic,  organized  opposition  to  the 
Grand  Trunk  Bill  by  the  New  Haven  interests.  One 
snag  after  another  was  encountered  and  the  discussion  of  the 
matter  occupied  hours  in  committee  and  on  the  floor  of  the 
two  branches.  Amendments,  hostile  and  otherwise,  were  of- 
fered and  debated,  and  some  of  them  accepted.  It  was  hailed 
as  a  great  victory  for  the  opponents  of  the  Morgan  railroad 
interests.  The  Berkshire  trolley  merger,  so  much  desired  by 
the  New  Haven  management  was  vetoed  by  Gov  Foss  but 
the  bill  was  passed  over  his  veto  in  the  House.  The  Senate 
sustained  it. 

The  New  Haven  interests  at  the  State  House  were  cared 
for  by  William  H.  Coolidge,  one  of  the  leading  corporation 
lawyers  of  the  State,  who  had  been  for  many  years  the  Bos- 

277 


ton  &  Maine  Railroad  representative  on  legal  matters,  on  Bea- 
con Hill,  a  man  of  means  and  active  in  business  and  financial 
affairs.  He  had  worked  his  way  up  from  the  bottom  of 
the  ladder  and  knew  the  law  and  the  railroad  business  from 
A  to  Z.  Mr.  Coolidge  possessed  a  sense  of  humor,  which 
often  cropped  out  at  legislative  committee  hearings  and  inves- 
tigations. One  day  when  a  bill  was  before  the  railroad  com- 
mittee, providing  for  further  public  regulation  of  railroads, 
Mr.  Coolidge  referred  in  his  argument  against  the  measure 
to  George  Ade's  Story  of  how  Canada  and  the  United  States 
treated  its  railroad  builders. 

"Two  young  hustling  Americans,"  said  Mr,  Coolidge, 
quoting  the  Hoosier  philosopher,  "began  railroading  in  the 
West.  One  went  to  Canada  and  built  up  a  great  Trans-Con- 
tinental line,  the  other  remained  in  this  country  and  developed 
one  of  the  big  trunk  lines  of  the  West.  For  doing  precisely 
the  same  thing  the  former  was  knighted  by  the  King  and  the 
latter  was  indicted  by  the  Federal  Grand  Jury." 

The  Railroad  Bill,  giving  mandatory  powers  to  the  Rail- 
road Commission  and  electrification  within  the  Metropolitan 
district,  also  died.  After  rejecting  the  Crocker  amendment 
for  a  State-built  cross-town  tunnel,  the  House  bill  was  given 
its  several  readings  under  suspension  of  the  rules.  The  Sen- 
ate dealt  the  amended  bill  a  final  blow  by  a  vote  of  11  to  21 
and  asked  for  a  committee  of  conference.  The  conference 
committee  reported  its  inability  to  agree  and  a  motion  for  a 
second  conference  was  rejected  5  to  12. 

Conference  committees  failed  to  agree  on  any  measure 
providing  for  preference  voting  for  United  States  Senators. 
The  report  was  accepted  on  a  roll  call,  14  to  10. 

In  the  House,  an  order  for  a  special  recess  committee  of 
eight  House  members  and  such  Senators  as  might  be  joined, 
to  investigate  public  ownership  of  trolleys  was  defeated.  The 
House,  however,  adopted  a  Senate  order  calling  for  a  Legis- 
lative committee  of  three  Senators  and  four  Representatives 
to  investigate  the  transportation  situation  in  the  Western 
part  of  the  State. 

In  the  meantime,  Governor  Foss  sent  in  two  more  mes- 
sages. He  renewed  his  demand  for  a  strengthened  Railroad 
Commission  and  transfer  of  the  telephone  supervision.  By  a 
vote  of  117  to  77  this  measure  was  referred  to  the  next  Gen- 
eral  Court.     He   also   urged    preference    voting   for   United 

278 


Georsre    Holden    Tinkham. 


William    H.    Coolidge. 


Edgar    R.    Champlin. 


Charles    S.    Baxter. 


States  Senators.  The  House  merely  referred  this  message  to 
the  Senate — "for  its  information." 

The  House  insisted  on  a  $6,000,000  State  tax,  instead  of 
$6,500,000  which  the  House  Ways  and  Means  members  with 
few  exceptions,  advised  the  lower  branch  was  the  more  hon- 
est proposition.  The  Senate  referred  it  to  Ways  and  Means, 
which  immediately  reported  back  the  $6,500,000  State  tax. 
This  bill  the  Senate  gave  its  several  readings  and  the  new 
measure  was  sent  to  the  House.  The  House  balked.  A 
committee  of  conference  was  agreed  upon  and  it  was  an- 
nounced that  this  committee  would  finally  compromise  on 
$6,250,000. 

As  soon  as  the  Legislature  was  prorogued,  Speaker  Gush- 
ing issued  a  statement  in  which  he  scored  the  Governor, 
charging  him  with  blocking  the  Legislature  and  that  he  had 
conducted  a  campaign  of  notoriety  with  veto  as  a  club.  In  a 
statement  criticizing  the  Governor,  the  Speaker  said  : 

"The  Constitution  provides  for  a  veto  in  order  to  prevent  un- 
desirable legislation  and  not  in  order  that  it  may  be  used  as  a  club 
to  compel  legislation  which  the  Chief  Executive  wishes  to  see  en- 
acted, and  when  a  Legislature  finds  the  veto  power  thus  used  and 
the  authority  to  send  in  messages  utilized  to  initiate  a  conflict  which 
will  make  political  capital  by  leading  the  people  to  believe  that  a 
hostile  Legislature  is  being  held  in  session  in  order  to  compel  leg- 
islation for  the  public  welfare,  is  it  to  be  wondered  that  the  respect 
in  which  a  Governor  of  the  State  should  be  held  by  the  Legislature 
has  been  destroyed  and  that  the  relations  between  the  executive 
and  legislative  branches  have  been  strained  to  the  breaking  point? 

"I  have  refrained  from  making  any  statement  while  the  Legisla- 
ture was  in  session,  believing  that  it  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  dig- 
nity of  the  body  over  which  I  have  the  honor  to  preside  lor  its 
Speaker  to  enter  into  public  controversy  with  the  Governor  of  the 
State.  In  justice  to  the  good  name  of  that  body  1  caiinot  refrain 
from  this  statement  of  fact,  which  can  be  certified  by  a  consultation 
of  the  records  of  the  Legislature  and  the  statements  issued  by  the 
Governor  in  the  public  press." 

In  his  reply  to  the  Speaker  the  Governor  said  among 
other  things: 


mpiete  control  oi  tne   i^egisiaiure. 

And    now    Mr.    Gushing   very   significantly   admits    that    he    and 

^legislature  do  not  believe  in  placing  the  railroads  under  public 


the  Legislature  do  not  bel 

279 


control.  Mr.  Cushing's  statement  also  brings  out  a  very  notable 
fact  that  the  Legislature  granted  (however  reluctantly)  almost  every 
reform  I  advocated  which  did  not  interfere  with  the  transportation 
monopolies. 

"It  looks  to  me  now  as  if  the  Legislature  had  in  fact  tried  to  do 
all  it  could  in  following  my  recommendations  on  everything  except 
railroad  matters,  so  that  it  might  in  this  way  cover  up  its  own  ini- 
quity in  leaving  the  transportatiion  companies  free  from  State  con- 
trol." 

Then  he  turned  to  some  of  the  things  he  had  secured 
from  the  Legislature,  saying: 

"Thus  I  secured  a  ratification  of  the  popular  election  of  United 
States  Senators,  and  a  Presidential  Preference  law  to  enable  the 
people  to  state  their  choice  of  Presidential  candidates;  also  a  State 
Finance  Board  (Commission  on  Efficiency  and  Economy)  to  super- 
vise public  expenditures  and  introduce  modern  methods  into  the 
management  of  State  institutions  and  the  public   business. 

"Other  very  important  measures  that  I  have  secured  from  the 
Legislature  are  the  new  Labor  Bureau  to  supervise  the  working  con- 
ditions in  shops,  factories,  etc.  and  a  strong  law  prohibiting  corpor- 
ations from  making  discriminatory  prices  for  the  purpose  of  choking 
off  competitors,  and  a  law  calling  for  an  investigation  of  stock 
watering  and  the  methods  of  selling  stock  in  this  State.  Also  laws 
favoring  the  conservation  of  our  forests,  water  powers,  fish  and 
game  and  other  natural  resources. 

"At  the  same  time  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  parts  of  my  pro- 
gram aflFecting  the  great  transportation  corporations  which  control 
a  majority  of  our  legislators  have  been  thrown  out  one  by  one  by 
the   Legislature. 

"Every  effort  was  made  by  these  corporations  to  over-throw 
my  veto  of  the  so-called  merger,  a  bill  which  was  designated  to 
turn  over  the  trolley  lines  of  Western  Massachusetts  to  the  New 
York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford  R.  R.  But  public  sentiment  was  so 
strongly  against  this  merger  with  its  own  defiance  of  the  existing 
laws  of  the  State,  that  my  veto  was  sustained." 

The  Legislature  off  his  hands  Gov  Foss  plunged  into  the 
National  campaign  which  was  well  under  way  before  the 
Legislature  adjourned. 


280 


CHAPTTR  XXXVIII 

MASSACHUSETTS'      PART      IN      NATIONAL.      CAMPAIGN      OF      1913— 

ROOSEVELT     AND    TAFT     SPLIT     REPUBLICAN    DELEGATION 

TO  NATIONAL.  CONVENTION — CHAMP  CLARK  SUPPORTED 

BY    DEMOCRATS. 

BECAUSE  of  its  direct  primary  law,  Massachusetts  be- 
came one  of  the  early  battle  grounds  of  both  parties  in 
the  National  campaign  of  1912.  Champ  Clark's  candi- 
dacy for  the  Democratic  Presidential  nomination  appealed  to 
a  majority  of  the  Six  O'clock  Democrats  of  the  State  and  the 
ticket  with  delegates  favorable  to  him  easily  won  in  the  prima- 
ries. Friends  of  Woodrow  Wilson  tried  to  break  into  the  dele- 
gation but  by  the  time  they  had  arrived  on  the  scene,  the  Clark 
men  had  pre-empted  the  field.  The  Wilson  managers  opened 
headquarters  here  under  the  supervision  of  Dudley  Field  Ma- 
lone,  who  operated  through  William  S.  McNary,  prominent 
for  many  years  in  Democratic  State  politics.  Gov  Wilson 
came  to  Massachusetts  and  made  speeches  in  Boston,  Wor- 
cester, Fall  River,  Springfield  and  Holyoke  but  he  was  unable 
to  make  a  dent  in  the  solid  line  of  Clark  men. 

Col  Roosevelt  paid  a  short  visit  to  Boston,  late  in  Feb- 
ruary. He  divided  his  time  among  personal  friends.  Col 
Roosevelt  always  creates  a  stir  every  time  he  visits  Boston, 
but  on  this  occasion  it  approached  ,!a  political  sensation. 
Sunday  evening,  Feb  26,  the  Colonel  was  a  dinner  guest  of  his 
old  friend  Judge  Robert  Grant.  That  same  evening  he  issued 
through  The  Outlook  office  in  New  York,  his  favorable  reply 
to  the  seven  Governors  who  asked  him  to  become  a  candidate 
for  the  Republican  Presidential  nomination.  He  was  in  fine 
fettle  and  announced  with  glee  that  his  hat  was  in  the  ring. 
The  next  day  he  addressed  the  members  of  the  Legislature. 

Even  up  to  this  point  he  was  not  disposed  to  call  Taft 
the  hard  names  he  did  later,  nor  would  be  countenance  a 
statement  attributed  to  him  in  which  he  was  quoted  as  say- 
ing that  Taft  had  lost  the  confidence  of  the  people  and  a  Pro- 
gressive was  needed  in  the  White  House. 

"I  could  not  more  definitely  state  my  position  on  the  great  is- 

281 


sues  of  the  day  than  I  stated  it  in  my  Columbus  speech  and  again 
before  the  Massachusetts  Legislature.  In  addition  to  calling  atten- 
tion to  what  I  there  said,  on  the  subject  of  popular  government,  J 
also  call  particular  attention  to  what  I  said  at  Columbus  on  the 
business  situation  and  the  proper  attitude  of  the  Government  toward 
business,  so  as  to  insure  conditions  that  will  make  for  the  pros- 
perity of  the  business  world,"  said  the  Colonel  explaining  his  "hat 
in  the  ring"  announcement. 

That  Ohio  speech  he  referred  to  was  still  haunting  him. 
Almost  every  hour  somebody  was  demanding  a  little  more 
light  on  some  phase  of  it.  The  Colonel  returned  to  it  again 
while  in  Boston,  saying: 

"In  my  Ohio  speech  I  dwelt  with  emphasis  upon  the  two  great 
subjects  of  immediate  moment  to  our  people,  the  need  of  having  a 
real  and  not  merely  a  nominal  popular  rule  and  the  need  of  secur- 
ing prosperity  for  the  business  man,  the  wage-earner  and  the  farmer 
alike. 

"As  I  then  said  I  most  emphatically  believe  that  it  is  necessary 
to  have  an  equitable  division  of  prosperity,  but  that  it  behooves  ns 
to  keep  in  mind  that  we  cannot  divide  the  prosperity  unless  the 
prosperity  is  here  to  divide,  and  that  to  secure  the  well  being  of 
the  business  world  is  emphatically  in  the  interest  of  every  citizen 
of  the  United  States." 

This  was  the  speech  in  which  he  declared  for  a  referen- 
dum by  the  people  on  judicial  decisions  involving  the  police 
powers,  which  legislators  of  late  years  have  generously  ap- 
propriated for  legislative  purposes.  It  cost  the  Colonel  the 
support  of  many  Republicans  who  were  hesitating  between 
him  and  Taft.  From  all  over  Northern  and  Eastern  New 
England  prominent  Roosevelt  supporters  journeyed  to  Bos- 
ton to  confer  with  him. 

President  Taft  came  to  Boston  as  the  guest  of  the  City 
Club  and  the  South  Boston  Citizens  Association  March  18, 
He  was  the  great  attraction  at  the  Evacuation  Day  exercises. 
In  the  evening,  he  was  the  chief  guest  at  the  Charitable  Irish 
Society  banquet.  While  in  New  England  Mr.  Taft  did  some 
campaigning  in  New  Hampshire.  On  the  afternoon  of  March 
18th,  the  President  addressed  the  Massachusetts  Legislature 
taking  issue  with  Col  Roosevelt  on  what  he  termed  an  attack 
on  the  judiciary,  saying: 

"I  am  not  going  to  stop  and  discuss  in  detail  the  question  of 
direct  primary  elections,  their  uses  and  abuses.  I  think  everyone 
will  admit,  however,  in  order  that  they  may  accomplish  the  good 
that  they  are  intended  to  accomplish,  they  should  be  safeguarded  by 
eflfective  provision,  as  to  the  party  eligibility  of  voters  who  partici- 
pate in  them,  and  by  penal  provisions  securing  conformity  to  rules 
of  such  eligibility  and  the  honest  casting  and  counting  of  the  ballot. 

282 


"Wherever  full  and  fair  notice  of  the  election  can  be  given, 
wherever  adequate  election  safeguards  can  be  thrown  around  to 
protect  a  perferential  primary  for  the  Presidency,  vv^herever  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  State  permits  its  being  made  applicable  to  the  pre- 
sent election,  I  favor  it  and  welcome  it.'' 

The  President  made  a  pointed  reference  to  the  proposi- 
tion "Let  the  people  rule,"  saying  in  part: 

"The  continued  iteration  and  reiteration  of  the  proposition, 
'Let  the  people  rule'  if  it  has  any  significance  at  all,  and  is  intended 
otherwise  than  to  flatter  the  people,  is  intended  to  be  a  reflection  on 
the  Government  that  we  have  laid  down  to  the  present  time. 

"Now,  in  spite  of  all  the  corruption,  in  spite  of  all  the  machine 
politics,  in  spite  of  every  defect  in  tbe  operation  of  our  Government 
that  can  be  pointed  out,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the  history 
of  the  last  135  years  shows  that  the  people  have  ruled.  They  may 
have  been  defeated  at  times  by  corrupt  and  corrupting  influences. 
Congresses  and  Legislatures  may  have  halted  by  subterranean  meth- 
ods in  carrying  out  the  people's  desire  but,  in  the  end,  under 
our  present  Constitution  and  our  present  laws,  we  have  had  a  really 
popular  Government." 

Regarding  the  recall  of  the  judiciary  and  the  recall  of 
judicial  decisions,  he  said  in  part : 

"This  is  a  government  of  law,  not  of  changing  economic  and 
political  theories  of  judicial  or  executive  officers  when  those  theories 
are  in  conflict  with  the  express  letter  of  the  law.  Suggestions  of 
that  sort  are  dangerous  because  they  put  the  Ship  of  State  on  a 
sea  of  troubles  without  a  rudder.  They  destroy  that  respect  for 
constituted  authority  that  is  essential  to  well-ordered  liberty.  The 
strength  of  the  Government  and  the  strength  of  the  judiciary  must 
rest  ultimately  on  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  their  integrity. 

"Irresponsible  assaults  upon  either  in  intemperate  language  or 
in  baseless  assumptions  of  corruption  or  bias,  or  incompetency, 
made  by  those  whose  statement  have  influence  with  any  part  of  our 
people,  are  a  serious  menace  to  enduring  government." 

While  in  Boston  President  Taft  conferred  with  his 
friends  of  the  Taft  League  which  had  been  organized  to  elect 
delegates  favorable  to  his  renomination.  Leaving  Boston, 
the  President  journeyed  to  Nashua,  Manchester  and  Concord, 
N.  H.  where  he  was  greeted  by  monster  crowds  and  talked 
to  enthusiastic  audiences. 

We  shall  have  to  leave  Col  Roosevelt  and  President  Taft 
for  a  while  to  speak  of  Gov  Foss.  Before  the  Clark  men  put 
their  ticket  into  the  field,  they  talked  with  the  Governor  and 
told  him  that  Mr.  Clark  had  made  it  a  rule  not  to  contest  a 
State  where  a  local  candidate  was  in  the  field.  If  he  was  a 
candidate,  the  Clark  men  said  they  would  not  file  any  candi- 
dates for  delegates.    George  Fred  Williams,  taking  Governor 

283 


Foss  at  his  word  that  he  was  out  of  the  race,  became  active 
for  Clark. 

"On  my  return  from  Nebraska,"  said  Mr.  Williams  when  taken 
to  task  by  Mayor  Fitzgerald  for  being  hostile  to  Foss,  "I  consulted 
Gov  Foss  concerning  his  position  as  a  candidate  and  he  confirmed 
what  he  had  repeatedly  told  me  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate 
for  the   Presidential   nomination. 

"A  week  previously  he  had  expressed  to  me  the  purpose  of  no- 
tifying all  other  Presidential  candidates  that  he  invited  them  to  place 
their  names  upon  the  primary  ballot  and  take  the  test  of  Democratic 
preference.     This  purpose  he   repeated  to  me  on  the  22d. 

"I  thereupon  stated  that  it  was  my  intention  to  put  a  ticket 
into  the  field  for  Mr  Clark  and  have  his  name  on  the  preferential 
ballot.  With  this  purpose  he  expressed  his  accord  and  my  whole 
course  thereafter  in  preparing  a  ticket  of  sympathizers  with  Mr. 
Clark's  candidacy  was  in  accord  with  this  understanding. 

"Mr  Clark,  however,  hearing  conflicting  reports,  asked  Con- 
gressman Curley  to  confer  personally  with  the  Governor,  and  this 
was  done,  March  24,  and  Congressman  Curley  informed  me  and 
later  Speaker  Clark  that  the  Governor's  statements  to  him  accorded 
exactly  with  those  he  had  made  to  me. 

"On  Monday  the  25th  Mr  Clark,  as  I  understand,  was  notified 
by  the  Governor  that  his  name  would  go  on  the  preferential  ballot 
as  a  candidate  and  therefore  Mr  Clark  withdrew  his  name." 

April  3rd  Congressman  Curley,  the  Clark  representative 
in  this  State,  accompanied  by  Ex-United  States  Senator  Du- 
bois of  Idaho  called  on  Gov  Foss  and  after  their  interview 
with  him  the  Governor  wrote  the  Secretary  of  State  with- 
drawing his  name  from  the  primary.  Clark's  managers  gave  it 
out  that  the  Speaker's  name  would  remain  on  the  ballot.  A 
few  days  later  Gov  Foss  declined  to  allow  the  use  of  his  name 
for  the  nomination  in  the  Rhode  Island  primary. 

To  return  to  Taft  and  Roosevelt.  A  new  man  in  State 
politics  was  introduced  in  this  campaign,  or,  rather,  introduced 
himself — 'Charles  Sumner  Bird  of  Walpole,  a  wealthy  manu- 
facturer and  the  son  of  Frank  Bird,  known  to  the  older  poli- 
ticians as  the  "Sage  of  Walpole."  Charles  Sumner  Bird's 
daughter  married  the  Progressive  Governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Robert  P.  Bass.  Mr.  Bird  was  intensely  Rooseveltian. 
Mr.  Bird  gave  liberally  to  the  Progressive  campaign  fund  and 
a  full  fledged  State-wide  campaign  was  made  in  behalf  of  a 
Roosevelt  ticket  for  delegates  to  the  National  Republican 
convention. 

Senator  Crane,  Congressman  Gardner  and  Congressman 
Weeks,  got  a  little  anxious  over  the  way  Gen  Champlin  was 
running  the  President's  campaign  in  this  State  and  person- 
ally endeavored  to  put  a  little  more  ginger  into  it.    The  trou- 

284 


William  F.  Murray. 


James   M.  Curley. 


Norman   H.    White. 


Sherman    L.   Whipple. 


ble  was  that  it  had  passed  the  ginger  stage  and  needed  a 
stronger  stimulant  to  brace  it  up.  But  the  work  which  Con- 
gressman Gardner  and  his  friends  did  in  the  last  two  weeks 
saved  the  day  for  Taft.  "I  am  here  to  kick  the  hat  out  of 
the  ring,"  declared  Gardner.  Both  Taft  and  Roosevelt  toured 
the  State  before  the  primaries. 

The  President  said  in  a  speech  he  made  at  Lawrence : 

"I  dislike  to  involve  myself  in  a  personal  controversy  with  a 
man  to  whom  I  am  greatly  indebted  and  the  debt  of  gratitude  I 
have  never  denied,  and  therefore  kept  peace  for  two  :nonths  of  mis- 
representation because  I  wanted  to  go  through  this  campaign  with- 
out being  compelled  to  speak. 

"But  my  dear  friends,  when  you  are  backed  up  against  a  wall, 
and  a  man  is  hitting  you  in  each  eye,  and  punishing  you  in  every 
other  way,  both  above  and  below  the  belt,  by  George,  if  you  have 
any  manhood  in  you,  you  have  got  to  fight." 

President  Taft  said  he  would  much  prefer  to  remain  in 
Washington  and  attend  to  his  official  duties  but  under  the 
circumstances  he  believed  he  was  justified  in  coming  to  the 
good  people  of  this  historic  old  Commonwealth,  the  home  of 
his  ancestors,  laying  his  case  before  them  and  asking  them  to 
decide  it. 

Col  Roosevelt  said  many  harsh  things  in  his  Massachu- 
sett  speeches  against  President  Taft,  accusing  him  of  un- 
truths and  misrepresentations.  In  the  primaries,  Taft  carried 
the  State  on  a  preference  for  the  nomination  over  Roosevelt 
by  almost  5000,  but  lost  the  Delegates-at-Large,  due  largely 
to  the  candidacy  of  Frank  Seiberlich,  who  ran  as  an  Indepen- 
dent, pledged  to  Taft.  Man}^  Republicans  voted  for  every- 
thing on  the  ballot  labeled  Taft  and  the  result  was  that  thous- 
ands of  Taft  ballots  were  spoiled.  Holding  that  a  preferential 
vote  was  binding,  Col  Roosevelt  renounced  any  claim  he  had 
on  the  Delegates-at-Large  and  asked  them  to  vote  for  Taft. 
The  State  delegation  to  the  Republican  National  convention 
was  18  for  Taft,  18  for  Roosevelt.  The  Roosevelt  delegates 
refused  to  comply  with  the  wish  of  the  Colonel. 

The  vote  on  Presidential  preference  was  as  follows : 

La  Follette    2,005 

Roosevelt     81,854 

Taft    86,089 

The  vote  for  the  two  leading  candidates  for  Delegates- 
at-large  was: 

285 


Baxter   (heading  Roosevelt  group)    84,834 

Crane   (heading  Taft  group)    76,854 

Delegates-at-Large,  all  for  Roosevelt  chosen  were :  Char- 
les S.  Baxter  of  Medford,  George  W.  Coleman  of  Boston, 
Frederick  Fosdick  of  Fitchburg,  Albert  Bushnell  Hart  of 
Cambridge,  Octave  A.  LaRiviere  of  Springfield,  James  P. 
Magenis  of  Boston,  Arthur  L.  Nason  of  Haverhill,  Alvin  G. 
Weeks  of  Fall  River. 

Gov  Foss  secured  seven  of  the  Delegates-at- Large  to  the 
Democratic  National  convention.  All  of  the  Delegates-at- 
Large  were  pledged  to  Foss  except  Frank  J.  Donahue  who 
declared  "for  the  preference  of  the  Democrats."  The  Demo- 
cratic Delegates-at-Large  were ;  Frank  J.  Donahue  of  Bos- 
ton, John  W.  Coughlin  of  Fall  River,  John  F.  Fitzgerald  of 
Boston,  William  P.  Hayes  of  Springfield,  Charles  J.  Martell 
of  Boston,  Humphrey  O'Sullivan  of  Lowell,  Charles  B. 
Strecker  of  Brookline,  David  L  Walsh  of  Fitchburg. 

Eight  of  the  District  Delegates  were  pledged  to  Clark  and 
the  rest  were  unpledged  but  most  of  them  favored  the  nomin- 
ation of  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
Roosevelt  men  were  very  bitter  against  Senator  Crane  because 
of  his  activities  for  Taft  and  they  declined  to  vote  for  his  re- 
election as  National  Committeeman,  which  position  he  con- 
tinued to  hold  because  of  the  failure  of  the  delegates  to  select  a 
successor.  The  Democrats,  after  much  wrangling,  re-elected 
Dr  John  W.  Coughlin  as  Democratic  National  Committeeman 
from  Massachusetts. 


286 


CHAPTER  XX'XIX 

ON  TO  CHICAGO  AND  BALTIMORE — REPUBLICAN  STEAM  ROLLER 

RUNS  OVER  T.  R.  MEN — BRYAN  FLAYS  TAMMANY — 

DESERTS  CLARK  AND  NOMINATES  WILSON. 

PRESIDENT  Taft  and  his  friends  must  have  seen  that 
Republican  sentiment  v/as  against  them.  The  spirit 
of  radicalism,  sailing  under  the  flag  of  Progressivism, 
was  sweeping  over  the  Republican  ranks.  The  fight  for  the 
nomination  had  degenerated  into  a  personal  quarrel  between 
Roosevelt  and  Taft. 

Following  the  Massachusetts  primaries  the  contest  be- 
came even  more  personal  and  bitter.  President  Taft  and  his 
friends  were  determined  to  prevent  Roosevelt  from  getting 
the  Republican  nomination.  The  Old  Guard  raised  the  third 
term  cry  against  Roosevelt.  From  all  quarters  came  the  same 
report — Taft  was  lossing  State  after  State  in  the  primaries. 
Roosevelt  was  backed  by  several  millionaires  in  his  fight 
against  Taft.  The  personal  fortunes  of  some  of  them,  it  was 
claimed,  had  been  aflfected  by  Taft's  prosecution  of  trusts 
with  which  they  were  connected.  At  any  rate  there  was  no 
lack  of  campaign  funds  among  the  Progressives.  The  ad- 
ministration had  the  advantage  of  being  able  to  line  up  the 
Southern  delegates,  most  of  whom  were  office  holders.  Roose- 
velt's friends  determined  to  contest  the  right  of  some  of  these 
delegates  to  sit  in  the  convention.  The  preparation  of  these 
contests  was  left  to  Ormsby  McHarg,  a  former  office  holder 
under  Roosevelt.  Owing  to  the  large  number  of  .contests  to 
be  heard  by  the  Republican  National  Committee,  that  body 
was  called  together  at  Chicago,  June  6,  10  days  before  the 
convention. 

Samuel  J.  Elder,  one  of  Boston's  best  known  lawyers  and 
close  personal  friend  of  President  Taft,  an  authority  on  elec- 
tion laws,  was  called  in  to  advise  on  the  contests.  Mr.  Elder 
was  counsel  for  the  United  States  in  the  fisheries  arbitration 
at  the  Hague  two  years  before,  by  appointment  of  President 
Taft,     Senator  Dixon  of  Montana  represented  Col  Roosevelt 

287 


at  Chicago.    Assisting  him  were  Francis  Heney  of  California, 
Frank  Kellogg  of  Minnesota  and  others. 

"Facing  a  revolution  of  the  Republican  voters  of  the  Nation 
and  repudiated  in  every  Republican  State  where  the  voters  them- 
selves have  had  an  opportunity  to  express  their  preference  in  pri- 
mary elections,  in  their  desperate  attempts  to  try  and  defeat  Roose- 
velt's nomination  they  are  now  urging  members  of  the  Republican 
National  Committee  to  a  revolutionary  program  that  would  mean 
the  death  knell  of  Republican  hopes  in  the  November  election," 
said  Senator  Dixon  in  the  first  day's  meeting  of  the  National  com- 
mittee, and,  he  added:  "By  fraud  and  manipulation  and  brutal  control 
of  the  political  machines  the  Taft  managers  have  stolen  district  and 
state  conventions;  with  the  eyes  of  the  Nation  centered  on  Chicago, 
they  will  ignominiously  fail  in  their  brazen  effort  lo  steal  the  Pres- 
idential nomination  itself.  The  Taft  managers  confidently  assert 
that  they  have  some  men  on  the  National  Committee  who  are  pre- 
pared to  use  the  arsenic  bottle  method  of  settling  the  contests 
pending  before  the  committee." 

Congressman  McKinley  of  Illinois,  manager  of  the  Taft 
forces  said: 

"Tht  first  disappointment  Mr  Roosevelt  will  experience  before 
the  governing  bodies  of  the  Republican  party  will  be  the  collapse 
of  his  contests.  The  most  charitable  thing  that  can  be  said  con- 
cerning them  is  that  he  either  knows  nothing  about  them  personally 
or  he  has  been  misinformed  from  the  outset." 

McKinley  predicted  Taft's  nomination  by  over  50  ma- 
jority. 

Every  day  the  score  of  the  contests  was  against  Roose- 
velt. As  the  Taft  men  chalked  up  the  number,  the  Roosevelt 
men  loudly  protested  and  threatened  to  bolt  the  convention 
if  the  committee  insisted  on  going  on  in  that  way.  The  Roose- 
velt men  charged  that  the  Taft  men  were  robbing  them  of 
their  delegates  right  and  left.  The  feeling  in  both  camps  was 
intensely  bitter  as  shown  by  a  statement  made  June  10th,  by 
Ormsby  McHarg,  on  the  rumored  intention  of  the  National 
Committee  to  unseat  the  entire  Roosevelt  delegation  from 
California  on  a  technicality,  who  declared : 

"If  we  are  robbed  of  any  delegates  there  will  be  a  political  rev- 
olution in  this  country.  We  have  had  oflfers  by  telegraph  of  looo 
crack  shots  from  Oklahoma  to  march  right  down  to  the  Coliseum 
and  clean  out  the  whole  caboodle  of  those  who  could  dare  do  such 
a  thing. 

"If  a  man  robs  me  of  what  is  mine  I  will  come  pretty  near  see- 
ing that  he  is  punished  for  his  crime.  Let  the  National  Committee 
attempt  such  a  thing  and  you  will  see  this  city  in  a  riot  in  no  time." 

The  day  that  Mr.  Elder  argued  the  Arizona  cases  was  a 

288 


Gen.    William    F.    Draper's    Statue   at    Hopcdale. 


lively  one  in  National  politics.  The  two  most  important  ar- 
rivals in  the  convention  city  were  George  W.  Perkins,  prom- 
inent in  the  Roosevelt  committee  and  John  Hays  Hammond, 
of  the  Taft  forces.  John  Hays  Hammond,  it  is  said,  can  tell  a 
mine  as  soon  as  he  steps  on  it.  He  certainly  stepped  on  a  po- 
litical mine  that  day.  On  his  arrival  workmen  in  the  Roosevelt 
and  Taft  mines  began  to  touch  off  the  fuses  and  there  was  a 
series  of  small  explosions  all  day.  George  W.  Perkins  stood 
around  the  hotel  corridors  talking  with  friends  and  remarked 
that  the  Taft  men  had  better  stop  talking  about  campaign 
funds. 

"We  are  spending  our  money  las  individuals,'*  said  he,  "but  Taft 
is  spending  the  people's  and  the  interests'  money.  If  the  National 
Committee  keeps  up  its  steam  roller  tactics  they  might  just  as  well 
hand  the  convention  over  to  Roosevelt.  The  delegates  wont  stand 
for  it,  and  he  is  sure  to  be  nominated.'' 

Late  that  afternoon  Manager  McKinley  issued  a  long 
statement  in  which  he  said  that  Taft  would  be  nominated  on 
the  first  ballot.  He  also  made  the  direct  charge  that  the 
Roosevelt  camp  was  planning  to  buy  the  nomination.  When 
Senator  Dixon,  the  Roosevelt  manager,  was  shown  the  state- 
ment, he  said  coolly: 

"Say  for  me  please  that  it  is  a  cheap  ordinary  campaign  lie  so 
far  as  the  charges  of  bribery  are  concerned.  As  for  his  claim  that 
Taft  will  be  nominated,  he  knows  that  to  be  untrue  also." 

On  the  afternoon  of  June  15,  Col  Roosevelt  arrived  in 
Chicago.  A  great  crowd  welcomed  him  at  the  railroad  station 
and  followed  him  to  his  hotel.  At  the  railroad  station  the 
California  delegation  was  in  the  surging  throng.  The  Calif- 
ornians  brought  along  their  banners  and  their  band  to  help 
swell  the  enthusiasm.  The  band  played  "Hail,  hail,  the 
Gang's  All  Here."  They  put  their  banners  right  up  alongside 
the  Roosevelt  automobile  and  they  set  up  a  yell  that  must 
have  reached  the  Coliseum  a  half  mile  away,  where  the  Na- 
tional Committee  was  superintending  the  steam  roller  at  work, 
flattening  out  the  Colonel's  friends. 

One  of  the  banners  carried  by  the  Californians  read  on 
one  side :  "California's  26  votes  Solid  for  Roosevelt,"  and  on 
the  reverse:  "California  Refuses  to  Try  Title  to  Property 
Before  the  Thieves  Who  Stole  It."  The  Colonel  stood  up  in 
his  automobile,  bowing  and  smiling  at  the  crowd  before  the 
start  was  made  for  his  headquarters.     After  the  police  had 

289 


made  a  passage  for  his  automobile,  the  procession  started,  the 
band  playing,  "There'll  Be  a  Hot  Time  in  the  Old  Town  To- 
night." At  his  hotel,  in  response  to  the  demands  of  10,000 
people  he  spoke  from  a  balcony,  saying: 

"My  friends,  Chicago  is  a  bad  place  for  men  to  try  to  steal  in. 
I  wish  you  to  look  at  that  placard  of  California.  California's  26 
votes  are  mine  and  shall  be  counted  as  such.  And  mind  you,  the 
receiver  of  stolen  goods  is  no  better  than  the  thief. 

"This  has  come  down  to  mean  a  fight  for  honesty  against  dis- 
honesty, for  honesty  against  theft.  The  people  have  spoken  and 
the  politicians  dead  or  living  who  opposed  them  will  be  made  to 
understand  that  they  are  the  servants  and  not  the  masters  of  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  plain  people  of  the  Republic." 

"You  bet."  yelled  several  in  the  street  below. 

"This  is  no  faction  fight  This  is  a  contest  between  the  people 
themselves  and  the  professional  politicians  representing  all  that  is 
worst  in  the  corruption  of  business.  And  the  people  will  win.  (Ap- 
plause). 

"And  we  had  with  us  in  the  primaries  (a  voice,  "Illinois")  Yes 
Sir,  56  to  2,  and  from  states  where  the  people  could  express  their 
will  we  have  obtained  your  votes  2  to  i,  ^  to  i  and  even  8  to  i." 

The  tone  of  the  Colonel's  speech  and  the  remarks  of  his 
political  lieutenants  indicated  plainly  that  thev  meant  to  re- 
constitute the  old  party  or  create  a  new  one.  On  the  night  of 
the  17th  of  June,  Roosevelt's  friends  held  a  meeting  which 
packed  the  Auditorium.  He  then  and  there  announced  that 
he  would  not  be  bound  by  the  votes  of  fraudulently  chosen 
delegates.  He  flayed  Taft  and  the  bosses.  Senator  Borah  of 
Idaho  presided  at  the  meeting  and  discussed  the  steam  roller 
tactics  of  the  National  Committee. 

The  following  day,  the  Old  Guard  had  the  votes  to  select 
EHhu  Root  for  permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention.  With 
Root's  election,  whatever  chance  Roosevelt  had  vanished. 
Root  was  for  Taft,  was  put  there  by  Taft's  friends  and  it  was 
up  to  him  to  see  that  Taft  was  nominated,  which  he  did.  Root 
and  Roosevelt  had  been  boon  companions.  Root  had  been  his 
Secretary  of  State,  but  he  was  a  Standpatter  of  Standpatters. 
Once  Col  Roosevelt  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  that  he  would 
crawl  on  his  hands  and  knees,  from  the  White  House  to  the 
Capitol,  if  by  so  doing,  he  could  make  Root  President.  When 
Root  took  the  gavel  in  hand  one  could  almost  hear  the  Roose- 
veltians  hiss  "Et  tu  Brute."  Gov.  McGovern  of  Wisconsin  was 
the  Roosevelt  candidate  for  temporary  chairman  of  the  con- 

290 


vention.  The  vote  was  Root  558,  McGovern  502.  Massachu- 
setts divided  18  and  18  on  the  question  as  she  did  on  all  ques- 
tions of  importance  in  the  convention. 

There  was  some  talk  of  Gov  Hadley  of  Missouri,  a  Roose- 
velt man,  as  a  compromise  candidate  for  the  presidential  nom- 
ination but  President  Taft,  it  was  claimed,  would  not  stand  for 
it  and  the  idea  had  to  be  given  up.  After  five  days  given  over 
to  the  preliminaries,  the  convention  on  June  22,  compressed 
its  real  business  into  a  little  more  than  five  hours.  Mr.  Roose- 
velt called  upon  his  followers  to  register  a  silent  protest  by 
sitting  in  their  seats  and  decline  to  take  part  in  the  voting. 
This  policy  was  pursued  by  344  delegates. 

The  victors  in  the  battle  went  forth  from  the  scene  of 
their  triumph  without  sounding  a  note  of  rejoicing,  while  the 
vanquished  hastened  to  Orchestra  Hall  to  hear  Mr.  Roose- 
velt. Only  one  ballot  was  taken  for  the  nominees  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President,  as  follows : 

For  President: 

William   H.  Taft  of  Ohio    561 

Theodore  Roosevelt  of  New  York   107 

Robert  M.  LaFollette  of  Wisconsin    4^ 

Albert  S.  Cummins  of  Iowa    13 

Absent       6 

Charles  E.  Hughes  of  New  York 2 

Not    voting    344 

Taft's  majority    21 

For  Vice  President: 

James  S.  Sherman  of  New  York 597 

William   E.  Borah   of  Idaho    21 

Charles    E.    Merriam    of    Illinois    20 

Albert  J.  Beveridge  of  Indiana  2 

Howard  F.  Gillette  of  Illinois i 

Absent        85 

Present  but  not  voting   338 

Sherman's    majority    57 

Sixty  years  before  in  the  same  city  the  Republican  party 
nominated  Abraham  Lincoln  and  began  its  almost  unbroken 
success.  It  was  a  sad  reminder  of  the  glories  of  the  past.  Mass- 
achusetts occasioned  the  wildest  scene  of  the  entire  day  when 
the  nomination  was  made.  The  clerk  called  an  alternate's 
name  in  place  of  a  Roosevelt  delegate  who  had  declined  to 
vote.  A  protest  arose,  but  Chairman  Root  ruled  that  where  a 
delegate  failed  to  discharge  his  duty  his  alternate  should  have 
an  opportunity  to  discharge  it  and  represent  his  constituency. 
This  method  was  adopted,  however,  to  fit  Massachusetts,  the 

291 


only  State  where  the  alternates,  and  delegates,  at  least  those 
at  large  were  on  opposite  sides.  Alternates  had  not  been 
called  in  the  preceding  States  on  the  roll,  where  Roosevelt 
men  had  answered  and  declined  to  vote. 

The  uproar  over  the  Massachusetts  case  did  not  subside 
for  several  minutes  sufficiently  for  the  call  to  be  resumed. 
Immediately  afterward,  when  the  name  of  John  D.  Long  was 
called  as  a  Taft  delegate-at-large  there  was  cheering,  but  Mr. 
Long  not  being  present,  the  next  alternate  was  called. 

When  it  was  no  use  to  further  contest  v/ith  the  Taft  men, 
Roosevelt's  followers  met  apart  for  the  purpose  of  deciding 
on  their  future  course. 

Senator  Borah  served  notice  on  the  Colonel  at  a  meeting 
of  the  latter's  supporters  that  he  would  not  bolt.  He  bolted 
in  1896  on  the  Silver  question  and  it  took  him  many  years  to 
live  that  record  down.  Gov  Hadley  and  Gov  Dineen  refused 
to  follow  him  out  of  the  old  party.  Nobody  from  Massachu- 
setts in  the  Old  Guard  camp  agreed  to  follow  the  Colonel. 
Even  Maine  refused  to  bolt — Maine  that  had  offered  to  die  for 
him  in  the  Progressive  cause.  A  State  election  in  Maine  was 
on  in  September  and  they  didn't  want  to  sacrifice  all,  they  said. 
It  was  decided  to  have  a  Convention  of  T.  R.  men  in  August 
in  Chicago  and  nominate  the  Colonel. 

When  the  Massachusetts  delegates  reached  Baltimore, 
the  Democratic  convention  city,  they  found  a  fine  young  row 
incubating  between  William  J.  Bryan  and  some  of  his  old 
friends,  over  the  selection  of  Ex-Judge  Alton  B.  Parker  for 
temporary  presiding  officer  of  the  convention.  Mr.  Bryan 
wouldn't  listen  to  Parker's  selection  and  said  after  the  formal 
selection  of  Judge  Parker  had  been  made  by  the  National 
Committee : 

"The  talk  of  harmony  is  too  absurd  to  deserve  consideration. 
I  tried  to  secure  harmony  by  urging  several  weeks  ago  that  the  com- 
mittee invite  Mr.  Clark  and  Mr.  Wilson,  whose  instructed  delegates 
constitute  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  convention,  to  agree  upon  a  can- 
didate for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  friction.  They  not  only  failed  to 
do  this,  but  they  refused  to  take  the  choice  of  either  candidate  and 
at   Mr.   Murphy's   dictation   forced   Mr.  Parker's  nomination. 

"The  predatory  interests  have  no  politics.  They  are  with  the 
party  that  serves  them.  Having  enabled  a  minority  of  the  Republi- 
cans to  override  the  will  of  the  majority  of  Republicans  at  Chicago, 
they  are  now  here  to  enable  the  minority  of  the  Democrats  to  over- 
ride  the   iTiajority  in    this   convention. 

"There  is  not  a  great  exploiting  interest  that  is  not  represented 
in   the  lobbies  of  the  hotels;  there  is   not  a  corrupting  influence  in 

292 


Senator  Lodge,  President  Taft.  Mayor  Farrell  at  Maiden  Celebration. 


Gov.  Foss,  President  Taft  and  Mayor  Fitzgerald,  Reviewing  Evacua- 
tion  Day  Parade,  South    Boston. 


Ajmerican  politics  that  is  not  being  used,  and  the  delegates  to  this 
convention  underestimate  the  intelligence  of  the  men  who  sent  them 
here  if  they  think  they  can  go  back  and  deceive  them  into  believing 
that  they  supported  Mr.  Parker  from  any  worthy  motive/' 

Mr.  Bryan  put  on  his  war  paint  and  feathers,  again 
snatched  his  tomahawk  and  started  on  the  warpath  after  the 
Democratic  reactionaries.  An  hour  after  he  had  hit  the  trail 
he  had  the  palefaces  of  the  "interests"  on  their  knees  offering 
him  the  pipe  of  peace,  but  he  spurned  it  and  said  he'd  not  be 
satisfied  with  anything  less  than  the  scalps  of  the  political 
trailers  of  his  own  tribe.  When  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions met,  the  chairmanship  of  the  committee  was  laid  aside 
for  Mr.  Bryan.  After  a  long  discussion  and  appeals  for  har- 
mony, it  was  voted  to  name  a  subcommittee  to  Avait  on  Mr. 
Bryan  and  ask  him  to  accept  the  task  of  constructing  the 
platform.  He  declined  the  chairmanship  but  was  a  member 
of  the  committee  and  dominated  it. 

David  I.  Walsh  of  Massachusetts  was  one  of  his  willing 
assistants.  On  this  occasion  the  Democrats  named  their  can- 
didate first  and  adopted  their  platform  afterwards,  thus  re- 
versing the  order  of  things.  The  idea  was  Mr.  Bryan's,  who 
claimed  that  he  wanted  the  platform  to  fit  the  candidate.  He 
didn't  want  any  more  candidates  amending  the  platform  by 
telegraph  as  Judge  Parker  had  eight  years  before.  Some  of 
the  anti-Bryan  men  expressed  the  hope  that  Bryan  would 
bolt.  He  had  a  special  aversion  against  Thomas  Fortune 
Ryan,  the  Wall  Street  financier  who  was  a  member  of  the  Vir- 
ginia delegation.  Mr.  Ryan  was  too  close  to  the  interests  to 
suit  Mr.  Bryan.  Ryan  must  be  bottled  up.  When  the  con- 
vention met  Speaker  Clark  was  the  leading  candidate.  His 
nearest  competitor  was  Gov  Wilson  of  New  Jersey.  Senator 
Ollie  James  of  Kentucky  was  chosen  permanent  presiding 
officer.    He  was  a  Clark  man  but  he  was  fair  to  all. 

Gov  Foss  went  to  Baltimore,  the  custodian  of  his  own 
boom.  With  him  went  a  half  dozen  office  holders  from  the 
State  House.  He  didn't  have  any  stationary  headquarters  at 
the  convention  city.  He  circulated  among  the  delegates, 
talked  with  some  of  the  candidates  and  sent  out  thousands 
of  copies  of  a  circular,  entitled  "Foss  the  Only  Democrat  Who 
Can  Win,"  by  a  half  dozen  messenger  boys.  One  of  his  friends 
in  the  delegation  hired  a  nondescript  band,  so  that  the  Massa- 
chusetts delegation  might  march  into  the  convention  hall  and 
attract  some  attention.     When  Mr.   Foss  was  suggested  to 

293 


Mr.  Bryan  as  a  good  man  to  nominate  the  Nebraskan  smiled 
and  remarked :  "He's  still  wet  about  the  neck.  His  Democ- 
racy is  too  recent." 

The  "Old  Boy"  asked  William  Sulzer  of  New  York  for 
his  support.  Sulzer  replied  that  only  once  had  the  Democrats 
nominated  a  Republican — Horace  Greeley — and  he  added, 
"You  know  what  happened."  Foss  was  unable  to  muster  the 
complete  vote  of  Massachusetts.  Several  of  the  delegates  from 
his  own  .State  refused  to  take  his  candidacy  seriously  and 
little  attention  was  paid  to  his  appeal  for  votes  outside  of 
Massachusetts.  On  the  26th  ballot,  when  Clark's  vote  began 
to  break  up,  Gov  Foss  received  45  votes. 

On  the  14th  ballot  when  Nebraska  was  called,  Mr.  Bryan 
arose  amid  the  wildest  tumult.  When  the  chair  had  recog- 
nized him  he  strode  towards  the  platform.  Mounting  th?  ros- 
trum he  announced  it  as  his  purpose  to  explain  his  vote.  Still- 
ing the  clamor  that  his  presence  before  the  convention  arous- 
ed, he  declared  that  while  he  was  instructed  for  Clark,  he 
could  not  take  any  part  in  nominating  a  candidate  where  suc- 
cess depended  upon  the  vote  of  New  York  and  that  to  prevent 
such  a  result  he  felt  free  to  vote  for  the  second  choice  of  Ne- 
braska, Wilson. 

The  delegates'  section  was  churned  up  with  excitement 
and  Mr.  Bryan  looked  down  upon  the  scene  with  his  mouth 
shut  like  a  steel  trap,  for  McCorkle  of  West  Virginia  de- 
manded to  know  if  he  was  ready  to  pledge  himself  to  support 
the  nominee  of  the  Convention.  Mr.  Bryan  parried  by  re- 
marking that  his  Democracy  had  the  indorsement  of  6,500,(XX) 
Democrats,  but  he  answered  further  by  saying  that  he  had  no 
idea  that  the  Convention  would  nominate  a  man  for  whom  he 
could  not  vote.  Leaning  over  the  rail  of  the  rostrum  like  a 
captain  standing  on  the  bridge  of  a  ship  in  a  storm,  he  chal- 
lenged his  foes  to  ask  him  questions,  saying  that  if  any  one 
had  a  question  to  ask  him  he  would  be  glad  to  help  him  get 
it  off  his  mind.  As  he  said  this,  he  smiled  on  the  convention 
for  the  first  time  since  he  faced  it  the  Tuesday  before,  but  in 
the  smile  there  was  more  defiance  than  good  humor.  During 
this  blow  from  Bryan,  the  Clark  vote  sank  and  continued  to 
sink  throughout  the  balloting. 

In  this  fierce  clash  of  irreconcilable  elements,  the  ballot- 
ing continued  and  the  thousands  in  the  convention  hall  sat  and 
stood  as  the  day  passed  and  Sunday  drew  near.    It  was  Wil- 

294 


son  against  the  field,  Clark  had  been  sent  for  and  hurried  on 
from  Washington  for  the  purpose  of  stemming  the  tide,  but 
the  convention  adjourned  before  his  arrival.  On  the  46th 
ballot  at  3.30  P.  M.  July  2nd,  Woodrow  Wilson  was  nomin- 
ated. Speaker  Clark  arrived  in  the  convention  city  just  in 
time  to  hear  the  announcement  of  the  result  of  the  43rd  ballot 
which  showed  a  big  gain  of  108  votes  for  Wilson.  Even  New 
York  tumbled  over  itself  to  cast  its  90  votes  through  Boss 
Murphy  for  Wilson  who  didn't  need  them  at  that  time. 

Thomas  M.  Marshall,  of  Indiana,  was  nominated  for  Vice 
President.  Great  sympathy  was  expressed  for  Speaker  Clark. 
Ballot  after  ballot  he  had  led  and  had  a  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates, but  not  the  requisite  two-thirds  to  nominate  required  by 
the  Democratic  Convention  from  the  earliest  days.  He  was 
popular  with  the  public  and  well  liked  by  his  associates  and 
he  felt  mortified  over  his  defeat  by  a  political  novice,  Gov 
Woodrow  Wilson  of  New  Jersey.  He  has  never  forgiven 
Bryan's  betrayal  of  him.  It  was  some  time  before  he  was 
reconciled,  but  he  did  call  on  the  nominee  during  the  cam- 
paign and  spoke  for  the  ticket.  Time  has  softened  his  feel- 
ings towards  most  of  those  who  went  back  on  him  and  he  has 
always  been  ready  to  serve  the  Wilson  administration. 

Another  party  was  to  be  launched  in  the  campaign — 
Col  Roosevelt's  party — the  Bull  Moose  party,  as  it  came  to  be 
known.  It  forms  an  interesting  chapter  in  the  political  his- 
tory of  the  country  and  Massachusetts  had  an  important  part 
in  its  launching. 


295 


M 


CHAPTER  XL 

BIRTH  OF  THE  BULL   MOOSE  PARTY  AT  CHICAGO. 

ASSACHUSETTS  was  well  represented  when  the  Bull 
Moose  or  Prog^ressive  party  was  organized  in  August, 
1912,  at  Chicago.  Col  Roosevelt  had  many  prominent 
and  influential  friends  in  Massachusetts.  It  grieved  his  old 
friend  Senator  Lodge  to  see  the  Colonel  bent  on  destroying 
the  solidarity  of  the  party  of  their  early  love,  the  party  which 
had  bestowed  its  choicest  gifts  on  both.  Roosevelt,  cast  in  a 
different  mould  than  Lodge,  did  not  hesitate  to  ruthlessly 
strike  down  his  party. 

In  Massachusetts  Col  Roosevelt  found  plenty  of  encour- 
agement in  the  formation  of  his  new  party.  Foremost  among 
the  Roosevelt  leaders  were  Charles  Sumner  Bird,  Prof  Albert 
Busnell  Hart,  Matthew  Hale,  Richard  Watson  Child  and  Ar- 
thur D.  Hill.  Both  Hill  and  Hale  had  been  amply  rewarded 
for  any  public  or  party  service  they  rendered  the  Republicans 
of  this  State, 

Hill  had  been  named  District  Attorney  of  Suffolk  County 
by  Gov  Draper  on  the  death  of  John  B.  Moran,  to  serve  until 
the  voters  could  choose  the  latter's  successor.  The  voters 
made  short  work  of  Hill  and  elected  a  Democrat,  Joseph  C. 
Pelletier.  Hale  had  been,  some  years  before,  a  tutor  in  the 
Roosevelt  family,  came  to  Boston,  was  introduced  by  Roose- 
velt's friends  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Alder- 
men. Bird  had  never  been  active  in  politics.  There  were 
others,  to  be  sure,  men  like  Charles  H.  Davis  of  the  Cape 
whose  campaign  contributions  were  made  early  and  often, 
Ex-^Congressman  Lewis  D.  Apsley  of  Hudson,  Rev  Dr  Perrin, 
James  F.  Magenis  and  Russell  A.  Wood.  Just  before  the 
gathering  of  the  Moose  at  Chicago,  August  5,  the  Massachu- 
setts Roosevelt  followers  elected  36  delegates  to  the  National 
convention.  Eighteen  Presidential  electors  were  also  nomin- 
ated. Roosevelt  and  Johnson  were  endorsed  as  the  National 
ticket  and  the  delegates  were  instructed  to  vote  for  them 

296 


(,  Ciiii.\ri,i,iit     ii,\'     Clinedinst.     Washington") 

President  Roosevelt  and  President- Elect  Taft  on  the  way  to  the  Capi- 
tol, March  4,  1909,  Escorted  by    Detail    of    U.    S.    Secret    Service   Men. 


PlMXJKESSIVE 
I'AiriT 

"PASS  PROSPERITY  AROUND" 

FOUNDERS'  CERTIFICATE 

1912    CAMPAIGN 

THIS    CERTIFIES  THAT 


PROGRESSIVE  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


t'Lv-tc  --  'U^../.,..a't'^  ^MnrfO^      ""'"  "" 


Founders   Certificate   Progressive    Party,    1912. 


"until  the  cows  come  home,"  on  the  motion  of  Timothy  W. 
Coakley.    Several  women  participated  in  the  State  convention. 
The  delegates  elected  to  the   Chicago  convention,  each 
with  half  a  vote,  were : 

Adelard  M.  Potvin  of  Holyoke,  Richard  J.  Talbot  of  Springfield, 
J.  Frank  Drake  of  Springfield,  Frank  Kinsman  of  Leominster,  J.  W. 
Whittaker  of  Gardner,  Stephen  E.  French  of  Athol,  Eli  Bouchard 
of  Worcester,  William  N.  Osgood  of  Lowell,  Augustus  N.  Parry  Jr. 
of  Amesbury,  Benjamin  Pearson  of  Newbury,  Rudolph  W.  Currier 
of  Lj'^nn,  Osborn  McLeod  of  Cliftondale,  C.  F.  Parmelee  of  Win- 
chester, Bancroft  Abbott  of  Watertown,  F.  H.  Thomas  of  Cambridge, 
Arthur  W.  Glines  of  Somerville,  Jeremiah  J.  McCarthy  of  Charles- 
town,  James  H.  Madison  of  Boston,  Carl  Brandt  of  Jamaica  Plain, 
Thomas  F.  Doherty  of  Dorchester,  William  B.  Willcutt  of  Dor- 
chester, Walter  H.  Foster  of  Allston,  Benjamin  Bennett  of  Brook- 
line,  Norman  Marshall  of  Newton,  Richard  \Y.  Nickerson  of  Ded- 
ham,  Frank  A.  Morrill  of  Norwood,  John  Johnson  of  Quincy,  War- 
ren R.  Keith  of  Brockton,  Joseph  B.  Gerald  of  North  Attleboro,  Wil- 
liam P.  Pritchard  of  Fall  River,  Richard  W.  Child  of  Cohasset,  Alvin 
C.  Howe  of  Middleboro,  Matthew  Hale  of  Boston,  Grace  A.  Johnson 
of  Cambridge,  Alice  Carpenter  of  Brookline,  and  Maud  Wood  Park 
of  Dorchester. 

The  declaration  of  principles  invited  everybody  to  the 
Progressive  ranks.  It  favored  the  initiative  and  referen  lum, 
the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  a  direct  vote  of  the 
people,  equal  suffrage,  a  more  equitable  system  of  taxation, 
demanded  the  enforcement  of  the  principles  enunciated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  deplored  lynch-law,  favored  a 
State  industrial  board  to  recommend  labor  legislation,  v/hich 
was  also  to  report  on  the  merits  of  any  industrial  controversy 
and  favored  the  extension  of  the  policy  of  regulating  public 
utilities  "and  other  business." 

Like  all  third  party  movements,  the  Bull  Moose  party  had 
its  quota  of  cranks  and  extremists.  It  required  all  the  tact  of 
the  presiding  officer  of  the  convention,  Ex-Mayor  Frederick 
Fosdick  of  Fitchburg,  to  handle  them  without  catising  a  rum- 
pus and  at  the  sam.e  time  prevent  their  cure-all  schemes  from 
being  grafted  on  to  the  declaration  of  principles. 

The  Massachusetts  contingent  was  on  hand  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  Chicago  convention.  Chicago  was  still  Roosevelt 
mad  when  the  convention  opened.  When  the  Colonel's  train 
steamed  into  the  La  Salle  St  station,  there  v/as  a  crowd  as  big, 
if  not  bigger  than  the  one  that  greeted  him  when  he  arrived 
in  June  to  take  personal  command  of  his  delegates  in  the  hope 
of  wresting  the  Republican  nomination  from  President  Taft. 

297 


It  was  a  repetition  of  the  June  reception.  In  addition  to 
the  crowd  that  filled  the  railroad  station  there  were  two  or 
three  thousand  more  outside.  A  majority  of  them  followed 
his  automobile  from  the  depot  to  his  hotel.  On  the  way  it 
was  the  same  old  story,  the  crowd  shouting  "Teddy"  and 
"Teddy"  standing  in  the  motor  car  bowing,  waving  his  cam- 
paign hat  and  showing  that  fine  set  of  teeth ;  now  and  then 
greeting  an  admirer  or  an  old  friend  who  eluded  the  police 
guard  and  succeeded  in  climbing  on  the  running  board  of  his 
automobile  to  shake  hands. 

In  front  of  the  hotel,  in  response  to  the  persistent  de- 
mands of  his  ardent  supporters,  he  made  a  short  speech  in 
which  he  told  them  he  was  proud  to  be  with  them  again 
to  assist  them  at  the  birth  of  a  new  party,  and  not  the  death  of 
an  old  one — a  christening,  not  a  funeral.  He  assured  them  that 
by  November  Taft  and  Sherman  would  not  be  factors  in  the 
Presidential  race,  meaning  that  the  fight  was  between  Wood- 
row  Wilson  and  himself. 

The  Colonel  was  in  Chicago  but  a  few  minutes  when  he 
settled  down  to  business.  He  began  to  hold  conferences  with 
his  party  managers  and  receive  callers  of  importance.  The 
most  vital  and  pressing  subject  was  the  race  question.  Out- 
side his  rooms  at  the  Congress  Hotel  were  a  score  or  more 
of  expostulating  negroes,  some  of  whom  had  been  steam- 
rollered out  of  their  convention  seats  by  the  Colonel's  provi- 
sional National  Committee.  Fiery  threats  and  angry  pro- 
tests were  uttered  by  these  men,  who  felt  that  they  had  been 
humiliated  and  wronged  by  the  new  party  m.anacjers.  They 
demanded  to  see  the  Colonel.  He  declined  to  meet  them  and 
sent  word  by  Senator  Dixon,  his  campaign  manager,  that  he 
could  not  and  would  not  interfere. 

"Tell  them  to  read  my  letter  to  Julian  Harris  of  Atlanta. 
It  contains  a  full  statement  of  my  views"  was  the  cnly  satis- 
faction the  colored  men  got.  That  did  not  satisfy  them  and 
they  still  hung  around  the  Colonel's  apartments.  At  one  time 
the  demonstration  threatened  a  small-sized  race  war,  but  the 
police  detail  cleared  the  corridors  and  things  quieted  down. 

To  callers  the  Colonel  expressed  himself  as  delighted  with 
the  way  things  were  going,  remarking: 

"Think  of  it.  In  seven  weeks  we  have  accomplished  what  it  took 
the   early   republicans   three   years   to   do.     We   have   in   that   short 

298 


time   organized    a   new   party    tuat   is   sweeping   the   country   like    a 
prairie  fire. 

"We  have  more  delegates  in  the  Coliseum  thai:  has  been  gath- 
ered at  either  one  of  the  old  party  conventions.  Every  man  is  pay- 
ing his  own  way  and  in  some  of  the  States  we  had  lo  issue  orders 
that  no  more  delegates  should  be  elected,  as  we  could  not  accommo- 
date them  in  the  hall." 

Col  Roosevelt  did  not  appear  at  the  opening  session  of 
his  new  party  convention.  He  found  plenty  to  do  at  his  head- 
quarters.   He  was  the  most  sought  after  man  in  Chicago. 

The  decorations  in  the  convention  hall  were  simple  but 
effective,  consisting  of  red,  white  and  blue  bunting  and  hun- 
dreds of  flags  and  National  shields  suspended  from  the  ceil- 
ing girders.  Over  the  platform  uprights  was  a  large  sounding 
board  under  which  the  speakers  stood.  Back  of  the  stage 
were  portraits  of  Washington,  Jefferson  and  Lincoln.  On  the 
left  of  the  stage  was  one  of  Jackson,  hero  of  New  Orleans. 
On  the  right  of  the  presiding  officer  was  a  likeness  of  Alexan- 
der Hamilton,  one  of  Colonel  Roosevelt's  political  idols.  At 
the  farther  end  of  the  hall  was  a  picture  of  Col  Roosevelt, 
done  in  a  halo  of  ivy  wreath. 

On  the  platform,  occupying  the  front  row  of  seats,  was  a 
GAR  fife  and  drum  corps.  As  they  rattled  off  their  old-time 
stirring  war  marches,  a  young  man  dressed  in  white,  a  son  of 
a  veteran  and  a  boy  scout  waved  large  flags.  Wheti  thi  ve'.^r- 
ans  struck  up  "John  Brown's  body"  the  audience  took  it  up 
and  sang  it  with  the  spirit  of  anti-slavery  days. 

At  12.45  P  M,  Sen  Dixon,  National  Chairman  of  the  Pro- 
gressive party,  called  the  gathering  to  order.  The  size  and 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  crowd  assembled  to  assist  in  the  birth 
of  the  new  party  was  all  that  could  be  desired.  Ex-Senator 
Beveridge  of  Indiana,  "sounded  the  keynote"  in  an  eloquent 
speech,  radical  enough  for  the  Colonel  and  his  friends.  When 
Beveridge  finished,  the  audience  arose  and  cheered  him  for 
several  moments.  Some  of  the  Senator's  admirers  declared 
that  it  was  the  greatest  speech  he  had  ever  delivered. 

The  chair  asked  the  band  to  play  one  stanza  of  the 
"Battle  Hymn  of  the  Republic."  Everybody  stood  up  and 
fiang.  But  it  was  not  until  the  chorus  was  reached  that  the 
full  effect  of  the  stirring  song  was  felt: 

"Glory,    Glory,    Hallelujah; 
"Glory,    Glory,    Hallelujah; 
"Glory,    Glory,   Hallelujah; 
"His  Truth  is  Marching  on" 

299 


was  repeated  ag-ain  and  again,  until  it  seemed  as  if  the  con- 
Tcntion  had  resolved  itself  into  a  religious  revival.  The  chair 
at  first  tried  to  break  in  and  get  the  delegates  to  proceed  to 
business,  but  had  to  give  it  up  and  allow  the  convention  to 
sing  itself  out. 

After  a  while,  the  convention  got  back  to  business,  and 
began  to  call  the  roll  for  the  purpose  of  recording  the  names 
of  those  selected  for  the  various  committees.  The  chair  an- 
nounced that  the  next  business  was  the  "experience"  meeting 
as  planned,  but  James  R.  Garfield  of  Ohio,  son  of  the  martyred 
President  Garfield,  moved  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  invit- 
ing Col  Roosevelt  to  address  the  convention  the  next  day  and 
that  the  chair  name  a  committee  to  escort  him  to  the  hall.  The 
motion  was  carried  and  the  convention  then  adjourned  until 
noon  the  next  day.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day 
Col  Roosevelt  appeared  at  the  Coliseum  and  made  his  ''Con- 
fession of  Faith,"  as  he  called  his  speech  on  the  occasion. 

He  told  them,  as  they  listened  with  intense  interest  and 
close  attention,  that  there  was  never  a  fight  better  worth  mak- 
ing than  the  one  in  which  they  were  engaged ;  that  win  or  lose 
there  would  be  no  faltering  and  that  the  fight  would  go  on 
whatever  fate  overtook  them.  He  explained  that  he  cared 
nothing  for  the  sneers  of  his  opponents  who  charged  him  with 
preaching  socialism  and  anarch3\  The  new  party,  he  said, 
stood  for  a  corrective  for  Socialism  and  an  antidote 
for  anarchy,  by  favoring  the  rule  of  the  people.  In  the 
presence  of  10,000  supporters,  the  Colonel,  with  head  erect, 
fists  clenched,  defiant  and  militant  as  a  crusader  of  old,  con- 
cluded his  20,000  word  address  dramatically  exclaiming: 
"We  stand  at  Armageddon  and  we  battle  for  the  Lord !" 

A  scene  of  wild  enthusiasm  followed.  Cries  of  "Amen" 
could  be  faintly  heard  above  the  roar.  He  had  thrown  down 
the  guage  of  battle  to  his  opponents. 

The  message  thrill.ed  the  vast  throng.  When  the  Colonel 
folded  the  printed  copy  of  his  address  and  tucked  it  away  in 
his  pocket  there  was  more  Roosevelt  enthusiasm  in  the  Coli- 
seum than  at  any  time  since  the  new  party  began  the  work  of 
organizing  its  first  National  convention.  The  Colonel's  speech 
came  after  one  of  the  most  remarkable  demonstrations  ever 
seen  in  an  American  political  convention.  For  an  hour  after 
he  stepped  upon  the  stage  of  the  hall  the  vast  audience,  which 
packed  the  great  edifice  from  the  floor  to  the  roof,  kept  up  a 
continual  cheering,  shouting  and  "mooing" — the  official  cheer 

300 


of  the  Bull  Moose  party — as  proof  of  their  willingness  to  fol- 
low the  Ex-President. 

Before  the  arrival  of  Col  Roosevelt,  the  chair  asked  the 
Secretary  to  read  a  dispatch  from  "one  of  the  greatest  editors 
in  the  world,"  Col  Nelson  of  the  Kansas  City  Star."  The 
Colonel  said  in  his  message,  dated  from  his  '-ummer  home  at 
Magnolia,  Massachusetts : 

"Lord  but  I  do  wish  I  were  with  you.  I  never  lost  a  chance  to 
place  a  bet  on  him,  Roosevelt,  and  I  never  lost  a  bet  when  there 
was   a  square  deal." 

Everybody  then  sang  "America"  and  "Dixie."  After 
this  Chairman  Beveridge  informed  the  Convention  that  its 
distinguished  guest,  whom  it  had  invited  to  address  it  was 
within  its  gates  and  would  presently  accept  its  invitation. 
"Moo-oo-oo,"  "Moo-oo-oo,"  "Hi  Hi,"  "O  You  Teddy,"  came 
from  10,000  throats  in  every  part  of  the  great  hall.  The 
crov/d  didn't  have  to  wait  long.  "Teddy"  came  bounding  up- 
on the  stage  like  a  defiant  Bull  Moose,  while  the  other 
Moose  uttered  their  moo-oo-ing  welcome. 

For  one  hour  the  pandemonium  reigned.  At  times,  ex- 
hausted by  their  efforts  to  keep  up  the  din  and  roar  of  ap- 
plause, the  crowd  stopped  and  sang  the  Bull  Moose  cam- 
paign songs.  The  delegates  marched  about  the  hall  with  their 
banners  and  the  crowd  in  the  galleries  vied  with  them  in  the 
demonstration.  Mrs.  William  A.  Davis,  the  handsome  Chi- 
cago woman  who  started  the  Roosevelt  demonstration  at  the 
June  convention  in  the  same  hall,  and  almost  caused  a  riot  in 
doing  so,  occupied  a  front  seat  on  the  right  of  the  platform. 
She  kept  off  her  feet  as  long  as  she  could,  but  after 
the  roar  and  excitement  had  been  going  on  30  minutes  she 
could  not  restrain  her  enthusiasm.  She  jumped  up  and  started 
the  cry,  "We  want  Teddy,  yes,  we  do." 

Some  of  the  delegates  recognized  her  and  for  a  few  mom- 
ents she  was  the  cynosure  of  al  eyes  as  soon  as  her  identity  be- 
carae  known.  A  man  with  a  gilt  Teddy  Bear  escorted  her  to  the 
centre  of  the  platform,  where  she  was  introduced  to  the  Col- 
onel. The  meeting  of  the  Colonel  and  his  feminine  admirer 
was  the  occasion  for  more  applause.  The  band  struck  up  "O, 
You  Great  Big  Beautiful  Doll"  and  the  crowd  was  quick  to 
catch  on. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Col  Roosevelt's  speech,  Medill  Mc- 
Cormick  suggested  that  the  last  stanza  of  the  campaign  song, 

301 


"Roosevelt,"  set  to  the  tune  of  "Maryland,  My  Maryland," 
be  sung: 

"I  hear  the  distant  thunder  roar,  Roosevelt,  O   Roosevelt; 
"The  Fife  and  drum  and  bugle  corps,  Roosevelt,  O  Roosevelt; 
"Come  to  thine  own  heroic  throng, 
"That  stalks  with  liberty  along, 

"And  sing  the  dauntless   slogan  song,    Roosevelt,   O   Roosevelt." 
"Thou  wilt  never  cower  in  the  dust, 
Roosevelt,  O   Roosevelt." 

The  Progressives  early  established  their  reputation  as 
singers  and  amen  shoiiters,  causing  Senator  Dixon  to  remark, 

"My  God,  this  is  not  politics.    It's  religion." 

On  August  7th  the  Bull  Moose  Presidential  ticket  was 
nominated,  Col  Roosevelt  and  Gov  Johnson  of  California  ac- 
cepted their  nominations  in  brief  speeches.  Col  Roosevelt  was 
nominated  by  William  A.  Prendergast  of  New  York,  who  was 
to  have  performed  the  same  duty  at  the  Republican  conven- 
tion in  June,  delivering  practically  the  same  speech  at  the 
Progressive  convention  he  would  have  delivered  at  the  Repub- 
lican convention,  had  he  been  permitted  to  place  the  Colonel's 
name  before  that  convention. 

After  the  convention  had  welcomed  the  nominees,  a  part 
of  the  band  was  brought  to  the  platform  and  played  the  air  of 
another  Roosevelt  song,  while  the  delegates  and  the  galleries 
sang  it.    The  first  verse  ran : 

"Thy  gleaming  sword  shall  never  rust, 

Roosevelt,  O  Roosevelt. 

In  thee  we  hail  a  leader  just 

In  thee  repose  a  sacred  trust 
To  crush  the  powers  of  greed  and  lust 

Roosevelt,  O  Roosevelt.'" 

Just  before  they  sang  it  a  campaign  banner  bearing  the 
likeness  of  the  nominee  and  his  associate  was  unfurled  in 
front  of  the  stage.  The  convention  wanted  more  singing  and 
again  it  sang  "John  Brown's  Body"  all  through.  The  speeches 
of  acceptance  made,  the  convention  ended  at  7.20  P.  M.,  after 
the  singing  of  the  doxology  and  the  pronouncing  of  the  bene- 
diction, followed  by  a  chorus  of  amens. 

From  the  Coliseum,  the  defiant  Bull  Moose  went  forth  to 
devour  the  phlegmatic  GOP  Elephant  with  an  occasional  jab 
with  his  front  feet  at  the  Democratic  Donkey. 


302 


CHAPTER  XLI 

STATE   AND   NATIONAL    CAMPAIGNS    OF    1912 — ATTEMPT    ON    LIFHS 

OF  ROOSEVELT— BULL  MOOSE  BEATS  OLD  GUARD  AT  POLLS — 

DEMOCRATS      SWEEP      THE      COUNTRY  —  MASSACHUSETTS 

RET'UBLICANS    RETAIN    HOLD    ON    LEGISLATURE    AND 

SENATORIAL  ASPIRATIONS   OF  MAYOR   FIZGERALD 

THWARTED — DEMOCRATS   ELECT   SECRETARY 

OF  STATE. 

THE  State  campaign  this  year  was  a  three  cornered  con- 
test for  Governor.  Dist  Atty  Pelletier  of  SufTolk  coun- 
ty made  it  lively  for  the  "Old  Boy"  in  the  Democratic 
primaries  for  the  gubernatorial  nomination.  Pelletier  went 
into  the  fight  when  Foss  announced  that  he  would  not  seek  a 
third  term.  Later  Mr.  Foss  changed  his  mind.  Leading 
Democrats  all  over  the  State  came  to  the  rescue  of  Gov  Foss 
and  saw  to  it  that  he  was  renominated.  John  R.  Murphy,  a 
member  of  the  Foss  campaign  committee  published  a  list  of  the 
Governor's  appointments  in  answer  to  the  charge  that  Foss 
had  not  given  the  Democrats  enough  jobs.  The  list  was  as 
follows : 

Judges — Charles  A.  DeCourcy  of  Lawrence,  Joseph  F.  Quinn 
of  Salem,  John  D.  McLoughlin  of  Boston,  John  B.  Ratigan 
of  Worcester,  Patrick  M.  Keating  of  Boston,  Fred  H.  Chase 
of  Boston,  Nathan  D.  Pratt  of  Lowell,  Thomas  J.  Enright  of  Lowell, 
Edward  F.  Hanify  of  Fall  River,  Gerald  A.  Healey  of  Canton,  John 
J.  Ryan  of  Haverhill,  Charles  S.  Sullivan  of  Charlestown,  Edward 
B.  O'Brien  of  Marblehead,  John  C.  Lynch  of  Milford,  Michael  J. 
Creed  of  South  Boston,  Thomas  P.  Riley  of  Maiden,  John  E.  Herlihv 
of  Monson,  Michael  F.  Kennedy  of  Natick,  James  P.  Doran  of  Bed- 
ford, and  William   F.   Merritt  of  Dorchester. 

Clerks  of  Courts — William  M.  Murphy  of  Marlboro,  Dennis  C 
Killeen  of  Housatonic,  Daniel  V.  Mahonej'  of  Lawrence,  William  F. 
Donovan  of  Boston,  Luke  F.  Kelly  of  Middleboro,  Thomas  F.  Con- 
lin  of  Pittsfield,  Patrick  P.  Pierce  of  Ipswich,  Morgan  J.  McSweeney 
of   Salem,   and    Daniel   H.    Bradley   of   Somerville. 

Medical  Examiners — William  G.  Kelliher  of  Woburn,  James  F. 
Cuddy  of  Athol,  William  J.  Teehan  of  Holyoke,  H.  E.  Doonan  ol 
South  Hadley,  John  H.  C.  Gallagher  of  Chicopee,  Louis  E.  Mannix 
of  Chicopee  Falls,  Daniel  P.  O'Brien  of  New  Bedford,  John  J.  Mc- 
Namara  of  Brockton,  Thomas  L.  Gallagher  of  Newton,  Fred  B. 
Murphy  of  Attleboro,  Andrew  J.  McGray  of  Taunton  and  Frank  S. 
Buckley  of  Ayer. 

Arthur  Bogue,  Register  of  Probate,  Essex  County;  Richard  P. 
Coughlin,   Register   of   Probate,   Bristol   County;    George   P.   O'Don- 

303 


nell  District  Attorney,  Hampden  County;  John  Quinn  Jr,  Sheriff  of 
Suffolk  County;  and  Patrick  F.  Sullivan  of  Lowell,  chairman  In- 
dustrial  Accident   Board  of  Trustees. 

Workingmens'  Compensation  and  Industrial  Accident  Board,, 
James  B.  Carroll,  chairman,  Springfield;  Representative  Joseph  Parks 
of   Fall    River   and    Edward   A.    McSweeney   of    Boston. 

State  Board, of  Health:  Eugene  McGillicuddy  of  Worcester,  at 
Mr.  Pelletier's  request,  C.  F.  Coogan  of  Pittsfield  and  Joseph  A. 
Plouff  of  Ware. 

Highway   Commission,   James   W.   Synan   of   Pittsfield. 

Railroad  Commission,  Fred  J.  Macleod,  chairman,  of  Cambridge. 

Supervisor  of  loan   agencies,   E.    Gerry   Brown  of   Brockton. 

Board  of  Conciliation  and  Arbitration,  Charles  G.  Wood  of  New 
Bedford. 

Bank  Commissioner,  Augustus  L.  Thorndike  of  Boston. 

Trustee  of  the  Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  Joseph  H.  O'Neil 
of  Boston. 

Excise  Commission  of  Boston,  Judge  Josiah  S.  Dean  of  Boston 

Harbor  and  Land  Commissioners,  William  S.  McNary,  chairman 
of  South   Boston  and  Judge  Charles   C.  Paine  of  Hyannis. 

Chairman    of   the    Civil    Service    Commission,   Thomas    F.    Boyle. 

Member  Board  Conciliation  and  Arbitration,  Lot  F.  McNamara 
of  Haverhill;  Railroad  Commissioner,  Garrett  F.  Droppers  of  Wil- 
liamstown.      Both   refused  confirmation  by  Republican   Council. 

Mr.  Murphy  added  in  his  statement  that  in  his  opinion, 
the  criticisms  made  of  Gov  Foss  by  Mr.  Pelletier  and  the 
latter's  supporters  were  without  foundation.  Speaking  as  a 
Democrat,  Mr.  Murphy  said  he  believed  that  the  Governor 
had  given  a  just,  liberal,  progressive  and  Democratic  adminis- 
tration. He  objected  to  interjecting  un-American  issues  into 
the  campaign  by  the  opposition  to  Gov  Foss,  especially  reli- 
gious issues  and  appeals  to  fraternal  societies,  meaning  the 
Knights  of  Columbus  in  which  Pelletier  was  an  officer.  Mr. 
Murphy  stated  that  he  had  been  asked  whether  he  would  be 
wiling  to  meet  the  District  Attorney  in  debate  on  his  record 
in  office,  and  replied  that  he  had  grown  conservative  and  had 
no  desire  to  stand  in  the  limelight,  but  that  if  the  District  At- 
torney would  personally  challenge  him  to  discuss  his  admin- 
istration of  the  district  attorney's  office,  he  would  be  very 
much  pleased  to  do  so. 

The  list  was  a  pretty  good  showing  from  a  party  stand- 
point and  helped  Foss  materially  to  win  a  renomination.  Gov 
Foss  figured  prominently  in  settling  the  Elevated  Railroad 
strike  in  July,  which  was  another  feather  in  his  cap. 

Joseph  Walker  and  Everett  C.  Benton  were  the  candi- 
dates for  the  Republican  nomination.  The  former  shied  his 
castor  into  the  ring  late  in  June  saying,  in  announcing  his 
candidacy : 

304 


"The  situation  calls  for  self  control  and  for  clear  vision.  We 
must  consider  not  alone  the  present;  we  must  look  also  to  the  dis- 
tant future.  If  our  great  political  parties  break  up  into  hostile  and 
warring  factions  our  system  of  government  itself  will  be  seriously 
weakened. 

"I  now  appeal  to  the  progressive  element  in  the  Republican 
party  in  Massachusetts,  Let  us  fight  out  our  differences  within  the 
party.  Let  us  strive  to  find  some  common  ground  upon  which  we 
can  get  together  for  the  coming  campaign. 

"The  Republicans  of  Massachusetts  are  truly  progressive.  Un- 
der the  control  of  the  Republican  party,  Massachusetts  has  already 
adopted  the  direct  primary  system.  She  was  the  first  State  in  the 
Union  to  ratify  the  constitutionai  amendment  which  provides  for  the 
direct  election    of   United    States   Senators. 

"I  believe  that  Republicans  generally  are  ready  to  adopt  the  di- 
rect nomination  of  United  States  Senators  and  to  place  upon  the 
statute   books   an   effective   corrupt   practices   act." 

Mr  Bird,  the  Bull  Moose  hand  picked  candidate,  had  no 
opposition.  Gov  Johnson  of  California  came  into  the  State 
and  made  two  or  three  speeches  for  the  Progressives.  Gov 
Wilson  of  New  Jersey  paid  a  flying  visit  to  Massachusetts, 
speaking  at  the  Barre  fair,  Springfield,  Boston  and  Fall  River. 
In  the  September  primaries,  Gov  Foss  had  a  majority  of 
27,000  over  Pelletier,  and  Walker  won  over  Benton  in  the  Re- 
publican primaries  by  about  10,000.  All  the  defeated  candi- 
dates accepted  the  decision  of  the  voters  gracefully  and  aided 
in  the  campaign  of  their  party  nominees.  Members  of  the  regu- 
lar Republican  organization  reasoned  that  about  14,000  Pro- 
gressives who  usually  voted  in  the  Republican  primary  remcin- 
ed  away  from  the  polls.  The  combined  vote  of  Joseph  Walker 
and  Col  Benton  was  14,000  less  than  the  aggregate  poll  a  year 
before  of  Louis  Frothingham,  Mr.  Walker  and  Norman  H. 
White.  So  the  Republican  machine  leaders  reasoned  that  the 
difference  between  the  total  vote  of  a  year  ago  and  that  of 
this  year  represented  the  Bull  Moose  disaffection. 

The  Progressive  managers  maintained  that  more  than  14,000 
members  of  the  third  party  declined  to  vote  in  the  Republican 
primary  because  the  vote  for  Col  Benton  was  made  up  in 
large  measure  by  ballots  cast  by  business  and  professional 
men,  who  rarely  attended  primaries.  The  Progressives 
claimed  that  Col  Benton's  candidacy  was  favored  by  a  large 
percentage  of  Republicans  who,  a  year  before,  did  not  partici- 
pate in  the  party  nominations,  and  therefore  a  comparison  of 
the  vote  of  the  two  years  was  not  an  accurate  basis  for  judg- 
ing the  strength  of  the  Progressives. 

Gov  Foss  received  many  letters  and  telegrams  of  con- 

305 


gratulation  on  his  third  Democratic  nomination  for  Governor. 
The  "Old  Boy"  was  feeling  fine  the  day  following  the  pri- 
maries. Instead  of  giving  out  cigars  as  most  winning  politi- 
cians would,  he  sent  for  a  box  of  candy  which  he  offered  to  his 
visitors  and  called  in  the  office  force  to  share  his  chocolates 
and  bonbons.  He  laughed  and  chatted  with  all  who  dropped 
in. 

"Isn't  it  great,  by  George!"  he  exclaimed.  "We  had  a  good, 
spirited  contest  for  the  nomination,  but  I  don't  think  it  hurt  the 
party  a  bit.  In  fact,  I  believe  that  it  helped.  It  stirred  the  boys  up, 
you  know,  got  the  blood  coursing  faster  through  their  veins  and 
showed  that  a  Democratic  nomination  is  no  longer  an  ornament  to 
hand  out  to  the  good  boys  in  the  political  class. 

"Joe,"  added  the  Governor,  speaking  of  his  opponent,  Dist 
Atty.  Pelletier,  "did  the  manly  thing  in  a  manly  way  and  offered  to 
do  all  he  could  for  the  Democratic  success  in  November.  It  means 
that  we  shall  go  forward  as  a  united  party  and  sweep  the  State  with 
our  ticket,  electing  ten  or  more  Congressmen  and  the  Legislature, 
insuring  a  Progressive  Democratic  Senator  to  succeed  Senator 
Crane  in  the  United  States  Senate.  We  shall  carry  the  State  for 
Wilson   and    Marshall.     I'm   certain   of  that." 

David  I.  Walsh  was  renominated  for  Lieutenant  Govern- 
or on  the  ticket  with  Foss.  Lieut  Gov  Luce  was  renominated 
by  the  Republicans  and  Daniel  Cosgrove  was  named  by  the 
Progressives  as  Bird's  running  mate.  Cosgrove,  had  always 
voted  the  Democratic  ticket. 

President  Taft,  who  summered  at  Beverly,  remained  later 
than  usual  this  year  and  on  Sept.  28th  addressed  the  Essex 
County  Republican  Clubs  on  the  lawn  of  Paramatta,  his  sum- 
mer home.  His  campaigning  this  year  was  done  from  his 
front  porch  and  lawn  at  Beverly. 

What  he  had  to  say  of  the  Bull  Moose  pnrty  whs  inter- 
esting. 

"A  third  party,"  said  he,  "has  split  off  from  the  Republican 
party,  not  for  any  principle,  but  merely  to  gratify  personal  ambition 
and  vengeance,  and  in  the  gratification  of  that  personal  ambition 
and  vengeance,  every  new  fad  and  theory,  some  of  them  good,  some 
of  them  utterly  preposterous  and  impracticable,  some  of  them  Social- 
istic as  any  that  have  been  proposed  in  the  countries  of  Europe, 
many  having  no  relation  to  National  jurisdiction  or  policy,  have  been 
crowded  into  a  platform  in  order  to  tempt  the  votes  of  enthusiastic 
supporters  of  each  of  these  proposed  reforms. 

"This  new  party  is  not  united  on  any  cohesive  principle,  and  is 
only  kept  together  by  the  remarkable  personality  of  its  leader. 
Were  he  to  die  the  party  would  go  to  pieces,  for  'The  Cause,'  of  which 
so  many  glibly  speak  is  utterly  incapable  of  definition  in  view  of 
the  crazy-quilt  character  of  the  platform. 

"But  there  is  running  through  the  entire  declared  policy  of  the 

306 


third  party  an  entire  willingness  to  destroy  every  limitation  of  con- 
stitutional representative  government,  in  order  that  by  short  cuts 
these  various  reforms  inconsistent  as  they  may  be,  and  many  of  them 
are,  with  each  other,  may  be  accomplished  by  the  decree  of  a  benevo- 
lent despotism  to  be  supported  by  the  acclaim  of  a  hero-worshipping, 
emotional,  undiscriminating,  superficially  minded  and  non-thinking 
people." 

The  Democratic  and  Republican  State  convention  were 
held  in  Boston  Oct.  6.  Senator  Lodge  was  the  presiding  offi- 
cer of  the  Republican  convention.  He  condemned  the  initia- 
tive and  referendum  and  the  general  attack  on  the  constitu- 
tion and  the  courts  and  declared  that  there  were  worse  things 
than  defeat.    Said  the  Senator  in  his  speech  to  the  delegates : 

"The  initiative  and  referendum  is  merely  a  scheme  to  enable 
minorities  to  rule  and  to  compel  legislatures  to  pass  laws.  The 
total  vote  at  the  last  presidential  election  was  in  round  numbers 
15,000,000  and  the  population  of  the  United  States  was  90,000,000. 
That  is,  one-sixth  of  the  people  took  part  in  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion and  one-twelfth  determined  the  result.  The  voters  are  not  the 
people.  They  are  merely  the  necessary  instrument  selected  for  the 
expression  of  the  popular  will.  But  they  are  not  the  people;  they 
are  the   representatives     and  trustees. 

"The  other  great  bulwark  of  freedom  has  been  the  courts;  yet 
it  is  proposed  to  deprive  them  of  their  independence.  Whether  a 
court  is  subservient  to  a  king  or  a  body  of  voters  it  is  a  servile 
court  and  does  not  interpret  law  to  be  what  someone  else  wants. 

"The  independent  judiciary  of  the  United  States  and  of  England, 
too,  taken  as  a  whole  and  allowing  for  all  the  failures  and  defects 
incident  to  fallible  human  nature,  has  been  the  most  potent  defense 
and  protection  of  the  liberty  of  the  individual  man  and  of  the  rights 
of  minorities   against  the  oppression  of  majorities. 

"This  agitation  is  directed  against  the  representative  and  judi- 
cial branches  of  government,  not  against  the  executive,  and  it  is  in- 
evitable that  such  should   be  the  case. 

"Constitutional  government  moves  too  slowly  to  suit  some  peo- 
ple who  wish  to  convert  it  into  an  instrument  for  the  quick  satisfac- 
tion of  their  own  desires  and  aspirations,  which  may  be  either  bene- 
ficial or  hurtful  to  the  people  at  large.  For  this  reason  they  would 
substitute  for  it  a  government  which  consists  simply  of  the  voters 
and  the  Executive.  Go  back  50  years  and  you  find  an  example  of  a 
government  of  that  sort  in  the  Third  Napoleon  with  his  empire  based 
on  plebiscite. 

"There  are  worse  things  than  defeat.  To  sacrifice  principles  and 
cast  aside  convictions  is  worse.  Not  failure  but  low  aim  is  crime. 
Those  who  battle  for  the  right  will  snatch  victory  from  the  jaws  of 
defeat  and  from  the  nettle  danger  pluck  the  flower  of  safety.  We 
fought  against  the  extension  of  slavery  in  1856  and  lost.  But  we 
stood  firm  to  our  principles  and  in  i860  we  won.  For  four  years 
we  did  battle  for  the  Union  and  for  the  constitution,  which  made  the 
Union  and  again  we  won.  Once  more  we  are  called  upon  to  defend 
the  constitution.  That  duty  is  our  greatest  heritage  and  our  noblest 
hope.  The  cause  of  ordered  liberty,  of  government  by  the  people, 
and  of  human  rights  is  ours  and  we  shall  be  victorious  under  the 
standard   of  the   constitution   which   passed   triumphant   through   the 

307 


ordeal  of  civil  war.     We  will  fight  the  good  fight  once  more,  even  as 
our  fathers  did,  and   once  more  we  shall  win." 

The  platform  adopted  began  with  the  statement  that  a 
change  of  party  administration  in  the  Nation  would  threaten 
prosperity,  supported  President  Taft,  reaffirmed  devotion  to 
the  protective  tariff  "which  shall  maintain  American  wages,and 
provide  an  adequate  standard  of  living  and  provides  annual 
employment  for  600,000  persons  in  Massachusetts  at  wages 
higher  than  in  other  countries." 

A  readjustment  of  tariff  schedules  and  reduction  of  ex- 
cessive rates  was  favored  based  on  "exact  information."  A 
demand  was  made  for  an  international  investigation  of  the 
causes  of  the  high  cost  of  living,  and  support  was  prc-mised  to 
every  proper  endeavor  to  reduce  the  cost. 

Popular  recall  of  judges  or  of  judicial  decisions,  as  well 
as  demonstrations  to  influence  the  actions  of  courts,  were 
denounced  as  dangerous  and  un-American.  The  movement 
in  Lawrence  to  give  prominence  to  the  American  flag  was 
approved.  The  initiative  and  referendum,  as  generally  under- 
stood, was  opposed.  It  was  recommended  that  the  Corrupt 
Practices  Act  be  amended  to  prevent  the  excessive  use  of 
money  at  elections. 

It  was  proposed  that  the  Railroad  Commission  be  given 
mandatory  powers,  that  the  Gas  and  Electric  Light  Commis- 
sion assume  supervision  over  the  telegraph  and  telephone 
companies,  that  the  budget  system  in  making  State  appropria- 
tions be  adopted. 

An  extension  of  agricultural  and  industrial  education  was 
urged,  conservation  of  the  State's  natural  resources  and  en- 
couragement of  the  farmer  and  furthering  of  his  interests 
as  far  as  practicable. 

The  Legislature  was  recommended  to  submit  again  to  the 
voters  the  question  of  woman  sufi'rage.  All  the  State  officers 
were  commended  and  the  voters  were  asked  to  elect  a  Repub- 
lican Legislature  in  order  that  a  Republican  Senator  might  be 
chosen. 

Mayor  Fitzgerald  of  Boston  had  announced  his  candidacy 
for  the  U  S  Senate  early  in  the  summer,  when  Senator  Crane 
gave  it  out  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate  for  re-election. 
Fitzgerald  was  very  active  and  prominent  in  the  Democratic 
campaign  this  year. 

When  Gov  Wilson  was  in  Massachusetts,  Matthew  Hale, 

308 


the  Progressive  leader  and  Bull  Moose  law  giver,  sent  to  the 
papers  a  demand  that  the  Democratc  Presidential  candidate 
repudiate  Fitzgerald  as  a  candidate,  for  the  Senate,  but  Gov 
Wilson  didn't  do  any  repudiating  and  it  is  doubtful  if  he  ever 
saw  the  Hale  letter. 

There  was  no  clipping  of  the  wings  of  the  dove  of  peace 
at  Faneuil  Hall  when  "the  unterrified  and  embattled  Democ- 
racy of  Massachusetts,"  as  described  by  the  blind  senator  from 
Oklahoma,  Thomas  P.  Gore,  met  in  State  convention  to  nom- 
inate 18  electors  and  choose  16  members-at-large  of  the  State 
Committee.  Encouraged  by  the  compliments  and  encomiums 
of  Senator  Gore,  who  observed  that  "no  Walker  could  walk 
fast  enough  or  bird  fly  swift  enough  to  pass  Gov  Foss  on  his 
third  marathon  race  for  the  gubernatorial  chair,"  the  party 
leaders  were  willing,  yes  anxious,  to  sacrifice  almost  anything 
for  the  sake  of  harmony. 

And  this  spirit  was  not  confined  to  any  faction.  Ex-Con- 
gressman Kelliher  willingly  accepted  the  redraft  of  his  reso- 
lution limiting  the  activities  of  the  chairman  of  the  State  Com- 
mittee in  primaries,  with  the  same  grace  that  Chairman  Riley 
and  Mayor  Fitzgerald  yielded  and  acknowledged  the  fairness 
of  the  contention  of  Dist  Atty  Pelletier,  that  his  two  special 
friends  on  the  State  Committee,  Dr.  "Tay  Pay"  Sullivan  of 
Fall  River  and  Leon  F.  Eyges  of  Brookline,  were  and  of  right 
ought  to  be  continued  as  members  although  the  original  pro- 
gram was  to  oust  them. 

Gov  Foss  was  unable  to  be  present  because  of  a  previous 
engagement  of  long  standing  at  the  Palmer  Fair,  where  he 
had  a  chance  to  talk  to  more  Republicans  than  Senator  Lodge 
addressed  at  the  Republican  State  convention  in  Tremont 
Temple. 

Mayor  Fitzgerald  was  the  presiding  officer  of  the  State 
convention.  He  was  hailed  as  "the  next  U  S  Senator."  His 
speech  was  a  severe  arraignment  of  the  Republican  party  and 
of  Theodore  Roosevelt.  His  main  point  was  his  assertion  that 
both  President  Taft  and  Col  Roosevelt  were  controlled  by  men 
of  great  financial  power,  who  had  been  allowed  to  gain  their 
enormous  wealth  while  the  country  was  under  the  control  of 
the  Republican  party.  He  used  the  panic  of  1907  as  an  exam- 
ple of  business  under  Republican  government,  and  pointed  out 
that  while  Roosevelt  was  in  the  President's  chair,  neverthe- 
less President  Taft  was  as  much  a  figure  in  the  afifairs  of  the 

309 


day  as  other  members  of  the  Roosevelt  cabinet.  The  Mayor 
claimed  that  the  present  prosperity  was  not  real,  but  was  pro- 
duced by  the  men  of  Wall  Street  in  order  that  Mr.  Taft  could 
claim  that  his  term  was  closing  in  a  period  of  good  times. 

On  Oct.  14  came  the  shocking  news  that  an  assassin  had 
endeavored  to  take  the  life  of  Col  Roosevelt,  while  he  was  cam- 
paigning in  Wisconsin.  Partizanship  was  laid  aside  and  the  ef- 
forts of  the  campaigners  slackened,  until  it  was  discovered  that 
the  wounds  were  not  fatal.  The  shooting  kept  the  Colonel  off 
the  stump  until  the  night  of  Oct.  30,  when  he  addressed  a 
monster  gathering  at  Madison  Sq  Garden,  New  York. 

Fitzgerald's  senatorial  candidacy  was  a  favorite  target 
for  the  Republicans  and  the  Moose  in  the  campaign.  Bot'i 
figured  that  there  was  votes  in  attacking  Fitzgerald, 

Col  Roosevelt  was  unable  to  come  to  Massachusetts  dur- 
ing the  campaign  but  on  his  return  to  Oyster  Bay,  after  his 
discharge  from  the  Chicago  hospital,  where  he  had  been  under 
treatment  for  his  pistol  wounds,  he  wrote  a  letter  asking  for 
the  support  of  the  Massachusetts  Progressive  State  ticket  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy: 

"Sagamore  Hill,  Oyster  Bay,  N.  Y., 

October  25,  1912. 

"The  Progressive  ticket  in  Massachusetts  includes  men  who 
have  been  formerly  connected  with  the  Republican  party,  and  men 
who  have  been  connected  with  the  Democratic  party. 

"It  includes  men  of  different  races  and  different  creeds,  all  knit 
together  by  the  common  bond  of  fervent  zeal  for  the  cause  of 
good  citizenship  and  for  the  great  fundamental  underlying  principles 
of  our  American  life. 

"Massachusetts  has  had  a  great  and  honorable  career  in  the 
past.  She  has  taken  the  lead  in  every  movement  for  the  welfare 
of  this  Nation  ever  since  the  days  when  men  of  the  13  colonies  sent 
their  representatives  to  the  first  Continental  Congress.  I  earnestly 
hope  that  she  will  now  continue  to  hold  the  position  of  leadership 
and  she  can  only  do  so  and  prove  true  to  her  heroic  past  by  heartily 
throwing  herself  into  the  great  progressive  movement  of  today. 

"Charles  Sumner  Bird  and  his  colleagues  on  the  State  ticket 
stand  for  essentially  the  same  cause,  the  cause  of  human  rights,  for 
which  the  men  of  Massachusetts  stood  in  1861;  and  by  every  great 
memory  of  Massachusetts'  past  I  appeal  to  her  people  to  support 
the   Progressive  cause  in  the  present. 

Faithfully  yours, 

"Theodore  Roosevelt." 

The  campaign  continued  without  a  let  up  until  elec- 
tion day,  Nov.  5.  Massachusetts  broke  all  political  precedents 
joining  the  triumphant  Democratic  column,  giving  her  eight- 
een electoral  votes  to  Woodrow  Wilson. 

310 


She  also  elected  for  a  third  term  her  Democratic  Govern- 
or, by  a  plurality  of  about  45,000,  chose  a  Democratic  Lieuten- 
ant Governor,  David  I.  Walsh,  who  defeated  Lieut  Gov  Rob- 
ert Luce  by  nearly  40,000  plurality  and  increased  her  Demo- 
cratic Congressional  delegation. 

President  Taft  was  second  in  the  Presidential  race  and 
Joseph  Walker,  Republican  candidate  for  Governor,  led  Char- 
les S.  Bird,  Progressive.  The  Republican  vote  was  split  al- 
most in  half  between  the  Progressives  and  the  Republicans. 
In  the  avalanche  of  votes  the  Democrats  elected  their  candi- 
date for  Secretary  of  State,  Frank  J.  Donahue,  over  Albert 
P.  Langtry  by  a  plurality  of  4576.  The  Democrats  increased 
their  representation  in  the  Legislature  and  few  Bull  Moose 
candidates  succeeded  in  getting  in.  Although  the  Republi- 
cans elected  nine  Congressmen  and  the  Democrats  elected 
seven,  the  total  Republican  vote  in  the  16th  districts  fell  8027 
behind  the  total  Democratic  vote. 

The  Democratic  total  was  195,790  and  the  Republican 
total  187,763.  In  15  districts  Progressives  polled  a  total  of 
93,665.  The  Progressives  failed  to  get  in  a  Congressional  tic- 
ket in  the  11th  District  through  an  insufficiency  of  names  on 
nomination  papers.  The  biggest  Republican  vote  was  polled 
by  Congressman  Roberts,  in  the  9th  district.  The  biggest 
Democratic  vote  was  polled  in  the  11th  district,  where  An- 
drew J.  Peters  was  re-elected. 

The  biggest  Bull  Moose  vote  was  in  the  14th,  where  Kin- 
caide  was  the  Congressional  candidate,  with  11,341.  The  sec- 
ond biggest  Progressive  vote  was  9131  polled  by  Herbert  in 
the  9th  and  9001  polled  by  Connolly  in  the  12th^ 

The  Congressmen  elected  and  their  districts  were :  1st — 
Allen  T.  Treadway,  R;  2nd— F.  H.  Gillett,  R;  3rd— William 
H.  Wilder,  R;  4th— Samuel  E.  Winslow,  R;  5th— John  J. 
Rogers,  R;  6th— A.  P.  Gardner,  R;  7th— Michael  F.  Phelan, 
D;  8th— Frederick  S.  Deitrick,  D;  9th— E.  W.  Roberts,  R; 
10th— William  F.  Murray,  D;  11th— Andrew  J.  Peters.  D; 
12th— James  J.  Curley,  D;  13th— John  W.  Weeks,  R;  14th— 
Edward  Gilmore,  D;  15th— William  S.  Greene,  R;  I6th— 
Thomas  C.  Thacher,  D. 

The  complexion  of  the  Legislature  was  Republican.  That, 
of  course,  ended  Mayor  Fitzgerald's  plans  to  succeed  Senator 
Crane.  The  Republicans  had  54  majority  in  the  joint  conven- 
tion and  a  half  dozen  Republican  candidates  began  to  get  busy 
to  capture  the  Senatorial  prize. 

311 


The  vote  of  the  State  for  President  was :  Roosevelt,  141,- 
925;  Taft,  156,018;  Wilson,  174,057;  Wilson's  plurality,  18.039. 

The  vote  for  Governor  was:  Foss,  192,764;  Walker,  143,- 
448;  Bird,  125,883;  Foss'  plurality,  49,316. 

Wilson  had  435  electoral  votes  in  the  country,  Roosevelt 
88,  while  Taft  had  only  eight,  Utah  and  Vermont.  The  con- 
trol of  Congress  passed  to  the  Democrats. 


312 


Senator  Weeks. 


CHAPTER  XLII 


CONGRESSMAN      WEEKS      CHOSEN      SENATOR      TO      SUCCEED      W. 

MURRAY  CRANE  AFTER  A  HARD   FIGHT.  DEFEATING   SAMUEL 

W.    McCALL — DEMOCRATS    DIVIDE    THEIR    VOTE    AMONG    A 

SCORE       OF       CANDIDATES  — DEMOCRATS        ELECT 

MITCHELL    TO    CONGRESS    IN   WEEKS'    PLACE 

—SENATE    FIGHT    LEAVES    SCARS. 


IN  May.   1912,  Senator  Crane  surprised  tht-  people  of  the 
State  by  announcing  that  he   would  not  be  a  candidate 
for  re-election.    His  term  would  expire  March  3,  1913.    In 
announcing-  his  retirement  from  the  Senate  Mr.  Crane  said : 

"Some  months  ago  I  definitely  decided  not  to  become  a  candi- 
date for  re-election  as  United  States  Senator,  but  I  intended  to 
defer  making  a  statement  to  that  effect  until  after  the  Republican 
National  convention. 

"There  is,  however,  a  proposition  pending  in  the  Massachusetts 
Legislature  for  the  nomination  of  United  States  Senators,  substan- 
tially similar  to  the  existing  law  relating  to  the  nominations  of  can- 
didates for  the  Presidency,  Representatives  in  Congress  and  State 
elective  offices. 

"If  the  proposed  law  is  enacted  a  much  earlier  campaign  for 
this  office  will  be  necessary  and  I,  therefore,  make  known  my  posi- 
tion at  this  time  in  order  that  those  who  may  be  interested  in  be- 
coming candidates  may  have  the  fullest  opportunity  to  have  their 
candidacies  considered. 

"In  making  public  my  decision  not  to  become  a  candidate  again 
I  wish  to  assure  the  people  of  Massachusetts  of  my  deep  apprecia- 
tion of  the  loyal  support  and  confidence,  which  they  have  always 
given  me." 

The  same  edition  of  the  papers  which  carried  Senator 
Crane's  retirement  contained  Mayor  Fitzgerald's  announce- 
ment of  his  candidacy  for  Senator  Crane's  seat.  Mr.  Fitz- 
gerald said  that  he  expected  that  the  primary  preference  bill 
would  be  passed  by  the  Legislature  and  that  he  would  go 
into  every  part  of  the  State  in  his  campaign.  The  primary 
preference  bill  was  defeated  and  the  State  witnessed  one  of 
the  hottest  kind  of  campaigns  among  the  Republicans  for 
the  seat  to  be  vacated  by  Senator  Crane. 

The  saving  of  the  Legislature  was  the  only  consolation 
which  the  Massachusetts  Republicans  derived  from  the  election 

313 


returns  in  November,  1912.  To  accomplish  this  the  Republi- 
cans bent  all  their  energies  and  used  all  their  personal  and 
political  influences.  The  repeal  of  the  Bar  and  Bottle  bill, 
the  annexation  of  the  cities  and  towns  in  Metropolitan  Boston 
and  the  repeal  of  the  Boston  City  Charter  Amendments,  were 
pictured  in  a  circular  sent  out  to  those  sections  of  the  State 
where  the  Republican  managers  believed  such  an  appeal 
would  be  the  most  effective.  They  also  pictured  the  election 
of  Mayor  Fitzgerald  as  Senator  Crane's  successor.  To  the 
latter  possibility,  they  attributed  their  success  in  retaining 
control  of  the  Legislature  more  than  any  other  issue. 

The  control  of  the  Legislature  by  a  large  majority  not 
only  insured  the  Republicans  of  the  election  of  the  United 
States  Senator,  but  the  Speakership  of  the  House,  the  Presi- 
dency of  the  Senate,  and  the  patronage  which  went  with  those 
offices.  With  the  assurance  that  the  next  Legislature  was 
safely  Republican,  the  Republican  candidates  for  the  United 
States  Senate,  Congressman  John  W.  Weeks,  Ex-Gov  Eben 
S.  Draper,  Congressman  Samuel  W.  McCall,  Curtis  Guild  Jr 
and  William  B.  Plunkett  of  Adams,  did  not  permit  any  grass 
to  sprout  under  their  feet  and  immediately  started  their  cam- 
paigns, to  secure  the  Republican  nomination  to  succeed  Sena- 
tor Crane. 

There  was  considerable  talk  that  Senator  Crane  might  be 
induced  to  stand  for  re-election  and  some  of  his  admirers  in- 
sisted that  he  would  receive  quite  a  number  of  votes  in  the 
Republican  caucus  unless  he  positively  and  emphatic  illy 
instructed  the  Republican  members  of  the  Legislature  to  de- 
sist in  voting  for  him. 

Congressman  Weeks'  victory  in  the  13th  Congressional 
district,  where  he  won  over  a  popular  Democrat,  John  J. 
Mitchell  of  Marlboro,  notwithstanding  that  the  Bull  Moose 
candidate  received  more  than  5000  votes,  was  regarded  by  his 
friends  as  an  extraordinary  personal  tribute  to  him.  Mr. 
Weeks  mailed  a  letter  to  the  Republican  members-elect  of  the 
Massachusetts  Legislature  the  night  after  the  election,  calling 
their  attention  to  his  candidacy  for  the  United  States  Senate, 
in  which  he  said : 

"As  the  statement  has  been  frequently  made  in  the  press  that  I 
was  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate  to  succeed  Sena- 
tor Crane  I  have  assumed  that  all  candidates  for  the  Legislature 
would  have  ample  notification  to  that  effect,  but  even  if  this  were 

314 


not  so  I  have  been  so  solicitous  that  the  Legislature  should  be  Re- 
publican, without  any  regard  to  my  candidacy  or  the  candidacy  of 
any  other  individual,  that  it  seem'ed  to  me  to  be  best  not  to  compli- 
cate with  any  personal  appeal  the  effort  to  bring  about  that  result. 
"For  that  reason  I  have  limited  such  activities  as  I  have  been 
able  to  give  the  State  campaign  to  the  election  of  a  Republican  Leg- 
islature which,  I  think,  is  now  assured.  Therefore  it  is  entirely  prop- 
er to  write  you  that  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  your  support  in  the 
Senatorial  contest,  and,  in  any  case,  I  hope  you  will  give  me  an  op- 
portunity to  talk  with  you  before  you  commit  yourself  to  any  other 
candidate. 

Yours  very  truly 

JOHN  W.  WEEKS." 

Ex-Gov  Guild,  then  the  American  Ambassador  at  St. 
Petersburg,  happened  to  be  home  on  department  business 
when  Senator  Crane  announced  his  decision  to  retire  from  the 
Senate.  Repeated  urgings  on  the  part  of  his  friends  to  be- 
come a  candidate,  brought  forth  an  affirmative  reply,  in  which 
he  said : 

"I  could  not  consent  to  be  the  candidate  of  a  clique,  a  faction  or 
a  class.  Moreover,  if  it  should  happen  that  Massachusetts  should 
honor  me  by  another  call  to  office,  I  should  consider  myself  free  to 
follow  the  liberal  policies  for  which  I  tried  to  stand  as  Governor. 

"I  am  content  with  my  present  work.  I  have  been  fortunate 
enough  to  accomplish  some  things.  I  hope  to  accomplish  more, 
and  the  fact  that  grave  difficulties  lie  in  the  path  of  accomplishing 
everything  that  might  be  desired,  is  an  added  reason,  why  I  should 
hesitate  to  surrender  my  present  duty. 

"We  do  not  know  now,  we  shall  not  know  until  after  the  Na- 
tional conventions  on  what  lines  the  National  contest  will  be  waged. 
Therefore,  we  do  not  know  at  present  which  man  may  or  may  not 
later  prove  most  available  as  Republican  candidate  for  Senator  in 
the  contest." 

Mr.  Guild  returned  to  his  diplomatic  post  in  Russia  and 
made  no  campaign  for  the  senatorship.  William  B.  Plunkett 
announced  that  he  was  against  the  "Old  Guard"  methods  and 
machinations  and  that  he  favored  "progressive  legislation." 
Ex-Gov  Draper  formally  entered  the  senatorial  contest  early 
in  December,  claiming  to  be  a  Progressive,  backing  that 
claim  up  with  published  endorsements  of  him  by  Ex-President 
Roosevelt. 

But  the  most  formidable  candidate  to  take  the  field 
against  Mr.  Weeks  was  Samuel  \\^  McCall  who  had  declined 
to  stand  for  re-election  to  Congress  after  twenty  years  ser- 
vice. Mr.  McCall,  like  Mr.  Weeks  and  the  others,  was  emi- 
nently fitted  for  the  office.  Like  all  the  rest  he  measured  up 
to  the  statesman's  standard.     Each  was  worthy  to  represent 

315 


the  State.  Mr.  McCall's  qualifications  for  the  Senatorship 
were  well  summed  up  in  a  public  statement  in  his  behalf  is- 
sued by  Ex-Atty  Gen  Herbert  Parker  who  said : 

"In  experience  and  in  intimate  knowledge  in  the  interests  and 
of  the  sentiments  of  our  Commonwealth,  none  is  better  qualified 
than  Mr.  McCall.  The  active,  responsible  and  influential  participa- 
tion in  all  important  National  legislation  for  the  past  20  years,  has 
established  his  high  reputation  throughout  the  Nation,  nor  has  any 
interest  of  his  own  State  suffered  for  a  moment  while  he  has  attained 
this  wider  distinction. 

"Careful,  exact  student  of  our  industrial,  commercial  and  finan- 
cial affairs,  he  is  surpassed  by  no  man  in  public  life  in  his  power  of 
exact  analysis  of  these  conditions.  Of  scholarly  attainments  and 
widely  informed  by  familiarity  with  the  best  teachings  of  the  litera- 
ture of  all  times,  he  speaks  with  the  modesty  of  real  learning  and 
without  pedantry  or  presumption.  In  the  direct  phrase  of  his  own 
thought  he  speaks  with  an  eloquence  that  appeals  no  less  to  the 
heart  than  to  the  minds  of  his  people. 

"His  ideals  of  public  service  give  no  consideration  to  questions 
of  personal  ambition  or  of  political  preferment.  To  him  the  State 
and  the  Nation  are  not  merely  organizations  for  the  projection  of 
advancement  of  the  material  welfare  of  the  people,  though  no  one 
is  quicker  than  he  to  guard  these  interests.  I  believe,  beyond  other 
men  of  my  acquaintance,  he  is  animated  by  the  high  purpose  of 
maintaining  the  true  faith  of  the  Republic,  and  humbly,  but  with  the 
unfaltering  courage  of  his  faith,  to  uphold  the  highest  traditions 
of  the  Commonwealth  and  to  present  to  the  people  the  highest  con- 
ceptions  of  a   Republican   government." 

Mr.  Weeks'  friends  were  well  distributed  throughout  the 
State.  His  service  in  Congress  has  been  memorable.  Not  in 
many  years  had  a  member  of  the  House  secured  so  high  a 
standing  in  so  short  a  time.  He  was  looked  upon  as  the  best 
authority  in  the  House  on  financial  questions.  As  a  graduate 
of  Annapolis  and  a  volunteer  naval  officer  in  the  Spanish  War, 
his  word  went  farther  in  naval  legislation  than  that  of  any 
other.  Speaker  Cannon  had  made  him  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Agriculture,  because  of  his  hard  sense  and  personal 
popularity  and  he  had  shaped  and  passed  progressive  legisla- 
tion for  conservation  and  for  the  farmer  which  had  long  been 
delayed.  As  Chairman  of  the  Post  Ofifice  Committee  he 
framed  and  passed  the  law  creating  the  Postal  Savings  Bank ; 
and  had  to  his  credit  the  record  of  having  put  through  both 
House  and  Senate  a  great  Post  Office  appropriation  bill  ex- 
actly as  it  came  from  his  committee  without  the  change  of 
a  word — a  legislative  feat  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  Con- 
gress. He  stood  then  as  now  high  among  national  leaders. 
Those  who  knew  his  strength  and  courage  and  his  unselfish 

316 


readiness  to  subordinate  his  personal  fortunes  to  the  good  ot 
his  party  and  the  country  were  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  that 
he  might  have  a  larger  career  in  the  Senate.  It  was  regarded 
too  as  greatly  to  his  credit  that  in  the  year  of  party  disaffec- 
tion when  the  election  of  any  Republican  candidate  for  the 
House  was  uncertain,  he  had  with  true  sporting  spirit  taken  the 
chance  of  spoiling  his  chance  for  a  political  future  by  hazard- 
ing everything  on  the  result  in  his  own  district — simply  be- 
cause in  that  way  he  could  help  increase  the  vote  for  his 
associates  on  the  Republican  ticket.  As  he  was  to  be  a  candi- 
date for  the  Senate  political  expediency  would  have  prompted 
him  not  to  run  for  the  House  that  year;  but  he  was  wise 
in  this — that  he  knew  in  order  for  any  Republican  to  be 
elected  Senator  there  must  be  a  Republican  majority  in  the 
Legislature  and  without  regard  to  who  might  ije  chosen  he 
devoted  himself  with  singleness  of  purpose  to  the  election 
of  Republicans  to  the  Senate  and  the  House.  The  very  evi- 
dence of  his  political  strength  as  proved  by  his  re-election  to 
Congress  was  used  against  him.  One  of  the  most  difficult 
arguments  his  friends  had  to  meet  was  that  his  promotion  to 
the  Senate  would  leave  a  vacancy  in  his  district,  and  that  no 
other  Republican  could  hope  to  carry  it  at  that  time;  while 
Mr.  McCall's  election  would  create  no  vacancy,  a  Democratic 
Congressman  having  already  been  chosen  in  his  place. 

The  contest  developed  feeling  as  it  progressed.  Joseph 
Walker  who  had  been  the  Republican  candidate  for  Governor 
came  out  in  an  open  statement  against  Mr.  Weeks,  basing 
his  opposition  on  the  declaration  that  Mr.  Weeks  was  not 
sufficiently  progressive.  The  latter  had  declined  to  get  into 
controversies  or  make  public  statements,  but  he  now  broke 
silence.  He  said  he  was  surprised  at  the  character  of  the 
attack  made  upon  him  by  Mr.  Walker  as  he  had  supposed  his 
political  course  had  Mr.  Walker's  approval.  As  one  reason 
for  this  belief  he  had  regretfully  showed  his  friends  who  urged 
him  to  make  a  reply  the  following  letter: 

Boston,  November  li,  1912. 
"Dear  Mr.  Weeks: — I  am  writing  to  thank  you  personally  for 
the  support  which  you  gave  me  in  the  campaign  which  has  just 
ended.  I  also  wish  to  express  my  most  sincere  congratulations  upon 
your  election  to  Congress.  I  feel  that  you  deserve  it,  and  although 
I  knew  you  had  a  hard  fight,  I  did  not  for  one  moment  believe  that 
you  would  lose. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Joseph  Walker." 

317 


When  the  Legislature  assembled,  Jan.  2,  1913,  there  was 
a  meeting  of  the  Republican  members.  It  was  voted  to  hold 
a  conference  on  the  Senatorship.  A  conference  would  not  be 
binding  like  a  party  caucus,  and  some  sturdy  Republicans 
like  Ex-Mayor  Joseph  N.  Peterson  of  Salem  raised  the  objec- 
tion that  it  would  be  possible  for  a  few  disgruntled  Repub- 
licans to  combine  with  the  Democrats  and  elect  a  Repub- 
lican Senator  not  acceptable  to  the  entire  Republican  party. 

On  Jan  6,  150  of  the  169  Republican  members  of  the 
Legislature  met  and  voted  to  hold  a  senatorial  conference 
the  following  afternoon.  The  McCall,  Draper  and  Guild 
men,  headed  by  Senator  Claude  L.  Allen  of  Alelrose,  an 
avowed  McCall  supporter,  forced  through  a  motion  declaring 
that  it  was  the  sense  of  the  conference  that  the  nominee  of 
the  caucus  should  have  the  votes  of  two-thirds  of  141  mem- 
bers, the  latter  being  the  number  of  votes  necessary  to  elect  a 
Senator.  One  hundred  and  thirty-one  members  assented  on  a 
roll  call  to  the  calling  of  a  caucus.  The  clerk  of  the  con- 
ference was  instructed  to  see  those  not  recorded  and  endeavor 
to  get  their  assent  to  the  calling  of  the  caucus. 

As  the  time  approached  when  a  caucus  would  be  sure  to 
be  called,  McCall's  strength  increased.  Mr.  McCall  handed 
out  with  pardonable  pride,  and  no  little  pleasure,  a  copy  of  a 
letter  Charles  W.  Eliot,  President  Emeritus  of  Harvard,  wrote 
Senator  Stearns  of  Cambridge,  urging  him  to  vote  for  McCall. 
Stearns  said  after  receiving  the  letter,  that  he  would  vote  for 
McCall. 

No  candidate  was  able  to  muster  the  94  votes  required 
under  the  conference  two-thirds  rule  at  the  first  session.  After 
six  futile  ballots  the  caucus  adjourned  at  3  P  M  the  next  day, 
Samuel  W.  McCall  led  on  every  ballot.  His  nearest  competi- 
tor was  John  W.  Weeks,  whose  supporters  were  confident  be- 
fore the  balloting  began  that  he  would  lead.  McCall  received 
63  votes  on  the  first  ballot  and  Weeks  56.  Guild  got  one 
more  vote  on  the  first  ballot  than  Ex-Gov  Draper.  The  poor 
showing  made  by  Draper  was  a  surprise. 

On  the  second  ballot  McCall  jumped  to  71  and  Weeks  in- 
creased his  vote  to  61.  Weeks  now  gained  steadily.  On  the 
fourth  ballot  he  had  68  votes,  McCall  72.  On  the  fifth  ballot 
McCall  had  72i,  Weeks  lost  one.  The  only  change  on  the  sixth 
ballot  was  the  loss  of  one  vote  by  McCall  and  the  re-entrance 
of  Plunkett  in  the  race.     Speaker  Gushing  gave  the  Guild, 


118 


Weeks  and  Draper  men  a  shock  when  he  voted  for  McCall. 
Up  to  the  time  that  his  name  was  called  he  had  refused  to  say 
whom  he  would  vote  for,  but  some  enthusiastic  AlcCall  men 
couldn't  keep  the  secret  and  let  it  out  a  minute  or  two  before 
the  caucus  was  called  to  order.  The  Guild  men  felt  that 
Gushing  ought  to  have  voted  for  their  candidate,  as  he  came 
from  the  Ambassador's  ward.  His  colleague,  Courtney 
Grocker,  also  voted  for  McCall. 

By  Jan  10,  22  ballots  had  been  taken  with  the  same  re- 
sult. McCall  led  Weeks.  The  voting  on  the  22nd  ballot  was 
as  follows : 

Total  number  of  ballots  cast •  • . .  IS7 

Necessary  for  choice    •  • . .  94 

McCall       •  • 73 

Weeks       ..•• •• 7i 

Guild       9 

Draper       2 

Lawrence 2 

Following  the  announcement  of  this  vote,  the  caucus  ad- 
journed to  meet  again  on  Monday.  The  Republican  State 
Committee  took  a  hand  and  endeavored  to  break  the  dead- 
lock, issuing  an  appeal  to  the  Republican  legislators  reading 
as  follows : 

"Deprecating  the  present  situation  of  deadlock  at  the  Republican 
Legislative  caucus,  the  Republican  State  Committee  through  its  leg- 
islative committee  respectfully  urges  upon  the  several  Senatorial 
candidates  and  the  Republican  members  of  the  Legislature  the  fact 
that  a  continuance  of  this  situation  is  not  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
party. 

"It  further  suggests  that  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that 
this  situation  be  relieved  on  Monday  next  by  the  nomination  of  a 
candidate  whom  all  Republicans  shall  support  at  the  joint  conven- 
tion on  Tuesdaj^  next,  to  the  end  thst  the  United  States  Senator  to 
be  chosen  at  the  election  now  pending  shall  be  the  choice  of  the 
Republican  party  of  Massachusetts  upon  whom  the  responsibility 
rests 

"We  believe  that  such  action  upon  the  part  of  the  Republican 
majority  of  the  Legislature  will  be  for  the  best  interests  of  the  Re- 
publican party  and  of  the  Commonwealth." 

On  Monday  the  caucus  balloted  again  and  on  the  31st 
ballot  Weeks  got  97  votes  and  was  declared  the  Republican 
nominee.    That  meant  that  the  Senatorship  would  go  to  him. 

The  Democrats  were  "watching  and  waiting"  from  the 
day  of  the  first  session  of  the  Republican  caucus.  Represen- 
tative John  F.  Meany  of  Blackstone  had  a  long  talk  with  Gov 

319 


Foss,  When  he  left  the  Governor,  Meany  announced  that 
he  would  introduce,  in  the  House,  a  bill  providing  for  the  Ore- 
gon plan  for  the  nomination  of  a  United  States  Senator  and 
ask  for  a  suspension  of  all  rules,  that  the  bill  might  become  a 
law  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  Under  this  bill  the  joint 
primary  would  be  held  Feb.  5.  Only  25  names  would  be  nec- 
essary for  a  candidate's  name  to  go  upon  the  ballot.  Who- 
ever received  the  highest  vote  would  be  the  nominee  and 
members  of  the  Legislature  would  be  morally  bound  to  vote 
for  him,  whether  he  was  Republican,  Democrat  or  Progressive. 

The  day  that  Weeks  was  nominated  Meany  moved  that 
the  Committee  on  Election  Laws  be  directed  to  report  not 
later  than  12  o'clock  AVednesday  on  his  petition  for  legisla- 
tion to  provide  for  a  Senatorial  primary.  He  said  it  was  not 
necessary  to  say  much  in  explanation  of  the  motion,  as  the 
bill  provided  that  the  people  be  given  an  opportunity  to 
choose  their  own  Senator,  first  in  preferential  primary  and 
later  in  a  preferential  election. 

But  the  Republicans  ignored  his  request  and  waited  until 
after  they  had  agreed  on  their  Senator  before  acting,  when 
they  reported  "leave  to  withdraw"  and  the  report  was  ac- 
cepted. The  same  afternoon  on  which  the  Republicans  nom- 
inated Weeks  as  their  senatorial  candidate,  the  Democrats 
held  their  caucus. 

After  one  of  the  stormiest  meetings  ever  held  at  the 
State  House  the  Democrats  nominated  as  their  choice  for 
United  States  Senator  Sherman  L.  Whipple  of  Brookline. 
The  feeling  of  the  contending  factions  ran  so  high  that  at 
times  there  was  great  disorder.  For  about  three  hours  the 
battle  waged,  Representative  Martin  M.  Lomasney  leading 
the  forces  for  a  nominee  and  a  caucus.  Representative  Lo- 
masney got  his  nominee,  but  he  got  him  only  after  a  very 
substantial  bolt  headed  by  Representative  Meany,  and  he 
failed  by  10  votes  to  get  a  caucus.  The  meeting  was  attended 
by  101  of  the  107  Democratic  members  of  the  Legislature. 
Representative  Meany  claimed  that  more  than  40  bolted  with 
him.  The  main  issue  before  the  gathering — for  at  no  stage 
could  it  be  termed  either  a  conference  or  a  caucus — was  wheth- 
er the  Democrats  should  proceed  to  deliberate  as  a  "confer- 
ence" which  would  have  no  binding  force  as  to  a  choice  of  a 
Senatorial  candidate,  or  whether  they  would  have  a  caucus 
which  would  bind  the  participants. 

320 


William    B.    Plunkett. 


Albert   P.   Langtry. 


1 

^Hk^I 

1 

^■bf^. 

1 

1 

Charles    E.   Hatfield. 


William   II.   Brook?. 


Mayor  Fitzg-erald  and  his  senatorial  aspirations  were 
early  made  an  incidental  issue,  which  at  times  provoked  heat- 
ed outbursts.  A  discussion  of  the  mayor  brought  on  a  warm 
debate  as  to  the  relative  merits  of  the  city  and  the  country 
Democrats.     Each  brand  had  its  champion. 

The  election  of  Weeks,  assured  by  the  result  of  the  Repub- 
lican caucus,  was  made  certain  by  the  action  of  the  two  Legis- 
lative branches.  Pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  Revised 
Statutes  of  the  United  States,  the  branches  met  in  their  re- 
spective chambers  Jan  14th,  for  the  purpose  of  electing  a  Sen- 
ator. What  looked  like  a  long  drawn-out  task  a  week  before, 
was  made  comparatively  easy  by  the  action  of  the  Republican 
caucus  on  Monday  in  getting  together  on  the  31st  ballot.  Each 
chose  Weeks.  The  vote  for  United  States  Senator  in  the 
Senate  was  : 

Total  vote  cast  39 

Necessary  for  choice 20 

John  W.  Weeks  of  Newton  26 

Sherman   L.   Whipple  of   Brookline    11 

John   A.   Keliher,   Boston    i 

Joseph  C.  Pelletier,  Boston   i 

The  only  absentee  in  the  Senate  was  Senator  Mack,  of 
North  Adams,  a  Democrat. 

The  vote  in  the  House  for  United  States  Senator  was : 

Total  vote  cast   , 233 

Necessary  for  choice    117 

John   W.   Weeks,   Newton    134 

Sherman  L.  Whipple,  Brookline  69 

John  Graham  Brooks,  Cambridge   5 

John   F.   Meany,   Blackstone    3 

James  B.   Carroll,  Springfield    3 

Charles  .A.  DeCourcey,  Lawrence  3 

Charles  S.  Hamlin,  Boston  2 

John  Alden  Thayer,  Worcester   2 

John   F.   Fitzgerald,   Boston    2 

■     Andrew  J.  Peters,  Boston    

Robert  Luce,  Somerville   

Philip  J.  O'Connell,  Worcester  

Richard  Olney  2nd,  Dedham   

John    P.    Sweeney,    Methuen     

Harvey   H.    Pratt,    Scituate    

George   Fred  Williams,  Dedham    

Rev.  Roland  D.  Sawyer,  Ware 

Curtis   Guild.    Boston    

Joseph    H.    O'Neil,   Boston    

Death  having  claimed  two  members  of  the  House,  the 
total    membership   was   238.      Of   these   233   voted    Monday. 

321 


Representative  Lydon  of  Boston,  was  recorded  "present  but 
not  voting."  The  absentees  were  Ferguson  of  Millbury,  Hurl- 
burt  of  Worcester  and  Wood  of  Gardner,  Republicans,  and 
William  P.  O'Brien  of  Boston,  Democrat. 

In  the  Senate  Congressman  Weeks  secured  the  entire  26 
Republican  votes.  In  the  House,  of  the  136  Republicans  vot- 
ing, he  secured  all  but  those  of  Naphen  of  Natick,  who  voted 
for  Guild,  and  Cowls  of  Amherst  who,  though  he  attended 
Monday's  Republican  caucus,  voted  for  Luce.  Naphen  de- 
clined to  attend  the  Republican  caucus. 

Of  the  14  Democratic  members  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Whip- 
ple secured  11.  Of  the  other  three  Mack  was  absent,  William 
P.  Hickey  of  Suffolk  voted  for  Pelletier  and  Thomas  M.  Joyce 
for  Keliher.  From  the  91  Democrats  voting  in  the  House 
Mr.  Whipple  secured  69  votes.    The  other  22  were  scattered. 

The  five  Bull  Moosers  voted  for  John  Graham  Brooks  of 
Cambridge.  The  Socialist  member,  Representative  Morrill  of 
Haverhill,  cast  his  vote  for  Rev  Roland  D.  Sawyer  of  Ware. 

Mr.  McCall  and  some  of  his  friends  were  piqued  over  his 
defeat.  He  did  not  send  the  customary  congratulations  to 
his  successful  opponent.  He  did,  however,  send  this  message 
to  his  friends  through  the  press : 

"I  wish  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart  to  thank  my  friends  in  the 
Legislature  whose  superb  loyalty  and  devotion  will  forever  be  to  me 
a  source  of  pride.  Their  course  will  seem  luminous  hereafter,  not 
because  they  favored  me,  but  because  there  could  have  been  no 
other  bond  uniting  them  than  a  sincere  desire  for  the  public  welfare. 

"Such  support  from  such  men  confers  a  dignity  which  no  mere 
ofTice  can  give.  It  sweetens  life  and  robs  defeat  of  any  possible 
bitterness. 

"I  wish  also  to  thank  most  heartily  my  many  friends  through- 
out the  Commonwealth,  many  more  than  I  suspected  I  possessed, 
for  the  favors  they  so  freely  bestowed." 

Right  on  the  heels  of  the  election  of  Weeks  came  the 
news  that  Joseph  Walker  had  flopped  to  the  Bull  Moose 
party.  Mr.  Walker  cited  the  election  of  Weeks  to  the  United 
States  Senate  as  evidence  that  "the  Republican  party  in  Mas- 
sachusetts is  to  be  permanently  dominated  by  the  old  reac- 
tionary leadership"  and  that  "we  have  arrived  at  the  parting 
of  the  ways."  As  a  Progressive,  he  said  he  felt  there  was  no 
longer  a  place  for  him  in  the  Republican  party.  He  therefore 
renounced  allegiance  to  that  party,  to  join  the  Progressive 
party  and  recommended  all  Progressives  in  the  State  to  follow 
his  course.  How  thoroughly  they  ignored  Walker's  advice 
we  shall  see  later. 

322 


Weeks  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress.  A  special  election 
was  held  April  15  to  fill  the  vacancy.  The  Democrats  nom- 
inated John  J.  Mitchell,  the  candidate  who  made  the  fight 
against  Weeks  in  the  Fall.  The  Republicans  nominated  Al- 
fred L.  Cutting  of  Weston,  and  Norman  H.  White  of  Brook- 
line  was  the  Bull  Moose  candidate.  Mitchell  won,  the  vote 
being:  Mitchell,  13,134;  Cutting,  8,  742;  White,  5,503;  Mit- 
chell's plurality,  4392. 

Since  he  has  been  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Weeks  has  made  a 
record  for  effectiveness  and  usefulness  to  the  State  and  to  the 
country  not  surpassed  by  any  other  Senator.  Although  in  the 
minority  he  has  exercised  great  influence  in  shaping  legisla- 
tion. To  him  more  than  to  any  other  man  are  due  the  benefi- 
cial features  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Law.  He  has  led  and  or- 
ganized the  Republican  minority  in  opposition  to  dangerous 
measures  passed  by  the  House  at  the  dictation  of  the  Wilson 
administration  and  has  compelled  many  changes  in  the  public 
interest.  He  is  recognized  nationally  as  one  of  the  great  and 
strong  men  in  Washington,  and  as  he  is  still  among  the  young- 
er leaders  he  has  long  years  of  constantly  inci"easing  useful- 
ness before  him. 


323 


CHAPTER  XLIII 

FOSS'   THIRD   TERM — INDICATIONS   OF   HIS    INTENTION   TO   BREAK 

WITH  THE  DEMOCRATS— SENDS   TARIFF  MESSAGE  TO  THE 

LEGISLATURE — ROUNDLY     DENOUNCED     BY 

DEMOCRATIC  LEGISLATORS. 

BEFORE  a  large  and  representative  gathering-,  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  Legislature  in  joint  convention  assembled, 
Mr  Foss  was  sworn  in  for  the  third  time  as  Governor,  Jan 
3,  1913.  For  the  first  time  since  the  existence  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  a  Democrat  was  sworn  in  as  Lieutenant  Governor. 
David  L  Walsh  of  Fitchburg  was  the  new  figure  on  Beacon 
Hill  this  year.  Prolonged  cheers  greeted  the  Chief  Executive 
and  his  colleague.  Directly  after  the  oath  of  office  had  been 
administered  .by  President  Greenwood  of  the  Senate,  the 
Governor  began  the  reading  of  his  inaugural  message,  which 
dealt  almost  exclusively  with  the  transportation  problems. 
Summed  up  his  railroad  recommendations  were : 

End  monopoly  of  New  Haven  road,  but  not  by  buying  the  Bos- 
ton &  Maine.     No  one  but  the  New  Haven  would  buy  it. 

Pass  law  allowing  Governor  to  name  a  certain  number  of  Di- 
rectors on  every  railroad  in  the  State,  and  allowing  the  State  to  buy 
certain  shares  of  stock  of  these  roads. 

Make  New  Haven  and  Boston  and  Maine  railroads  br.ild  ade- 
quate connections  in  Greater  Boston,  if  they  are  not  competing  lines. 
Remove  from  the  statutes  of  the  State  the  law  authorizing  the  in- 
corporation of  the  Boston  Holding  Railroad  Company,  a  disgrace 
to   the   Commonwealth. 

Control  the  railroads  so  that  they  will  cease  to  control  the 
State,  for  if  this  is  not  done  government  ownership  of  the  railroads 
will  surely  result,  but  such  a  move  as  government  ownership  has  a 
great   many   advantages. 

Give  the  Port  Directors  $50,000,000  to  spend;  they  need  it,  for 
the  railroad  terminals  must  be  made  effective  as  part  of  Boston's 
seaport  development;  connecting  tunnels  must  be  provided  where 
needed,  and  the  principal  seaport  must  be  made  ready  for  the  work 
of  placing  New  England  once  more  on  the  commercial  map. 

He  asked  the  Legislature  to  do  these  things  also: 

Pass  a  law  so  that  the  successor  of  Senator  Crane  will  be  elected 
by  the  people. 

Pass  laws  abolishing  party  enrollment  and  providing  for  the  ini- 
tiative, referendum,  and  recall,  as  these  recommendations  received 
the  indorsement  of  the  people  at  the  last  election. 

Develop  the  Connecticut,  Taunton  and  Merrimac  rivers,  and 
memorialize  Congress  to  open  the  Panama  Canal  free  of  tolls  to  the 
ships  of  all  Nations. 

324 


Both  presiding  officers,  Speaker  Gushing  in  the  House, 
and  President  Greenwood  in  the  Senate,  had  announced  their 
committee  appointments,  and  the  Legislature,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  seasoned  members,  was  ready  for  business  as 
soon  as  the  inaugural  ceremonies  were  over. 

Gov  Foss'  first  special  message  to  the  Legislature  dealt 
with  the  number  of  pardons  granted  in  1912.  He  had  been 
criticised  for  exercising  the  pardoning  power  so  freely.  Of 
the  number  released  31  were  from  the  State  Prison,  22  from 
the  Massachusetts  Reformatory,  28  from  Houses  of  Correc- 
tion, 14  from  the  Womens'  Reformatory,  1  from  jail,  1  from 
State  farm  and  one  from  the  Prison  camp,  a  total  of  98.  Ten 
of  those  pardoned  were  murderers.  The  longest  sentence 
served  was  nearly  32  years  of  a  life  sentence  by  David  Moon- 
ey.  The  shortest  sentences  were  those  of  Chin  Toy  and 
Wong  Chung,  each  eight  years  of  a  life  sentence. 

When  the  time  expired  for  the  filing  of  petitions  for  leg- 
islation it  was  found  that  the  number  of  bills  and  petitions 
submitted  exceeded  all  previous  records.  The  year  before 
was  the  big  one  in  the  legislative  history  of  the  Common- 
wealth. Then  1397  matters  were  submitted  in  the  House  and 
297  in  the  Senate.  Already  1468  matters  had  been  submitted 
in  the  House  and  343  in  the  Senate,  or  116  more  than  the  year 
before.  Every  field  was  invaded  by  the  petitioners,  the 
public  service  corporations  being  especially  remembered. 
Charter  amendments  throughout  the  Commonwealth  were 
asked  for.  Pure  food  laws  were  suggested  from  a  dozen  dif- 
ferent sources  and  street  widenings  figured  conspicuously. 
The  whole  range  was  run  through  from  the  proposition  to  tax 
bachelors  more  than  25  years  old  to  the  bill  to  prohibit  the 
use  of  escalators. 

Two  important  political  events  followed  right  after  the 
election  of  United  States  Senator.  Shortly  before  noon,  Jan 
14,  the  Massachusetts  Electoral  College  met  and  cast  its  18 
votes  for  Woodrow  Wilson  of  New  Jersey,  to  be  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  A  minute  later  the  full  vote  of 
the  college  was  cast  for  Thomas  R.  Marshall  of  Indiana  to  be 
Vice  President  of  the  United  States.  George  M.  Harlow  of 
Plymouth  was  elected  messenger  to  take  to  Washington  the 
certificate  of  the  electoral  vote  and  to  submit  the  same  to 
the  President  of  the  National  Senate.  The  college  then  in- 
formed the  Governor  that  it  had  concluded  its  labors. 

325 


The  College  was  called  to  order  by  Col  William  A  Gaston  of 
Boston,  its  President.  All  the  delegates  were  present.  At 
the  request  of  President  Gaston  prayer  was  offered  by  Rev. 
Alexander  Mann  of  Trinity  Church. 

The  following  day  a  Democratic  Secretary  of  State,  Frank 
J.  Donahue,  was  sworn  in.  It  isn't  often  that  the  Democrats 
of  Massachusetts  are  permitted  to  constitute  the  membership 
of  the  electoral  college  or  fill  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the 
Commonwealth.  Hence  the  historic  importance  of  these  two 
events. 

Gov  Foss  sent  a  chill  down  the  spine  of  the  True  Blue 
or  True  Glue  Democrats,  naming  William  P.  Fowler  to  suc- 
ceed Samuel  P.  Hudson  as  a  member  of  the  Boston  Licensing 
Board.  Mr.  Fowler  was  almost  unique  as  a  public  servant  iv 
filling  a  salaried  office  for  11  years  without  accepting  pay, 
saving  the  city  $33,000.  He  was  Registrar  of  the  Institutions 
department  for  that  period,  for  which  post  there  is  a  salary 
of  $3000  a  year.  He  refused  to  take  it.  In  explaining  the  re- 
fusal of  the  salary  Mr.  Fowler  said :  "I  do  not  think  that  1 
earn  the  salary.  Most  of  the  work  is  done  by  clerks.  There 
is  hardly  a  day,  however,  that  I  do  not  devote  some  time  to 
my  duties  as  Registrar;  some  days  it  requires  considerable 
time,  while  on  others  there  is  very  little  to  do.  I  do  not  need 
the  money  and  the  work  is  on  matters  in  which  I  am  inter- 
ested so  that  I  have  always  been  glad  to  give  the  city  the 
benefit  of  my  services  without  pay."  But  in  the  case  of  the 
Licensing  Board  the  case  was  different.  Feeling  that  he 
earned  the  salary  he  did  not  hesitate  to  take  the  money. 

One  day  early  in  February,  the  Governor  was  in  high 
feather.  When  the  "Old  Boy"  insisted  that  the  doors  of  his 
private  office  in  the  Executive  Chamber  be  swung  wide  open, 
to  permit  the  washed  and  the  unwashed  to  come  in  without 
knocking;  when  he  slapped  his  thighs,  knocked  his  heels  to- 
gether, leaned  back  and  laughed,  his  friends  used  to  figure 
that  things  were  coming  his  way. 

"What  do  you  hear  about  the  Cabinet?"  he  asked  one  of 
the  reporters. 

"We  hear  that  you  are  being  considered  for  a  place,"  said 
the  newspaper  man. 

"You  don't  tell  me,  honest  Injun,  boys?  Is  that  so? 
Isn't  that  great.  Well,  by  George,  if  I  am,  Brother  Wilson 
has  never  told  me  about  it.    I  do  hear  that  Bryan  has  given 

326 


(Copyright   by    the    New    York    Herald) 

President    Taft    and    President-elect    Wilson    Shaking    Hands 
Inausuration    Da}",   March    -l,    1913. 


up  all  his  lecture  engagements  after  March  4.  Looks  as  if  he 
were  going  in.  I  also  hear  that  Mr.  Morganthau  of  New  York 
is  going  to  head  the  Treasury  Department.  I  guess  that  if 
Senator  Gardner  of  Maine  is  going  into  the  Cabinet,  New 
England  will  have  to  be  content  with  that  one  place." 

"It  may  be  that  Mr.  Wilson  will  consider  you  for  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,'*  suggested  one  of  the  reporters. 

"That  would  be  nice  of  him,"  said  the  Governor.  "I've 
had  some  experience  with  naval  matters.  You  know  I'm  com- 
mander of  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  Massachusetts.  As 
such  I  made  a  trip  with  the  Naval  Militia  a  couple  of  years 
ago.  I  took  to  the  water  like  a  duck  and  surprised  the  old  sea 
dogs  on  the  cruise  by  diving  off  the  bowsprit  and  swimming 
around  the  cruiser  Chicago  like  a  fish." 

"What  about  this  talk  that  you  may  decide  to  aspire  for 
a  fourth  term  as  Governor?"  he  was  asked. 

"Well,"  replied  the  Governor,  "up  in  Vermont  where  I 
came  from,  there  always  used  to  be  four  pieces  in  a  pie,  and 
one  with  a  keen  appetite  didn't  think  anything  of  cleaning  up 
the  plate." 

"Then  there  is  another  story  that  you  may  decide  to  run 
for  Mayor  this  fall." 

"Say  boys,  I'm  afraid  that  you  scared  the  Mayor,  for  he 
was  out  in  his  automobile  to  my  house  yesterday  afternoon 
and  suggested  that  we  swap  jobs." 

"W^at  did  you  say  to  the  proposition?"  the  Governor  was 
asked. 

'Now,  boys,"  he  replied,  "you  are  asking  too  much.  1 
don't  mind  saying  that  I  like  my  present  job  pretty  well  but, 
of  course,  it's  a  great  honor — to  be  Mayor  of  a  great  city 
like  Boston — honest  Injun,  it  is." 

"Perhaps,"  remarked  a  reporter,  "you  could  hold  both 
jobs  at  the  same  time." 

'T  hadn't  thought  of  that,"  replied  the  Governor,  "per- 
haps I  could.  We'll  have  to  see  about  that.  That's  a  good 
idea." 

"It  is  said.  Governor,  that  if  you  decide  to  run  again, 
that  is,  take  your  fourth  piece  of  pie,  such  an  arrangement 
would  be  satisfactory  to  Lieut  Gov  Walsh,  or,  at  least,  he 
would  not  oppose  you  for  the  nomination." 

"So,  well  I  don't  know  but  Avliat  it  would,  Dave  is  an 
awfully  nice  boy,  true  as  steel  and  one  of  the  ablest  young 
men  in  public  life  in  this  State  today.    Isn't  it  customary  to 

327 


give  the  Lieutenant  Governor  a  second  term?"  he  asked,  and 
added,  "The  Republicans  used  to  give  their  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernors three  terms." 

This  was  the  first  inkling  the  politicians  or  the  public 
had  that  he  might  be  a  candidate  for  a  fourth  term.  About 
this  time,  Massachusetts  Democrats  were  stirred  up  by  the 
report  that  came  from  Washington  that  Louis  D.  Brandeis 
was  being  considered  seriously  by  President-elect  Wilson  for 
Attorney  General  in  his  cabinet.  Mr.  Brandeis  had  never 
identified  himself  openly  with  the  State  Democracy  and  local 
Democrats  began  to  protest.  Mr.  Brandeis  was  not  named 
for  the  cabinet  and  it  is  understood  that  the  President-elect 
reluctantly  abandoned  the  idea  of  naming  him,  after  a  special 
commissioner  from  Princeton  had  visited  Boston,  investi- 
gated the  local  Democratic  situation  and  reported  that  Bran- 
deis' appointment  would  be  a  political  mistake. 

The  House,  Feb  10,  on  motion  of  Representative  Cox  of 
Boston,  the  Republican  titular  leader,  adopted  a  resolution 
felicitating  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  on  the  passage  of  the 
Home  Rule  Bill. 

The  Legislature  observed  Lincoln  Day  by  hearing  an  ad- 
dress by  a  member  of  the  race  that  Lincoln  emancipated  50 
years  before,  William  H.  Lewis,  Asst  U  S  Dist  Atty,  himself 
a  former  member  of  the  House  from  Cambridge. 

As  the  time  approached  for  the  inaguration  of  Woodrow 
Wilson,  as  President,  Gov  Foss  let  it  be  known  that  it  would 
please  him  to  see  a  big  turnout  of  Massachusetts  troops  and 
preparations  were  made  on  a  large  scale  for  the  inaugural 
parade.  The  State  made  a  creditable  showing  in  the  parade 
but  Gov  Foss  did  not  bring  back  a  Cabinet  port-folio  on  his 
return  home.  Soon  afterward  His  Excellency  began  to  show 
a  dislike  for  Democratic  measures  and  a  coolness  toward 
Democratic  leaders. 

Meanwhile,  the  Legislature  was  busy  with  its  task.  John 
J.  McDevitt  of  Quincy,  a  member  of  the  Senate,  said  at  a 
public  meeting  in  his  home  city,  that  he  had  been  offered  a 
bribe  of  $300  to  vote  for  a  certain  bill.  Senator  McDevitt 
was  summoned  before  the  joint  committee  on  Rules  and 
questioned  about  the  charge.  He  declined  to  give  the  name 
of  the  man  who  offered  him  the  bribe.  At  one  of  the  hear- 
ings he  mentioned  the  name  of  one  of  the  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  the  House  in  connection  with  the  charge,  but  when 

328 


pressed  for  details  declared  that  he  didn't  remember.  The 
House  dropped  the  matter  but  the  Senate  found  the  charge 
unproven  and  sentenced  him  to  a  reprimand  and  suspension 
for  30  days.  The  day  when  he  was  to  hear  his  sentence  he 
did  not  appear  at  the  session  and  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  was  di- 
rected to  bring  him  in  at  the  following  session.  He  came 
voluntarily  the  next  day  and  was  formally  suspended  and 
publicly  reprimanded. 

Several  Democratic  members,  led  by  Senator  Brennan  of 
'Charlestown,  tried  to  have  reconsidered  the  vote  of  the  day 
before,  whereby  the  Senator  from  the  2d  Norfolk  district  was 
suspended  until  May  1,  his  pay  stopped,  a  reprimand  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate  in  open  session  ordered  and  an  apolo- 
gy in  writing  demanded,  as  a  condition  precedent  to  his  res- 
toration to  his  rights  as  a  member  of  the  Senate.  Reconsid- 
eration failed  by  a  vote  of  9  to  28. 

The  full  penalty,  as  ordered  by  the  Committee  on  Rules, 
was  finally  inflicted  upon  McDevitt,  but  not  until  the  Quincy 
Senator  had  entered  a  vigorous  protest  and  spread  upon  the 
records  a  request  for  a  trial  by  the  Senate.  When  President 
Greenwood  started  to  carry  out  the  reprimand  order  the 
Quincy  senator,  who  up  to  that  time  had  remained  in  his 
seat,  jumped  to  his  feet  and  addressed  the  chair.  The  Presi- 
dent with  a  blow  of  his  gavel  commanded :  "The  Senator  from 
Norfolk,  Mr.  McDevitt,  will  stand  up."  McDevitt  arose  and 
shouted,  "Mr.  President." 

Bang!  from  the  President's  gavel.  "By  order  of  the 
Senate."  Again  the  Quincy  man  broke  in,  shouting  at  the  top 
of  his  voice,  "Mr.  President."  Bang!  Bang!  Bang!  Bang! 
Bang!  fell  the  gavel,  but  McDevitt  stood  his  ground  with  a 
running  fire  of  "Mr.  President"  until  he  tired  out  the  presid- 
ing officer. 

There  was  intense  excitement  in  the  chamber.  The  crowd 
surged  forward  and  leaned  over  to  catch  every  word  uttered 
and  watch  every  move.  Senator  McDevitt  succeeded  in  get- 
ting in  the  following  statement : 

"Mr.  President  I  ask  for  a  hearing;  I  will  never  apologize  to 
you  Mr.  President" — whack  went  the  gavel — "I  will  never  apolo- 
gize to  you" — whack  from  the  gavel — "nor  to  this  honorable  Sen- 
ate"— again  the  gavel  whacked — "for  telling  the  truth." 

Decorum  of  the  Senate  was  for  the  time  forgotten.  Sergt- 
at-Arms  Pedrick  moved  toward  the  Quincy  Senator  with  his 

329 


mace  and  McDevitt  subsided.     Then  the  President  read  the 
reprimand  as  follows: 

"By  order  of  the  honorable  Senate  it  is  my  duty  to  reprimand 
you  for  conduct  unbecoming  a  member  of  this  body.  In  view  of 
the  nature  of  your  offence,  which  included  an  attempt  on  your  part 
to  besmirch  the  reputation  of  another  member  of  another  branch 
of  the  Legislature,  it  is  difficult  to  find  words  adequate  for  the  oc- 
casion. 

"Your  attitude,  however,  before  the  joint  Committee  on  Rules 
impels  the  belief  that  you  do  not  comprehend,  nor  can  you  be  made 
to  comprehend,  the  gravity  of  your  offence  and  the  seriousness  of 
your  position. 

"If  any  good  may  come  from  this  regrettable  occurrence,  it 
may  be  because  of  the  emphasis  it  places  upon  the  truth  that  men 
may  not  lightly  bring  false  charges;  that  lies  react  chiefly  upon  him 
who   utters   them. 

"I  reprimand  you  for  bringing  false  accusations  and  making  false 
statements,  and  I  urge  you  in  your  enforced  absence  from  this  body 
to  reflect  upon  your  conduct,  that  upon  5'^our  return  you  may  have 
a  better  conception  of  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  a  member 
of  the  Senate  of  the  Commonwealth.  And,  finally,  I  warn  you,  as 
directed  by  the  Senate,  that  in  the  future  you  must  conduct  yourself 
in  a  manner  befitting  your   office. 

"You  will  now  withdraw.'' 

A  buzz  of  conversation  followed  the  sigh  of  relief  which 
swept  over  the  Senate.  McDevitt  did  not  again  interrupt  the 
President,  but  faced  him  during  the  delivery  of  the  reprimand. 
The  face  of  the  member  from  Quincy  was  scarlet  as  he  re- 
ceived his  punishment.  It  was  a  painful  and  dramatic  scene. 
The  sentence  was  harsh,  but  the  Senate  felt  that  it  owed  it  to 
itself  to  impress  upon  the  member,  that  such  conduct  would 
not  be  tolerated  unless  the  member  backed  up  his  charges 
with  evidence.  McDevitt  never  returned  to  his  seat.  He 
sought  a  vindication  at  the  hands  of  his  constituents  in  the 
primaries  but  was  denied  it.  It  appeared  to  be  a  case  of  a 
glib  tongue  getting  its  owner  into  trouble  and  the  latter's  re- 
fusal to  publicly  apologize  for  his  language.  Had  he  done 
so  in  the  first  place,  all  would  have  been  satisfied  and  he 
would  have  saved  himself  from  suspension  from  the  Senate. 

Champ  Clark,  Speaker  of  the  National  House,  visited 
Massachusetts  March  17.  He  was  to  be  the  chief  guest  of 
South  Boston's  Evacuation  committee.  He  was  asked  to  ad- 
dress the  Massachusetts  House  and  consented,  saying: 

"There  are  those  who  would  change  everything.  There  are  oth- 
ers who  would  change  nothing.  ,  A  proposition  is  not  necessarily 
either  good  or  bad  be  it  either  old  or  new.  The  corrupt  rule  is — 'Try 
all  things,  hold  fast  to  those  which  are  good.'     Legislatures  and  Con- 

330 


grasses   come  and  go;   but  let  us   hope  that  the   Commonwealth   of 
Massachusetts  and  this  mighty  Republic  will  go  on 

'Forever  and  forever, 

As  long  as  the  river  flows, 

As  long  as  the  heart  has  passions 

As  long  as  life  has  woes.' 
"As  the  years  steal  into  centuries,  may  we  and  our  children  and 
our  childrens'   children  so  live  and  act  and   legislate  as  to  improve 
the  condition  of  all  the  people,  augment  their  happiness  and  strength- 
en and  multiply  free  institutions  throughout  the  world." 

Woman  Suffrage  lost  in  the  House,  the  vote  being-  144  to 
88. 

Early  in  April,  while  the  Suffolk  Law  school  bill  was  be- 
fore him,  Gov  Foss  had  a  controversy  with  Dean  Archer  of 
the  school.  The  bill  gave  the  school  the  right  to  issue  de- 
grees. The  proposition  was  fought  by  other  colleges  and  law 
schools  and  Dean  Archer  called  on  Gov  Foss  to  present  his 
arguments,  why  the  Governor  should  sign  the  bill  which  was 
before  him.  After  Gov  Foss  had  communicated  his  veto  to 
the  House,  Dean  Archer  sent  a  letter  to  the  Legislature  de- 
claring that  the  Governor  had  perpetrated  a  cruel  hoax  and 
then  "gloated  over  the  trick"  he  had  played  on  him. 

Dean  Archer  met  the  Governor  in  the  Executive  Chambei 
by  invitation  of  Mr.  Foss.  Of  this  interview  Dean  Archer 
said  in  his  letter  to  the  Legislature : 

"I  did  not  know  at  the  time  that  he  had  already  vetoed  the 
bill;  that  he  had  sent  his  message  to  the  Clerk's  office  before  in- 
viting me  to  meet  him;  that  he  was  practicing  a  cruel  deception 
upon  me.  While  he  made  no  promises  he  certainly  gave  me  the  im- 
pression that  he  would   act  favorably. 

"After  I  reached  home  in  the  evening  I  was  called  upon  the 
telephone  by  newspaper  reporters  who  informed  me  that  the  Gov- 
ernor had  gone  home  and  that  the  bill  had  not  been  vetoed.  Sun- 
day morning  a  reporter  informed  me  that  he  had  just  talked  with 
the  Governor  over  the  telephone  and  that  he  declared  that  he  had 
let  the  bill  pass  and  that  it  was  already  a  law." 

Dean  Archer  said  that  he  received  many  congratulations 
on  the  success  of  the  measure,  and  had  a  happy  day  in  the  as- 
surance that  two  years  of  bitter  contest  had  ended. 

Then,  he  added,  the  next  morning  he  was  dumfounded 
to  learn  that  "it  was  all  a  cruel  hoax  perpetrated  by  the  man 
who  has  three  tim.es  been  honored  by  the  people  of  this  Com- 
monwealth by  the  highest  office  in  their  gift." 

When  he  called  at  the  Governor's  office  that  Monday 
morning,  he  asserted  in  his  letter,  "the  Governor  gloated  over 
the  trick  he  had  played  and  declared  that  he  merely  wanted 

331 


to  give  me  'a  pleasant  Easter  Sunday.'  Ye  Gods !  A  pleasant 
Easter  Sunday — but  what  of  Monday?"  The  Governor  denied 
Archer's  charges  and  the  Senate  killed  the  bill  by  upholding 
his  veto. 

Gov  Foss  professed  to  be  getting  a  bit  nervous,  as  a 
New  England  manufacturer,  over  the  tariff  program  of  the 
Democratic  Administration  at  Washington.  He  gave  oyt  a 
statement  on  the  subject  in  which  he  declared:  "I  want  it 
understood  that  I  am  not  and  never  was  a  free  trader,  I  am  a 
Protectionist." 

He  also  said  the  Republicans  were  beaten  last  Fall  be- 
cause they  were  Standpatters  on  the  tariff,  and  that  he  hoped 
the  Democrats  would  learn  a  lesson  from  the  Republican  de- 
feat and  not  endanger  their  own  future  by  going  to  the  other 
extreme  as  regards  the  tariff.  As  to  why  he  sent  a  message 
on  reciprocity  to  the  Legislature  a  few  days  before,  the  Gov- 
ernor said  he  did  so  in  response  to  President  Wilson's  sum- 
mons to  "all  honest,  patriotic  and  progressive  men  to 
counsel  and  sustain  him."  This  proved  to  be  the  entering  of 
the  wedge  that  widened  the  breach  between  Foss  and  the 
Democrats  and  he  began  to  work  back  into  the  Repub- 
lican fold. 

With  the  return  of  W.  Murray  Crane  to  his  old  home  in 
Dalton,  an  extraordinary  tribute  of  love  and  esteem  was  paid 
to  him  by  the  people  of  his  native  town.  As  an  appropriate 
gift  the  citizens  of  Dalton  presented  him  a  silver  loving  cup, 
bearing  this  inscription : 


"WINTHROP  MURRAY  CRANE 

LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOR  1897-1899. 

GOVERNOR    1900-1902 

UNITED   STATES   SENATOR 

OCTOBER   12,   1904— MARCH   3,   1913. 

UNSELFISH  WORKER  FOR  THE  TOWN 

COMMONWEALTH    AND    NATION 

AN   EXPRESSION   OF  AFFECTION 

FROM   THE   PEOPLE    OF 

DALTON,  MASSACHUSETTS 

AND    A    REMEMBRANCE    OF    HIS 

SIXTIETH  BIRTHDAY 

APRIL    23,    1913." 


332 


Joseph    C.    Pelletier. 


Frederick    H.    Gillett. 


Samuel    E.   Winslow. 


Calvin   D.   Paige. 


Fred  G.  Pettigrove,  Chairman  of  the  Massachusetts  Pris- 
on Commission  since  1901,  resigned  in  April.  He  had  been 
for  over  30  years  connected  with  the  administration  of  prisons 
in  this  Commonwealth  and  a  year  before  was  elected  President 
of  the  Associated  Prison  Commissioners  of  the  United  States. 
Several  times  Gov  Foss  attempted  to  put  a  new  man  at  the 
head  of  the  Prison  Commission,  but  each  time  the  Council 
blocked  him.  The  Governor  accepted  the  resignation  of  Mr. 
Pettigrove  saying  that  he  only  did  it  because  of  his  desire 
"to  introduce  new  policies  into  the  administration  of  prison 
affairs.'' 

Because  of  irregularities  in  his  department,  State  Com- 
missioner of  Weights  and  Measures  Daniel  C.  Palmer  was 
removed  from  office  and  later  Thure  Hansen 'of  Worcester, 
was  named  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

When  the  House  got  around  to  act  on  Gov  Foss'  tariff 
message  he  was  roundly  denounced  by  the  Democrats  for  his 
attitude.  One  of  the  most  pronounced  anti-Foss  Democratic 
speeches  was  made  by  Representative  Smith  of  Gloucester, 
who  paid  his  respects  to  Gov  Foss  for  his  abrogation  of  Dem- 
ocratic principles,  although  he  ran  as  the  candidate  of  the 
party  and  was  supposed  to  stand  squarely  upon  its  platform. 

"He  was  for  the  Democratic  platform  long  enough,"  ^Ir.  Smith 
said,  "to  go  down  to  Baltimore  with  a  retinue  of  paid  political  hench- 
men, seeking  to  capture  the  nom.ination  of  that  party  whose  name  he 
had  taken  unto  himself.  When  that  opportunity  was  gone  and 
Woodrow  Wilson  was  triumphantly  elected  he  became  a  candidate 
for  a  position  in  the  cabinet  and  again  his  pleadings  were  denied. 
Now  he  turns  about  and  puts  the  knife  into  the  party  which  has 
given  him  all  he  ever  had  in  political  life. 

"Take  from  him  the  power  of  patronage  and  there  would  not 
be  a  single  member  of  this  House  so  low  as  to  do  him  honor.  He 
is  a  narrow  imposter,  and  I  appeal  to  the  men  of  my  own  political 
household  to  place  the  stamp  of  disapproval  on  his  political  treach- 
ery. For  an  honest  and  earnest  Republican  I  have  the  greatest  re- 
spect, but  for  the  man  who  belongs  to  neither  political  party,  a  man 
who  is  but  a  bushwhacker,  I  have  nothing  but  the  deepest  disgust." 

The  Republicans  passed  their  resolutions  condemning 
the  proposed  Underwood  Democratic  tariff  bill.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  session  the  legislators  seemed  to  take  special  de- 
light in  passing  important  measures  over  the  Governor's  veto. 
The  legislative  session  ended  June  21  just  before  6  P.  M. 

The  Legislature  of  1913  was  in  session  171  days.  The 
session  of  1912  lasted  163  days  while  the  record  session  of 
1911,  the  first  year  of  the  administration  of  Foss  lasted  206 

333 


days.    The  record  of  the  session,  as  far  as  legislative  business 
is  concerned,  was  thus  summarized  by  Secretar}'  Donahue: 

Bills   signed   by   the    Governor    819 

Resolves    signed    by    the    Governor    I33 

Bills   vetoed   by   the   Governor    32 

Bills   passed  over  the  veto    10 

Bills  permitted  to  become  law  without  signing..  12 

The  Legislature  of  1913  placed  much  constructive  legisla- 
tion on  the  books.  Though  at  times  the  Legislature  and  the 
Governor  "locked  horns,"  the  Governor  succeeded  in  getting 
through  various  measures  in  which  he  was  interested  and  the 
Legislature  enacted  into  law  certain  measures  to  which  the 
Governor  objected.  Important  among  the  general  enactments 
of  the  year  were,  the  Public  Opinion  Act,  the  resolve  ratifying 
the  Federal  Income  Tax,  and  another  for  the  direct  election 
of  United  States  Senators,  thus  ending  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant controversies  dividing  the  leading  political  parties. 

Of  the  bills  which  were  passed  over  His  Excellency's 
vetoes  the  most  important  were  the  so-called  Washburn  rail- 
road commission  measure,  the  bill  for  the  merger,  through  ac- 
quisition by  the  New  Haven,  of  the  Western  trolleys,  and  the 
9  hour  in  11  street  railway  employees  measure. 

The  most  important  measure  on  which  the  Governor's 
veto  was  sustained  was  the  Meany  Milk  Labeling  bill,  which 
passed  the  House  over  the  Governor's  veto  but  was  stopped 
by  the  Senate. 

In  the  interest  of  labor,  the  Legislature  passed  a  new 
Child  labor  law  to  regulate  the  employment  of  minors.  It 
had  passed  a  more  stringent  54-hour  bill  for  women  and  min- 
ors. It  amended  the  Workingmen's  Compensation  law  and 
passed  an  act  providing  for  joint  action  by  the  Industrial  Ac- 
cident Board  and  the  Board  of  Labor  and  Industry  for  the 
treatment  of  occupational  diseases. 

It  raised  salaries  all  along  the  line,  in  some  instances 
from  $2500  to  $3000  at  a  jump,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Land 
Court  and  the  Railroad  Commission,  the  members  of  both 
bodies  were  placed  on  a  par  with  the  Judges  of  the  higher 
courts  by  the  increase  of  their  salaries  to  $8500  for  chairmen 
and  $8000  for  members.  A  very  important  piece  of  legisla- 
tion and  another  change  of  policy  was  the  Municipal  Indebt- 
edness act  which  changed  the  tax  limit. 


334 


CHAPTER  XLIV 

HAPPENINGS     LEADING     UP     TO     STATE     CAMPAIGN,     1913— FOSS' 
COMPLETE     BREAK     WITH     DEMOCRATS— FLOPS     BACK     INTO 
REPUBLICAN      PARTY — PAILS      TO      ENTER      PRIMARIES — 
GARDNER    DEFEATS    BENTON    FOR    REPUBLICAN    GUB- 
ERNATORIAL    NOMINATION — BARRY    BEATS    LONG 
FOR    DEMOCRATIC    NOMINATION    FOR    SECOND 
PLACE— WALSH      UNOPPOSED      FOR      FIRST 
PLACE  ON  DEMOCRATIC   TICKET. 

BY  the  time  the  Legislature  adjourned,  practically  every 
Democrat,  high  and  low,  was  lambasting  Governor  Foss. 
The  Governor  had  serious  labor  troubles  with  his 
Blower  Works  operatives.  All  sorts  of  threats  were  made 
to  ruin  him  and  his  business  by  labor  leaders  but  with  his 
usual  luck  he  came  out  ahead  in  the  controversy. 

Thursday,  July  3,  the  Railroad  Commission  of  Massa- 
chusetts became  an  institution  of  the  past.  For  44  years  the 
railroads  and  railways  of  Massachusetts  had  been  supervised 
by  a  commission  appointed  by  the  successive  Governors.  The 
Massachusetts  Railroad  Commission,  during  its  existence  of 
almost  half  a  century,  left  its  impress  not  only  on  this  Com- 
monwealth but  also  on  practically  all  the  other  States  in  the 
Union.  Its  passing  was  of  more  than  ordinary  interest.  It 
yielded  the  field  to  the  new  Public  Service  Commission, 
created  by  act  of  the  last  Legislature. 

The  Railroad  Commision  had  supervision  over  railroad 
and  railways.  Its  powers  were  mainly  recommendatory.  The 
Public  Service  Commission  has  supervision  over  railroad, 
street  railway  and  telephone  companies  and  also  over  steam- 
boat companies  plying  between  ports  in  this  State.  By  virtue 
of  one  of  the  provisions  of  the  act  creating  the  Public  Service 
Commission,  the  members  of  the  Railroad  Commission,  which 
went  out  of  existence  June  3rd,  were  m.ade  members  of  the 
new  board. 

No  State  commission  had  to  face  more  difficulties  or  at- 
tempt the  solution  of  more  involved  problems  than  the  old 
Railroad  Commission.  While  the  powers  of  the  latter  were 
in  the  main  simply  recommendatory,  it  accomplished  much. 

335 


During  the  44  years  of  its  existence  there  were  only  twenty 
appeals  from  its  decisions  and  findings  to  the  Supreme  Court. 
In  one  case,  the  court  found  the  mandatory  act,  under  which 
the  board  fixed  certain  interstate  freight  rates,  to  be  uncon- 
stitutional. This  was  the  Berkshire  coal  case,  back  in  the  old 
Hoosac  Tunnel  days.  In  two  other  cases,  those  of  the  appeals 
of  the  Worcester  &  Nashua  Railroad  and  of  the  City  of  Cam- 
bridge, the  Court's  decisions  were  against  the  Board.  In  all 
other  appeals  the  Board  was  sustained. 

Massachusetts  had  another  Railroad  Commission  prior 
to  this  one.  Its  history  was  brief  and  not  particularly  inter- 
esting. By  the  provisions  of  Chapter  252  of  the  Acts  of  1845 
the  Governor  was  authorized  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Council  to  appoint  a  commission  of  five  persons 
to  constitute  the  Board  of  Railroad  Commissioners.  Under 
this  act  Gov  Briggs  appointed  as  commissioners,  Osm-yn 
Baker  of  Amherst,  chairman,  Thomas  Twining  of  Lenox, 
John  Mills  of  Springfield,  Ithamar  A.  Beard  of  Lowell  and 
John  M.  Fessenden  of  Roxbury.  At  the  same  time  His  Ex- 
cellency appointed  as  special  commissioners  John  I.  Baker 
of  Beverly  and  Sylvanus  Bourne  of  Wareham.  Its  life  ex- 
tended over  but  nine  months. 

July  20,  1913,  Lieut  Gov  Walsh  formally  entered  the 
gubernatorial  race  and  from  that  date  he  and  Gov  Foss  be- 
came political  opponents.  One  prominent  Democrat,  incensed 
at  Governor  Foss,  remarked  that  history  would  "record  with 
incredulity,  that  such  a  monumental  fraud  escaped  detection 
so  long,"  quoting  the  late  Senator  Ingalls  of  Kansas  on  an- 
other distinguished  public  man.  The  breach  widened  between 
the  Governor,  the  Democratic  State  Committee  and  most  oi 
the  leading  Democrats.  Late  in  July,  it  was  as  wide  as  Gun- 
powder River,  where  the  Governor's  Presidential  boom  fell 
overboard  in  June,  on  its  way  to  the  Baltimore  convention  in 
1912.  The  hand  of  almost  every  Democratic  politician,  except 
those  whom  he  had  appointed  to  office,  was  against  him 
openly.  They  dared  him  to  come  out  and  contest  the  nomina- 
tion with  Walsh. 

Not  even  Judge  Riley,  of  whom  the  Governor  thought  so 
highly,  condescended  to  mention  his  name  at  the  meeting  ol 
the  Legislative  committee.  The  State  organi7.ation  ignored 
him.  The  Governor's  name  was  no  longer  spoken  with  rev- 
erent lips.    They  had  made  it  so  uncomfortable  for  his  Assis- 

336 


tant  Secretary,  Harlow,  that  the  latter  announced  he  would 
not  seek  a  re-election  as  a  member  of  the  State  Committee. 
Those  in  charge  of  Democratic  headquarters  burned  their  Foss 
bridges  behind  them.  The  Governor  and  his  friends  in  the 
southeast  corner  of  the  State  House,  recalled  to  them  the  lan- 
guage of  Macbeth,  in  the  witches'  scene : 

"And  be   these  juggling  fiends  no  more  believ'd 
That  palter  with  us   in  a  double  sense; 
That  keep  the  word  of  promise  to  our  ear 
And    break   it   to    our   hope." 

The  Governor's  denunciation  of  the  labor  unions  furthei 
aroused  the  enmity  of  the  leaders  of  organized  labor.  His 
tariff  views  and  his  removal  of  a  part  of  his  manufacturing 
plant  to  Canada,  on  the  plea  that  the  Underwood  Tariff  bill 
forced  him  to  do  so,  because  it  did  not  include  a  reciprocity 
clause,  his  statement  that  "no  man  can  be  elected  Governor 
of  Massachusetts  this  year  who  indorses  the  Underwood  bill' 
and  his  refusal  to  name  Democrats  to  office,  who  were  backed 
by  the  State  organization,  added  to  his  unpopularity  with 
labor  men  and  Democrats  alike. 

President  Wilson  never  regarded  him  as  a  real  Demo- 
crat and  Bryan  refused  to  take  him  seriously  as  a  candidate 
for  President  at  Baltimore.  The  Governor's  friends  admitted 
that  "He  may  have  tried  to  jolly  the  politicians,  but  he  never 
tried  to  fool  the  people."  While  the  politicians  were  fretting 
and  fuming  the  Governor  was  cool,  calm  and  collected,  as- 
sured his  friends  that  he  had  his  opponents  on  the  run 
and  was  firm  in  the  belief  that  "What  is  to  be  will  be." 

The  day  the  Democratic  State  Committee  was  denouncing 
Foss,  the  latter's  friends  took  out  Republican  nomination 
papers  for  Governor.  For  some  weeks  there  had  been  a  pro- 
cession of  bread  and  butter  Republican  politicians  to  the  Ex- 
ecutive Department  on  Beacon  Hill.  Self-respecting  Repub- 
licans, who  responded  to  his  invitation  to  call  on  him,  scorned 
or  laughed  at  the  idea  of  Foss  going  into  the  Republican  pri- 
mary or  acting  as  its  self-appointed  advisor.  The  Progres- 
sives openly  declared  that  they  did  not  care  for  his  company. 
They  had  already  agreed  to  run  their  ticket  of  the  year  be- 
fore. Bird  and  Cosgrove.  President  Herman  Hormel  of  the 
Republican  City  Committee  of  Boston,  publicy  offered  to  se- 
cure the  necessary  signatures  for  Foss  to  become  a  candidate 
in  the  Republican  primary,  provided  he  would  agree  in  writing 

2>i7 


to  abide  by  the  result.  The  Governor  made  no  reply  to  Hor- 
mel's  offer.  At  that  time  Governor  Foss  was  a  registered 
Democrat  and  couldn't  vote  for  himself  as  a  Republican  can- 
didate if  he  desired  to.  He  was  sending  for  Republicans  and 
urging  them  to  enter  the  gubernatorial  contest  against  Col 
Everett  C.  Benton  of  Belmont,  who,  up  to  that  time  had  the 
field  all  to  himself.  First  it  was  State  Treasurer  Stevens, 
then  Ex-Gov  Guild,  later  Samuel  W.  McCall,  but  none  of 
these  cared  to  get  into  the  affray.  This  bit  of  doggerel  illus- 
trated the  situation  from  the  Foss  standpoint: 

■'Ain't  it  great  to  see  'em  coining — 
Hatfield,  Hale,  Crane  and  Sam  McCall — 
We  mean  to  keep  'em  coming. 
Keep    'em    guessing    'til    the    Fall." 

During  this  game  of  political  battledore  and  shuttle- 
cock, the  Governor  named  the  members  of  the  new  Board  of 
Labor  and  Industry,  created  by  the  Acts  of  1912.  The  Exe- 
cutive Council  immediately  suspended  the  rules  and  the  nom- 
iness  were  confirmed.  The  new  board  was  made  up  as  fol- 
lows: 

James  A.  Lowell  of  Newton,  chairman,  term  five  years; 
Prof  James  W.  Crook  of  Amherst,  four  years;  Channing 
Smith  of  Leicester,  three  years ;  William  Acton  of  Fall  River, 
two  years ;  Mrs  Davis  R.   Dewey  of   Cambridge,  one  year. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  important  commissions  created 
by  the  Legislature  in  recent  years.  The  act  establishing  the 
board  provided  that  the  Governor  should  name  the  member? 
by  March  L  He  had,  however,  for  a  long  time  been  unable 
to  find  just  the  persons  he  wanted  to  place  on  the  commis- 
sion, he  claimed.  Mr.  Lowell  formerly  served  in  the  Legisla- 
ture from  Newton,  and  had  been  identified  largely  with  child 
labor  and  kindred  legislation.  James  W.  Crook  was  profes- 
sor of  economics  at  Amherst  College.  Channing  Smith  was 
a  woolen  manufacturer  of  Leicester.  William  Acton  was  well 
known  in  labor  circles.  Mrs.  Dewey  was  the  wife  of  Prof 
Davis  R.  Dewey  of  the  Institute  of  Technology.  The  Demo- 
crats fairly  snorted  at  these  nominations.  A  Labor  and  In- 
dustry Commission  and  not  a  recognized  member  of  their 
party  on  it!    The  "Old  Boy"  chuckled  at  their  discomfiture 

At  an  outing  of  the  Bull  Moose  party  early  in  the  cam- 
paign, Mr.  Bird  invited  Gov  Foss  to  enter  the  Progressive  pri- 
maries and  contest  with  him  the  party  nomination  for  Gov- 
ernor, saying: 

338 


"The  papers  have  stated  that  Mr.  Foss  might  try  for  the  Pro- 
gressive nomination.  I  say  let  him  come  on.  The  more  the  mer- 
rier. The  Governor  is  having  a  great  time  these  days  stirring  up  the 
old  parties.  The  Republicans  are  panic  stricken,  disorganized  and 
discouraged. 

"I  urge  him  to  come  on  and  test  his  strength  in  the  Progres- 
sive party. 

"For  months  the  Republican  organization  has  been  in  a  panic. 
A  more  hopeless,  disorganized,  disrupted  political  party  never  ex- 
isted. No  definite  principles,  no  real  leaders,  no  honest  co-operation 
— all   chaos.     Peace   be  with   its  ashes! 

"The  Deomcratic  organization  is  also  equally  disorganized.  Be- 
hold the  three  times  elected  Democratic  Governor  repudiating  the 
tariff  policy  of  the  National  Democratic  Party,  publicly  quarrelling 
with  his  State  party  leaders,  barely  on  speaking  terms  with  the 
chairman  of  the  Democratic  State  Committee.  Our  Lieutenant 
Governor,  Mr.  Walsh,  is  wondering  where  he  comes  in,  still  waiting 
and   hoping  for   Foss'  endorsement. 

"The  Governor  is  certainly  fooling  them  all.  He  cannot  make 
another  political   somersault  and   land  on   his  feet.'' 

Gov  Foss  declined  to  accept  Mr.  Bird's  invitation.  He 
claimed  to  be  a  real  Progressive,  however  and  proudly  pointed 
to  his  three  years'  record  as  Governor  to  prove  it. 

Just  when  Col  Benton  and  his  friends  were  congratulat- 
ing themselves  on  what  an  easy  time  they  would  have  get- 
ting the  Republican  gubernatorial  nomination,  their  plans? 
were  spciled  by  the  announcement  from  Congressman  Gard- 
ner that  his  hat  was  in  the  ring.  "I  would  not  now  be  a  can- 
didate if  either  Ex-Gov  Guild  or  Ex-Congressman  Samuel  W. 
McCall  had  started  to  make  the  run  for  the  nomination,"  de- 
clared the  Congressman  in  making  his  announcement. 

At  this  interesting  juncture,  Gov  Foss  made  two  more  im- 
portant appointments  which  displeased  the  Democrats  and 
didn't  enthuse  the  Republicans.  Ex-Speaker  John  N.  Cole, 
Congressman  Gardner's  avowed  political  enemy,  was  named  to 
fill  the  vacancy  on  the  Board  of  Economy  and  Efficiency, 
caused  by  the  resignation  of  Norman  H.  White  of  Brookline 
who  resigned  to  make  his  unsuccessful  run  in  the  Weeks 
district  as  the  Bull  Moose  candidate  for  Congress.  David  A. 
Ellis  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Boston  Transit  Commis- 
sion to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  George  G.  Croc- 
ker, chairman  of  the  commission  since  its  creation.  Ellis  was 
not  particularly  strong  with  the  Boston  Democrats,  although 
claiming  to  be  of  that  political  faith. 

Representative  James  F.  Cavanagh,  of  Everett,  stepped 
out  of  the  Republican  Lieutenant  Governorship  contest, 
leaving  the  field  clear  for  Col  August  H.  Goetting  of  Spring- 

339 


field  who  was  nominated.  Cavanagh  became  Benton's  cam- 
paign manager. 

The  Essex  Club,  Congressman  Gardner's  political  organ- 
ization, had  an  outing  August  16,  at  which  all  the  Republican 
gubernatorial  aspirants  were  present.  Gov  Foss  addressed 
the  gathering  as  "Fellow  Republicans." 

Another  batch  of  appointments  was  made  by  the  Gov- 
ernor just  before  the  primaries.  They  were  not  relished  by 
the  Democrats.  He  named  Ex-Secretary  of  State  L.angtry, 
Joseph  B.  Russell,  brother  of  the  late  Gov  Russell,  and  Neil 
McNeil,  as  the  vState  House  Extension  Commissioners.  The 
two  latter  were  Democrats  of  a  mild,  inoffensive  type. 

The  Democrats  were  becoming  a  little  inharmonious 
among  themselves.  President  Wilson's  appointment  of  Ed- 
mund Billings  as  Collector  of  the  Port  was  not  popular  with 
them.  He  had  been  the  Secretary  and  Executive  head  of  the 
Good  Government  Association,  which  had  steadfastly  opposed 
Mayor  Fitzgerald.  There  were  a  half  dozen  or  more  candi- 
dates for  the  place.  Billings  was  named  when  the  so-called 
leaders  failed  to  unite  on  a  candidate.  Then,  too,  the  State 
Committee  had  picked  Richard  H.  Long,  a  shoe  manufacturer, 
and  former  Republican,  for  Walsh's  running  mate,  but  Ex- 
Councillor  Edward  P.  Barry,  who  was  a  candidate,  refused 
to  be  driven  from  the  field.  He  waged  a  lively  campaign  and 
won  the  nomination. 

The  primaries  were  held  Sept.  23rd.  To  the  surprise  of 
many  Gardner  defeated  Benton.  Foss  didn't  go  into  the 
primaries,  owing  to  defective  nomination  papers.  The  Re- 
publican vote  for  Governor  was:  Benton  36,876;  Gardner 
43,393;   Gardner's  plurality  6,517. 

The  Democratic  Lieutenant  Governor  vote  was :  Barry 
39,853;  Long  31,571;  Barry's  plurality  8,382. 

The  Republican  State  Treasurer  vote,  for  which  there 
was  a  contest,  was:  Burrill  50,557;  Kane  15,466;  Burrill's 
plurality  36,091.  The  Democratic  State  Treasurer  vote,  for 
which  there  was  also  a  contest,  was:  Mansfield  48,194;  St. 
Coeur  16,395;  Mansfield's  plurality  31,799. 


340 


Joseph    Walsh. 


Guy  Currier. 


Everett    C.    Benton. 


Edward    T.    Rarrv. 


CHAPTER  XLV 

CAMPAIGN    OP    1913— GARDNER'S    DEMAND    FOR    RESIGNATION    OF 
REPUBLICAN      STATE      COMMITTEE      CHAIRMAN      REFUSED — 
BARRY  ALSO   FAILS   TO   GET    RILEY,    DEMOCRATIC    CHAIR- 
MAN'S      SCALP— FRICTION    BETWEEN      GARDNER     AND 
STATE   COMMITTEE — REPUBLICAN    STATE   CONVEN- 
TION REJECTS  PLATFORM  PLANKS   DEMANDED 
BY      GARDNER — FOSS'       TARDY      ENTRANCE 
INTO      CAMPAIGN — DEMOCRATS      ELECT 
ENTIRE  STATE  TICKET  AND  MAJOR- 
ITY   EXECUTIVE    COUNCIL — BIRD 
BEATS     GARDNER     FOR     SEC- 
OND   PLACE    AT    POLLS — 
REPUBLICANS  FAIL  TO 
ELECT  MAJORITY 
OF   HOUSE 

AUGUSTUS  p.  GARDNER'S  nomination  for  Governor 
was  a  g-enuine  surprise  to  many  seasoned  politicians, 
who  felt  that  he  would  be  unable  in  a  few  weeks  to 
undo  the  work  of  months  which  Col  Benton  had  put  in  for 
the  gubernatorial  nomination.  What  Gardner  was  able  to  ac- 
complish in  his  short,  sharp  campaign  opened  the  eyes  of  his 
party  associates.  Most  men  would  have  been  content  with 
the  party  nomination,  but  Congressman  Gardner  wanted  more 
than  that.  He  desired  to  name  the  chairman  of  the  State 
Committee  on  the  ground  that  the  candidate  for  Governor 
ought  to  have  running  his  campaign,  a  man  in  whom  he  had 
complete  confidence  and  who  was  in  sympathy  and  harmony 
with  the  ideas  of  the  gubernatorial  nominee.  That  was  a  new 
departure  in  Massachusetts  Republican  politics.  Officials  of 
the  State  Committee  and  the  other  candidates  on  the  State 
ticket  objected. 

Mr.  Gardner  intimated  to  Chairman  Hatfield  of  the  State 
Committee  that  it  would  please  him  if  he  would  retire.  Mr. 
Hatfield  declined  to  do  so.  He  had  labored  hard  and  long 
for  party  success  as  head  of  the  State  Committee,  but  the  fates 
were  against  him.  He  was  popular,  honest  and  conscientious, 
but  he  came  into  office  at  a  period  when  the  Republicans 
were  having  a  streak  of  hard  luck.  He  desired  to  win  one 
State  fight  before  he  retired  from  the  chairmanship.  Mr, 
Gardner  sent  a  letter  to  President  Alexander  McGregor  of 
the  Republican  Club  of  Massachusetts,  asking  for  the  co- 
operation of  that  organization  in  his  campaign  for  Governor, 

341 


He  acknowledged  that  it  was  generally  customary  to  in- 
vite the  cooperation  of  the  State  Committee,  but  he  claimed 
that  he  was  out  of  step  with  the  Committee.  Many  of  his 
friends  told  him  that  he  should  make  the  best  of  the  State  or- 
ganization and  get  along  without  any  rupture,  but  his  final 
message  was :  "I  have  already  drawn ;  my  reputation  de- 
mands that  I  fire."  At  that  time  the  Republican  State  Com- 
mittee was  heavily  in  debt  and  Capt  Gardner  wanted  to  run 
his  campaign  on  a  clean  slate.  Both  Gardner  and  Hatfield 
stood  pat  and  matters  remained  at  a  standstill,  while  the  Con- 
gressman ran  on  to  Washington  to  finish  some  important 
business  before  opening  his  campaign. 

There  was  trouble  also  in  the  Democratic  camp  over  the 
chairmanship.  Edward  P.  Barry,  who  won  the  Lieutenant 
Governorship  nomination,  although  bitterly  opposed  by  Chair- 
man Riley  of  the  vState  Committee  and  several  leading  Demo- 
crats, demanded  that  Riley  resign.  Riley  was  not  in  a  resign- 
ing mood.  A  little  later  he  did  resign,  but  the  State  Com- 
mitte  tabled  it.  Walsh  conducted  a  campaign  of  his  own, 
supplementing  the  work  of  the  State  Committee. 

Ex-Gov  Guild  was  chosen  for  chairman  of  the  Republican 
State  convention.  The  State,  Committee  thus  recognized  the 
right  of  the  candidate  for  Governor  to  have  one  of  his  most 
intimate  friends  sound  the  keynote  of  the  campaign.  The 
place  of  second  importance,  the  chairmanship  of  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions,  was  awarded  to  a  supporter  of  Col 
Benton,  Councillor  Guy  A.  Ham.  The  members-at-large  of 
the  committee  on  resolutions  named  by  the  State  Committee 
were  George  P.  Lawrence  of  North  Adams,  H.  Clifford  Gal- 
lagher of  Milton  and  Frank  O.  Hardy  of  Fitchburg,  none  of 
whom  were  enthusiastic  over  Gardner's  candidacy. 

Congressman  Gardner  served  notice  on  the  committee  on 
resolutions  that  he  would  insist  on  his  immigration  and  com- 
pulsory arbitration  planks  going  into  the  State  platform,  and 
that  if  there  was  any  doubt  about  it  he  would  go  to  the  State 
convention  and  lead  the  fight  for  them. 

Mr.  Bird  invited  Walsh  and  Gardner  to  accompany  him 
on  his  tour  of  the  State  and  offered  them  an  opportunity  to 
speak  from  the  same  platform  with  him.  Both  declined,  Mr. 
Gardner  telegraphing  from  Washington  as  follows : 

"Charles  Sumner  Bird, 
"Boston,   Mass. 
"Thank  you  for  your   invitation   to   tour  the   State  with  you  in 

342 


your  automobile.  I  am  afraid  that  people  would  think  it  rather  a 
circus  performance.  Don't  you  agree  with  me?  I  suggest  instead  a 
joint  debate  any  evening  in  Boston  before  Oct  20.  You  have  attacked 
me  on  my  view  that  immigration  ought  to  be  restricted.  Should 
you  desire  to  debate  that  subject  you  may  name  all  conditions. 
Please  answer  promptly,  as  I  am  now  making  arrangements  for  the 
serious  part  of  my  campaign. 

"A.  P.  Gardner." 

On  the  last  Saturday  in  September  there  was  a  meeting 
of  the  State  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  question 
of  Gardner's  demand  for  Hatfield's  scalp.  Congressman 
Gardner  was  invited  to  the  meeting  and  was  received  with 
coldness.  He  straightway  demanded  the  resignation  of  Chair- 
man Hatfield,  who  was  reported  to  have  indorsed  the  notes  of 
the  old  committee  to  the  tune  of  $25,000 — which  was  given 
as  a  good  reason  why  he  would  not  get  out,  and  was  one  of  the 
reasons  reported  why  Mr.  Gardner  had  no  desire  to  take  ovei 
the  Old  Guard  organization  and  its  obligations. 

Mr.  Hatfield's  retirement,  Gardner  said,  was  the  only  is- 
sue so  far  as  he  was  concerned.  Hatfield  must  get  out  or  he 
would  run  his  own  campaign  regardless  of  the  State  Com- 
mittee. The  Benton-Hatfield  men  on  the  committee  interro- 
gated Gardner,  asking  if  Hatfield  was  out  of  the  way  if  he 
would  then  cooperate  with  the  State  Committee.  To  all  such 
questions  Mr.  Gardner  replied : 

"The  oft'icial  head  business  is  Chapter  1,  Section  1,  para- 
graph 1,  No.  1  every  time — Hatfield's  head  or  trouble."  He 
also  told  them  that  he  would  personally  go  into  the  State 
convention  and  fight  for  his  progressive  planks  and  that  if 
they  had  any  idea  that  they  could  burden  him  with  a  color- 
less platform,  full  of  ambiguities  they  were  mistaken.  The 
committee  passed  a  vote  of  confidence  in  Chairman  Hatfield 
and  Gardner  proceeded  to  carry  out  his  own  program. 

"Gentlemen"  said  Gardner  to  the  newspaper  men,  after 
his  visit  to  the  State  Committee,  "you  do  me  a  great  in- 
justice. You  picture  me  as  one  who  delights  in  devouring  a 
bunch  of  wildcats  before  breakfast  every  morning. 

"That  is  not  true.  I'm  as  mild  a  mannered  man  as  ever 
scuttled  an  old-fashioned  Essex  County  caucus.  I'm  a  man 
of  peace.    At  any  rate  I'm  not  spoiling  for  a  fight. 

"I've  just  a  few  well  defined  notions  on  the  campaign — 
old  fashioned  Republican  notions — do  you  get  me? 

"I'm  not  the  sort  of  a  man  who  wants  to  take  advantage 
of  any  man.     I  don't  want  the  support  of  an  organization  or 

343 


set  of  men  whom  I  must  later  turn  down.  I  confess  that  Bill 
Sulzer,  and  Uncle  Theodore,  and  a  lot  of  other  performers  have 
done  this,  but  Augustus  P.  doesn't  propose  to  in  this  year  of 
Our  Lord,  1913. 

"I  mean  what  I  say.  If  I'm  elected  I'll  carry  out  my 
campaign  pledges.  Strange?  Yes,  I'll  admit  it  is  but  things 
have  changed.  Some  people  who  don't  know  me  won't  be- 
lieve this  but  those  who  do  don't  doubt  it  for  a  moment." 

"1  shall  run  my  own  campaign,  just  as  in  the  primaries 
excepting  the  help  which  the  Republican  Club  is  willing  to 
give  iTie.  I  will  have  absolutely  no  relations  with  the  State 
Committee  as  it  is  at  present  organized,"  said  he  later  in  a 
statement,  and,  he  added  : 

"President  Wilson  accepted  the  assistance  of  the  Demo- 
cratic State  Committee  in  New  Jersey  and  then  he  booted 
them  after  he  got  elected.  I  don't  believe  in  accepting  assis- 
tance when  there  is  a  possibility  of  having  to  boot  them  after- 
ward. This  is  not  criticizing  President  Wilson  in  particular. 
He  is  only  one  of  many  who  has  done  the  same  thing.  If 
I  accept  the  assistance  of  the  State  Committee  as  at  present 
constituted,  either  I  tie  my  own  hands  or  else  if  I  fight  them 
later  on,  I  can  properly  be  accused  of  not  playing  the  game 
according  to  Hoyle. 

"I  want  to  say  this  for  Mr.  Hatfield,  that  he  has  shown 
himself  willing  to  make  substantial  concessions,  but  he  will 
not  concede  the  main  point.  1  do  not  say  that  in  the  past 
there  has  been  anything  improper  in  the  relations  of  the  can- 
didates and  the  committee,  but  if  I  accept  the  help  of  Mr. 
Hatfield,  and  those  with  him,  I  deprive  myself  of  the  divine 
right  to  kick.  How  in  thunder  can  I  fight  them  later  on  if  I 
am  going  to  let  them  run  my  campaign?" 

Each  went  on  with  his  own  plans  for  the  campaign. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  campaign  there  was  a  little  coopera- 
tion of  the  two  committees.  Smarting  under  some  of  the 
things  the  Bull  Moose  candidates  said  about  him  Gardner 
added  a  little  spice  to  the  campaign,  threatening  to  hire 
Faneuil  Plall  and  administer  "one  good  wallop"  to  Charles 
S.  Bird  and  other  leading  Progressives,  unless  they  ceased 
what  he  called  misrepresentation  of  his  views  and  "bedraggled 
personal  attacks."  "Mr.  Bird",  said  Mr.  Gardner,  "misrepre- 
sents my  views  on  compulsory  arbitration.  I  call  his  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  I  advocated  it  in  the  case  of  steam  and 
street  railways  only. 

344 


"Now  I  am  going  to  give  Mr.  Bird  fair  warning.  He 
has  been  permitting,  if  not  encouraging,  Hale  and  Walker 
and  Cosgrove  and  his  organ,  the  Journal,  to  continue  their 
bedraggled  personal  attacks  on  me.  Meanwhile  he  beams 
on  the  State  with  a  philanthropic  smile  like  some  benevolent 
Dr  Jekyll. 

"That  kind  of  Gardner-baiting  has  got  to  stop.  I  give 
Mr.  Bird  fair  and  timely  notice  that  if  he  continues  that  sort 
of  humbuggery  I  shall  hire  Faneuil  Hall  some  fine  night  and 
I  shall  administer  one  good  wallop  which  I  hope  will  be  re- 
membered." 

He  did  hire  the  hall,  but  the  "wallop"  was  not  as  hard  as 
the  public  was  led  to  believe  it  would  be.  Wendell  Phillips 
Thore  spoke  in  defense  of  Mr  Bird. 

The  Democratic  and  Republican  conventions  were  held 
the  same  day,  October  5.  Under  the  new  order  of  things 
there  was  nothing  for  the  conventions  to  do  but  adopt  a  plat- 
form. The  Democrats  had  a  harmonious  time  of  it  at  Faneuil 
Hall.  The  Republicans  had  a  monopoly  of  discord  at  their 
convention  in  Tremont  Temple  where  they  "steam-rollered" 
Augustus  Peabody  Gardner.  Nine  hundred  and  fifteen  dele- 
gates gathered  to  adopt  a  platform  and  provide  against  legal 
difficulties  in  filling  vacancies  should  there  be  any  vacancy 
on  their  State  ticket. 

The  Committee  on  Resolutions  built  a  platform  for  Can- 
didate Gardner  and  the  other  Republican  candidates,  but  it 
didn't  suit  Mr.  Gardner.  Three  planks,  which  he  insisted 
should  go  into  the  resolutions,  were  missing,  and  the  one 
on  immigration  was  so  weak  th^t  Mr.  Gardner  wouldn't 
stand  on  it  and  wanted  to  substitute  his  own.  But 
the  rebuilding  force  under  Foreman  Gardner,  superintendent 
of  the  job  of  transforming  the  antiquated  G.  O.  P.  into  a  real 
live  Progressive  Party,  went  on  strike.  When  the  opponents 
of  the  Congressman  sat  down  after  the  convention  and  calmly 
surveyed  the  situation,  they  concluded  that  the  man  who 
threatened  to  "wallop"  Charles  Sumner  Bird,  the  Progressive 
candidate  for  Governor,  had  been  "walloped"  himself  in  the 
house  of  his  friends. 

Mr.  Gardner  listened  patiently  to  the  reading  of  the  reso- 
lutions by  Chairman  Ham  of  the  Platform  Committee.  The 
four  planks  on  which  he  had  set  his  heart  in  having  in  the 
platform  were : 

First — ^Restriction  of  immigration. 

345 


Second — Minimum  Wage  for  women. 

Third — State  credit  for  suburban  homeseekers. 

Fourth — Compulsory  publicity  of  facts  in  important 
labor  disputes. 

Otherwise  the  platform  was  fairly  satisifactory.  Mr. 
Gardner  made  good  his  threat  to  go  into  the  convention  and 
fight  for  these  planks.  He  arose  in  his  seat  with  the  Essex 
County  delegates  on  the  left  of  the  chair  the  moment  the 
reading  of  the  resolutions  was  completed.  He  ascended  the 
stage  and  began  his  argument  for  his  four  planks,  but  they 
were  voted  down.  Not  one  of  them  was  incorporated  into 
the  platform. 

It  was  a  new  and  novel  sight  in  a  Massachusetts  Repub- 
lican State  convention — the  candidate  fighting  his  associates 
on  the  State  ticket  for  a  platform  the  others  cared  not  for, 
preferring  the  handiwork  of  the  special  committee  named  for 
that  particular  job. 

Massachusetts  Progressives  gathered  at  Tremont  Temple 
two  days  later  in  their  first  State  convention  as  a  party  under 
the  State  law,  whooped  it  up  for  Bird,  their  candidate  for 
Governor,  who  was  in  the  Western  part  of  the  State  campaign- 
ing and  did  not  attend,  adopted  a  platform  and  elected  forty 
women  members  on  their  State  Committee,  one  from  each 
senatorial  district,  and  eight  men  members-at-large  for  the 
same  body. 

It  took  almost  12  hours  to  do  this.  The  delegates  talked, 
sang  and  disputed  until  finally  the  platform,  as  adopted  by 
the  committee  of  40,  went  through  a  little  after  10  P  M.  The 
convention  had  been  in  continuous  session  since  11  A.  M. 
and  most  of  the  time  it  was  political  vaudeville.  The  party 
managers  had  announced  that  the  "people"  would  rule  the 
convention.  Matthew  Hale,  chairman  of  the  State  Com- 
mittee, reiterated  this  when  he  opened  the  convention.  But 
only  the  select  few  were  allowed  to  get  very  far  before  they 
were  overhauled  and  shunted  off  to  a  siding  if  they  were 
found  in  opposition  to  the  carefully  laid  convention  program. 

October  15,  the  last  day  for  filing  nomination  papers. 
Gov  Foss  filed  his.  The  Governor  was  on  his  way  home  from 
Indianapolis,  stepped  off  the  train  at  Utica,  N.  Y.,  and  called 
the  Executive  office  in  Boston,  w^here  his  Secretary  awaited 
him.  Several  who  were  interested  in  his  candidacy  were  on 
hand  to  hear  the  news. 

346 


"Well,  Governor,"  asked  his  secretary,  "what  do  you 
say?  We  are  here  to  obey  orders."  "Let  her  go  Gallagher!" 
was  the  Governor's  reply.  "That  is,"  said  the  Secretary,  "you 
mean  file  the  papers.  Do  I  get  you?"  "Correct,"  answered 
the  Governor.  "How's  it  looking  down  there  ?  What  are  the 
boys  saying  about  me?  I  think  they'll  be  pleased."  A  few 
minutes  later  the  papers  were  handed  the  Secretary  of  State 
and  Foss'  hat  was  in  the  ring.  He  advised  his  friends  to 
secure  ring-side  seats  early  as  there  would  be  some  lively 
scrapping,  as  he  expressed  it.  He  made  his  fight  on  the  labor 
and  railroad  issues,  taking  strong  ground  against  both. 

Ex-Senator  Albert  J.  Beveridge,  of  Indiana,  came  into 
the  State  to  help  the  Progressives  and  got  after  Capt  Gardner 
on  his  child  labor  record  in  Congress.  Mr.  Gardner  claimed 
Beveridge  garbled  a  speech  of  his,  declared  he  stood  with 
Gov  Guild  on  that  question  and  then  took  this  slam  at  the 
Hoosier.  "  'We  favor  a  Federal  constitutional  amendment 
which  shall  give  to  Congress  the  right  to  prescribe  maximum 
hours  of  labor  and  a  minimum  wage  for  workers  throughout 
the  United   States.' " 

"I  drew  that  plank  myself  and  submitted  it  to  Gov  Guild 
before  I  submitted  it  to  the  Platform  Committee,"  said  Mr. 
Gardner  in  one  of  his  speeches.  "And  now  as  Senator  Bev- 
eridge has  seen  fit  to  disregard  my  fair  warning  twice  and 
has  three  times  seen  fit  to  circulate  his  untruth,  I  take  this 
occasion  to  tell  you  that  the  man  is  unworthy  of  j'our  con- 
sideration. 

"This  is  not  the  first  time  that  his  loose  tongue  has  got 
him  into  trouble.  This  man,  my  friends,  is  the  same  Bever- 
idge who  was  thrashed  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  by  Senator 
Bailey,  whom  he  had  insulted  in  debate.  This  is  the  same 
Beveridge  who  failed  to  retaliate  for  that  well  deserved 
thrashing."    Nothing  more  was  heard  from  Beveridge. 

Lieut  Gov  Walsh  made  a  spirited  campaign  covering 
every  nook  and  corner  of  the  State.  He  had  the  largest  and 
most  enthusiastic  audiences  in  the  cam.paign.  The  last  week 
of  the  campaign  Gov  Foss  was  up  to  his  old  trick<=.  He  is- 
sued a  broadside  against  Lomasney,  Riley,  and  Fitzgerald, 
whom  he  called  the  Tammany  Trio  and  demanded  that  Bird 
and  Gardner  withdrew.     In  a  speech  at  Lowell,  he  said : 

347 


"I  call  upon  Augustus  P.  Gardner  and  Charles  S.  Bird  to  an- 
nounce to  the  people  of  this  State  their  withdrawal  as  candidates 
for    Governor. 

"If  they  do  not  do  this  I  shall  charge  them  with  being  parties 
to  a  conspiracy  to  turn  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  over 
to  the  Tammany  trio,  Thomas  P.  Riley,  Martin  Lomasney  and  John 
F.    Fitzgerald. 

"Mr.  Gardner  and  Mr.  Bird  are  well  aware  of  the  fact  that 
neither  of  them  has  the  slightest  chance  of  being  elected  Governor. 

"Mr.  Gardner  inaugurated  his  campaign  by  completing  the  dis- 
ruption of  the  Republican  party,  which  began  with  the  Roosevelt 
revolt  and  was  made  worse  by  the  recent  primary  contest.  And 
the  remnant  of  Republicans  who  were  with  Gardner  in  the  beginning 
has  gradually  fallen  away. 

"Mr.  Gardner  admits  his  defeat  and  announces  his  purpose  to 
be  no  higher  than  to  get  more  votes  than  the  Progressive  candi- 
date. Republicans  who  vote  for  Gardner  can  have  no  other  object 
than  the  defeat  of  the  Progressive  candidate.  And  Gardner  cannot 
count  on  another  vote  than  these. 

"Mr.  Bird  has  not  the  slighest  chance  to  be  elected  Governor 
and  he  knows  it.  His  only  hope  is  to  lead  Gardner  in  the  vote.  The 
humiliation  of  the  Republicans  can  be  the  only  result  of  the  Pro- 
gressive party's  existence  and  that  is  the  hight  of  Bird's  ambition 
in  this  campaign. 

"But  Mr.  Bird's  candidacy  is  entirely  without  justification,  even 
if  his  purpose  were  worthy  of  respect,  for  Bird  has  not  the  slightest 
chance   of   equaling   even    the   vote    of   Gardner." 

The  "Tammany  Trio''  only  poked  fun  at  Gov  Foss.  Mr. 
Bird  suggested  that  the  Governor  withdraw  and  thus  simmei 
the  contest  down  to  Walsh  and  himself. 

Making  his  519th  speech  in  a  36-day  State-wide  cam- 
paign, during  which  he  spoke  in  every  city  and  town  in 
Massachusetts,  Mr.  Bird  addressed  500  persons  in  Pemberton 
Square  at  the  last  rally  in  his  campaign.  His  whirlwind 
finish  included  eight  outdoor  rallies  in  different  sections  of 
Boston  and  one  indoor  rally.  Mr.  Bird  had  done  what  no 
other  man  ever  did  running  for  Governor  and  he  finished  in 
fine  voice  and  splendid  physical  condition.  The  tour  was 
planned  by  Charles  Ilenry  Davis,  who  went  over  every  inch 
of  the  ground  in  an  autom.obile  and  mapped  out  the  route  and 
marked  off  the  time,  weeks  before  Mr.  Bird  began  his  cam- 
paign. 

The  election  proved  a  Democratic  landslide.  The  entire 
Democratic  ticket  was  elected,  something  unheard  of.  Even 
the  Governor's  Council  had  a  majority,  another  unheard  of 
thing.  The  Republicans  still  controlled  the  Senate  by  a  small 
margin,  but  they  were  seven  short  of  a  majority  in  the  House. 

348 


Frank     J.     Donahue. 


Thomas  J.   Roynton. 


Frederick    W.    Mansfield. 


J.  Otis  Wardwcll 


The  vote  of  the  State  was : 

For  Governor  For    Treasurer 

Walsh,   D    i«3.257       Mansfield,    D     169,860 

Bird,    P    127,644       Burrill,    R    152,858 

Gardner,    R     1 16.299       Keith,    P    88,763 

Foss,    Tnd    20,349  MansHeld's  pluarality,   17,002. 

For  Lieutenant  Governor  „      i-or   Auditor 

Barry,    D     i77,S90  f°P5'    ^r, '^f'^Sg 

Goetting,    R     150,389  ^^P -^    '  V, Yo'^.f. 

Cosgrove,    P    105090  ^^   l'""'^',^-   f    '  y, V'       "^ 

Barry's   plurality,   27..'^oi  ^^P^  ^  plurality,  13,631 

For  .Secretary  of  State  For  Attorney  General 

Donahue,  D    . . .  .' 183,911  Boynton,   D    167,838 

Kinney,    R    141,268  Swift,    R    159,736 

Wood,    P    92,403  Newton,    P     82,664 

Donahue'.s    plurality,   42,642.  Boynton's  plurality,  8.102. 

Political  complexion  of  the  Legislature  of  1914  was : 

Hoiise  Senate 

Republicans       119       Democrats        17 

Democrats        106       Republicans       21 

Progressives        .        14       Progressives        2 

Socialists        i  Total   Membership    40 

Total    Membership    240 

The  State  government  of  1914  was  Democratic — Demo- 
cratic Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor,  Secretary  of  State, 
State  Treasurer,  .State  Auditor,  Attorney  General. 

Executive  Council: 

Democrats    (including  Lieutenant  Governor)    5 

Republicans        3 

Progressive  Democrat    I 

The  vote  of  Boston  is  always  interesting  and  Avas : 

For  Governor  For  Lieutenant  Governor 

Waloh,   D    46.568  Barry,    D     45.010 

Bird,    P    18.S27  Goetting,    R    18,673 

Gardner,    R    13,169  Cosgrove,    P    14,752 

Foss,    Ind 3,197 

Walsh's   olurality   27,741. 

Gardner's  vote  was  the  smallest  vote  ever  cast  for  a 
Republican  gubernatorial  candidate  in  Massachusetts.  The 
Republican  party  was  in  third  place.  His  political  tactics 
were  resented  by  the  Old  Guard  and  the  Progressives.  The 
former  didn't  believe  in  Mr.  Gardner's  progressive  ideas  and 
the  Bull  Moosers  doubted  his  sincerity. 

349 


The  majority  party  in  the  State  had  been  spHl  in  two  in 
1912  and  Gardner  insisted  on  spHtting  what  was  left  of  the 
regular  Republican  faction  again.  The  result  was  inevitable. 
Had  Mr.  Gardner  followed  the  advice  of  most  of  his  real 
friends,  he  would  not  have  quarrelled  with  the  State  Commit- 
tee or  fought  the  report  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  in 
the  State  Convention.  Such  a  course,  in  all  probability  would 
have  enabled  the  Republicans  to  have  maintained  second  place. 
As  it  was,  it  resulted  in  handing  over  to  the  Democrats  the  ad- 
ministrative offices  at  the  State  House. 

Election  night,  1913,  was  one  ol  darkness  and  gloom  at 
Republican  headquarters.  The  Democrats  paraded  the  streets 
with  red  fire  and  bands.  The  Progressives  consoled  them- 
selves with  the  fact  that  they  had  beaten  the  regular  Repub- 
lican gubernatorial  candidate  and  that  they  would  hold  the 
balance  of  power  in  the  next  Legislature.  They  were  sorely 
disappointed  in  their  failure  to  elect  Bird  Governor. 


350 


CHAPTER  XLVI 

AFTERMATH  OF  THE  1913  CAMPAIGN — WALSH  THE  FIRST  CATHO- 
LIC    ELECTED     GOVERNOR     OF     MASSACHUSETTS — REFUSES 
TO      REAPPOINT      ADJUTANT      GENERAL      PEARSON — 
SENATOR     LODGE'S    ILLNESS    AND    RECOVERY — 
ESTIMATE      OF      FOSS      AS      GOVERNOR. 

SOMEBODY  has  said  that  hindsight  is  better  than  fore- 
sight. Political  post  mortems  are  not  always  pleasant 
but  they  are  useful.  They  show  the  principal  causes  of 
defeat.  No  post  mortem  was  necessary  after  the  campaign 
of  1913.  The  causes  for  the  defeat  of  the  Republicans  were 
too  apparent.  The  Republican  party  tried  to  commit  suicide. 
One  cannot  divide  even  a  majority  party  in  two  and  win  over 
a  united  minority  of  the  magnitude  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  Massachusetts  in  1913.  The  Republicans  were  unable  to 
bring  the  two  wings  of  their  party  together  after  the  National 
campaign  of  1912.  A  lot  of  voters  clung  to  the  notion  that 
they  were  still  Republicans.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  were 
more  Democratic  than  Republican  in  their  political  tenets. 
Men  like  Bryan  accused  Roosevelt  and  other  radical  Repub- 
licans of  stealing  their  political  clothes  and  charged  them — 
with  considerable  justification,  too — of  masquerading  in 
Democratic  costumes.  Mr.  Gardner's  new  "Republicanism" 
was  too  radical  for  the  conservative  wing  and  the  radicals 
didn't  take  much  stock  in  his  antagonism  to  standpatters. 

Gov  Foss'  small  vote  of  20,000  demonstrated  that  there 
was  still  merit  in  the  party  label.  The  voters  were  tired  of 
Foss'  kind  of  politics.  They  preferred  a  Governor  of  the  old 
brand.  Before  election  he  professed  to  believe  that  he  was 
going  to  win  by  50,000.  The  day  after  election  he  declared 
that  he  knew  he  never  had  a  chance. 

The  election  of  David  I.  Walsh  proved  that  there  was, 
after  all,  very  little  in  the  old  bugaboo  that  a  Catholic  couldn't 
be  elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  That  fine  example  of 
the  20th  century  Puritan,  Dr.  Charles  W.  Eliot,  President 
Emeritus  of  Harvard  University  declared  after  election : 

"I   cast   my  ballot  at   the   recent   election   for   Mr.   Walsh.      The 

351 


fact  that  he  is  a  Roman  Catholic  should  nof  interfere  with  my  ballot. 
1  voted  for  Mr.  Walsh  because  only  through  him  could  1  express  my 
opinion.  I  am  opposed  to  the  restriction  of  immigration  and  to 
protection,  as  favored  by  one  of  the  candidates,  while  the  other  was 
also  a  protectionist.  Neither  do  I  think  that  this  changed  condi- 
tion in  the  personnel  of  the  government  is  going  to  be  influential  in 
the  future  otherwise  than  for  the  good.  Indeed  today  this  Puritanical 
State  is  said  to  be  Roman  Catholic  in  religion.  What  a  marvellous 
change  from  the  days  of  our  Puritan  and  Pilgrim  forefathers!  This 
religious  transformation,  due  to  the  change  of  peoples,  is  the  greatest 
transformation  of  Puritan  Massachusetts  and  New  England. 

"We  used  to  have  very  restricted  sufifrage,  based  on  church  mem- 
bership at  first  and  property  ownership  later.  Now  we  have  almost 
universal  manhood  suffrage  with  only  a  reading  and  writing  of  Eng- 
lish test.  Now  instead  of  every  voter  owning  property,  the  majority 
rent  or  board  in  almost  every  community.  These  people  pay  no  tax 
and  they  are  inclined  to  devote  their  ballot  not  to  frugal  or  wise  ex- 
penditures but  to  make  the  expenditures  of  the  government  as  large 
as  possible.  The  change  in  this  respect  is  as  vivid  as  the  change  in 
the  personnel  of  those  who  fill  the  ofifices." 

The  election  also  proved  that  a  poor  man  could  be  elected 
Governor  without  the  aid  of  the  powerful  rich  or  the  "inter- 
ests" which  have  axes  to  grind  on  Beacon  Hill.  Foss  ac- 
knowledged that  he  had  spent  $10,520  to  get  his  20,000  votes. 
The  Republican  State  Committee  filed  returns  of  $21,271.17 
for  election  expenses  and  Mr.  Gardner's  campaign  treasurer 
declared  that  he  had  expended  $34,692.  Mr.  Bird's  campaign 
cost  $92,625.  Gov-elect  Wash  swore  that  his  expenses  were 
$1539  for  the  campaign,  but  of  course  he  did  not  claim  that 
this  was  all  his  campaign  cost.  The  State  Committee  acknow- 
ledged spending  nearly  $24,000  for  campaign  expenses. 

The  political  complexion  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
made  it  necessary  for  Speaker  Gushing  to  bestir  himself. 
He  must  have  Progressive  support  if  he  would  succeed  him- 
self. He  and  his  friends  set  themselves  to  work  to  secure 
support  from  the  Bull  Moose  ranks.  In  this  they  succeeded 
in  the  organization  of  the  Legislature  of  1914. 

December  1,  James  Madison  Morton,  Associate  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Massachusetts,  resigned  to  take  effect 
December  15.  Judge  Morton  had  graced  the  highest  bench 
in  the  Commonwealth  for  many  years  and  he  was  one  of  the 
State's  most  eminent  jurists.  He  came  from  a  distinguished 
family  of  jurists  and  publicists.  Gov  Foss  named  Judge  John 
C.  Crosby  of  the  Superior  Court  to  fill  the  vacancy.  In  Judge 
Crosby's  place  in  the  Superior  Court  he  named  William  Ham- 
ilton of  Springfield. 

Judge  Hamilton  was  a  law  partner  of  William  H.  Brooks, 

352 


James    A.    Gallivan. 


John    F.    Meany. 


William   H.  Carter. 


Richard  Olney,  2d. 


of  Springfield,  who  had  coddled  up  to  the  "Old  Boy"  and  en- 
couraged him  to  believe  that  everybody  was  with  him  in  his 
aspirations  for  a  fourth  term  except  the  political  bosses.  Mr. 
Brooks  was  looked  upon  by  State  House  habitues  as  exceed- 
ingly close  to  the  Governor  and  it  did  not  surprise  them 
when  his  law  partner  was  elevated  from  the  local  court  in 
Springfield  to  the  Superior  Court.  Mr.  Brooks  had  repre- 
sented various  corporations  before  the  Legislature  for  years 
and  stands  high  in  his  profession  as  did  his  partner,  Judge 
Hamilton. 

Mr.  Foss  again  aroused  the  anger  of  many  Boston  Demo- 
crats by  naming  Robert  A.  Woods,  License  Commissioner  of 
Boston,  to  succeed  Commissioner  Emery  who  died  in  office. 
Mr.  Woods  was  well  known  as  a  settlement  worker  and  head 
of  the  South  End  House.  His  views  on  the  regulation  of  the 
sale  of  liquor  and  the  conduct  of  saloons  and  cafes,  differed 
widely  from  those  of  the  liquor  interests  and  his  appointment 
was  a  blow  at  the  "wide  open"  town  idea.  The  Council,  how- 
ever, confirmed  him  after  listening  to  his  objectors. 

Gov-elect  Walsh  selected  for  his  secretary,  John  F. 
Meany,  a  well  known  Democratic  legislator  who  had  proven 
a  valuable  political  ally  in  the  gubernatorial  campaign.  Mr. 
Walsh  found  plenty  to  do  between  election  day  and  his  in- 
auguration. In  Washington  he  conferred  with  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice,  relative  to  its  attitude  toward  the  railroad 
situation  in  this  State.  Attorney  General  McReynolds  in- 
formed the  Governor-elect  that  he  would  insist  on  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Boston  and  Maine  and  the  New  Haven.  Walsh 
determined  on  ousting  Adjt  Gen  Pearson,  but  legislative  ac- 
tion was  necessary.  This  he  finally  succeeded  in  do- 
ing after  a  long  hard  fight  in  the  Legislature,  naming  Maj 
Charles  H.  Cole  of  the  First  Corps  of  Cadets  to  the  position. 
The  Governor  alleged  incompetency  on  the  part  of  Gen  Pear- 
son which  Gen  Pearson's  friends  stoutly  denied  and  com- 
batted.  Christmas  Day,  the  Governor-elect  named  his  mili- 
tary staff. 

Senator  Lodge,  who  was  unable  to  participate  in  the  re- 
cent campaign,  because  of  a  serious  surgical  operation,  was 
able  to  be  about  after  election  and  to  return  to  Washington, 
resuming  his  senatorial  duties.  He  let  it  be  known  that  he 
never  approved  of  his  son-in-law's  campaign  for  Governor  i-nd 

353 


that  he  still  had  hopes  of  being  able  to  help  restore  che  Repub- 
lican party  to  power  in  the  State  and  Nation. 

Before  taking  leave  of  Gov  Foss,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to 
consider  him  briefly  politically.  He  was  now,  for  a  while  at 
least,  back  in  the  Republican  ranks.  The  Democrats  neither 
asked  for  nor  received  any  favors  from  him  since  his  last  poli- 
tical somersault  which  landed  him  on  the  G.  O.  P.  side  of 
the  fence.  With  all  his  faults  Foss  had  many  admirable  quali- 
ties. One  of  the  most  vacillating  men  who  ever  occupied  the 
chair  of  the  Chief  Executive  of  Massachusetts,  yet  he  had 
courage  at  times,  and  would  stand  up  in  his  boots  and  fight 
bravely.  Take  for  instance  his  judicial  appointments.  There 
isn't  any  question  that  it  required  considerable  backbone  to 
do  what  he  did.  His  opponents  said,  and  doubtlessly  will 
continue  to  claim,  that  he  was  playing  politics  with  the  Catho- 
lic vote ;  but  when  he  declined  to  attend  the  175th  anniversary 
of  the  Charitable  Irish  Society,  at  which  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  the  chief  guest,  because  those  in  charge  of 
the  arrangements  had  assigned  Cardinal  O'Connell  second 
place  in  the  speaker's  list,  on  the  ground  that  a  Prince  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  was  a  higher  functionary  than  the 
Governor  of  the  Commonwealth,  he  risked  his  popularity  with 
the  same  class.  This  element,  however,  felt  grateful  to 
him  because  of  the  recognition  he  had  given  them  on  the 
higher  courts  and  they  were  not  seriously  inclined  to  question 
his  attitude  in  the  matter.  His  judicial  appointments  are  the 
brightest  chapter  in  his  record  as  Governor. 

No  man  got  more  fun  out  of  the  position  as  Governor 
than  Foss.  He  delighted  in  misleading  people.  Some  of  his 
pranks  were  playful  enough.  Others,  like  the  Dean  Archer 
incident,  were  cruel,  wholly  unnecessary,  undignified  and  sav- 
ored too  much  of  the  cheap  politician.  At  times  it  was  impos- 
sible to  understand  the  workings  of  his  mind.  The  patronage 
slate  was  more  than  once  broken,  while  the  Executive  Coun- 
cillors cooled  their  heels  in  their  chamber,  waiting  for  His  Ex- 
cellency to  make  a  new  one.  More  than  once  candidates  foi 
appointments  left  the  Governor's  oflfice  satisfied  that  they  were 
among  the  elect,  only  to  learn  later  that  somebody  else  had 
been  chosen.  Gov  Foss  was  frank  enough,  but  too  often  his 
frankness  was  insincere  and  this  caused  him  a  lot  of  trouble. 
He  left  the  State  House  with  few  friends.    Had  he  remained 

354 


true  to  the  Democrats,  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  could  have 
had  that  longed  for  additional  fourth  "piece  of  pie." 

When  the  Democrats  took  up  Foss,  Gov  Draper  said  at  a 
rally  on  the  Cape,  that  he  was  willing-  to  stake  his  reputation 
as  a  prophet,  that  before  Foss  had  been  in  the  Democratic 
ranks  very  long  he  would  try  to  rule  or  ruin  that  party. 
When  he  surrendered  the  reins  of  government  to  Lieut  Gov 
Walsh,  Gov  Foss  was  persona  non  grata  with  all  three  politi- 
cal parties.  He  had  been  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Repub- 
licans, Democrats  and  Progressives.  His  last  political  hurdle 
landed  him  in  the  bosom  of  the  Prohibition  party,  where  we 
shall  leave  him  to  the  tender  mercy  of  the  enemies  of  King 
Alcohol,  free  to  believe  in  signs,  black  cats,  straying  canines, 
dream  books,  clairvoyants  and  card  readers,  his  critics  were 
wont  to  claim  he  relied  upon  for  his  political  guidance  while 
he  occupied  the  gubernatorial  chair. 


355 


CHAPTER  XLVII 

GOVERNOR   WALSH'S   FIRST   TERM  —  GUSHING   REELECTED 
SPEAKER  BY  PROGRESSIVE  VOTES — DELAY  IN  INAUGURAL 
CEREMONIES  BECAUSE  OP  CONTEST  OVER  HOUSE  RULES 
ECHO  OP  SPEAKERSHIP  EIGHT— DEATH  OP  EX- 
GOVERNOR  DRAPER. 

THE  Democratic  plan  was  to  make  George  Pearl  Web- 
ster of  Boxford,  a  Progressive,  Speaker  of  the  House. 
Had  Webster  been  able  to  control  the  Progressive 
votes  he  would  have  been  elected,  provided  he  received  all  the 
Democratic  votes.  The  Republicans  once  more  raised  the 
anti-Lomasne}'  cry  and  pictured  the  great  influence  the  latter 
would  have  in  the  event  of  Webster  being  Speaker.  Publicly 
and  privately  the  Progressives  were  exhorted  to  save  the 
House  from  Democratic  control.  One  Bachelder,  prominent 
in  dark  lantern  politics,  had  been  enlisted  by  Speaker  Gushing 
to  assist  him  in  rounding  up  Progressive  votes  in  return,  it  is 
claimed,  for  Gushing's  work  in  behalf  of  the  sectarian  constitu- 
tional amendment,  so  earnestly  desired  by  Bachelder  and  his 
friends.  To  Bachelder  many  gave  the  credit  for  inducing 
some  of  the  Progressives  to  turn  their  backs  on  Webster, 
their  party  associate,  and  vote  for  Gushing.  The  six  Bull 
Moose  representatives  who  broke  away  from  the  Progres- 
sives and  reelected  Gushing,  stated  that  they  had  special  rea- 
sons for  doing  so. 

*T  don't  trust  Lomasney  and  his  followers,"  said  George 
E.  Briggs  of  Lexington,  one  of  the  six  Progressives  to  desert 
on  the  final  ballot.  "I  do  not  think  that  Lomasney  and  the 
Democrats  would  come  over  to  the  Progressives  en  bloc  un- 
less they  had  something  to  ask  from  us  in  return.  I  think 
if  the  deal  had  gone  through  it  would  have  developed  later 
what  the  Democrats  wanted  and  I  don't  think  it  would  have 
been  for  the  best  interests  of  the  Progressive  party." 

Cleveland  A.  Chandler  said  that  he  didn't  like  Lomas- 
ney's remark  in  the  Democratic  caucus  when  the  ward  8 
leader  said  that  by  electing  a  Progressive  Speaker,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  would  be  continued  in  power  in  Massachusetts. 
Representative  Chandler  said  he  didn't  think  an  alliance  of  the 

356 


Governor  Walsh. 


Progressives  with  the  Democrats  under  such  conditions  would 
work  for  the  good  of  his  party. 

Alfred  N.  Fessenden  of  Townsend  declared  that  the 
people  of  his  district  wouldn't  stand  for  his  voting  for  Loinas- 
ney  and  the  Boston  Democrats,  and  that  he  believed  an  al- 
liance of  the  Progressives  and  Democrats  would  work  to  the 
injury  of  the  former. 

James  M.  Lyle,  Fred  W.  Cross  and  Charles  H.  Webster 
stated  that  they  believed  they  had  done  the  best  thing  possible 
for  their  party  under  the  circumstances. 

Representative  Haines  of  Medford,  who  had  threatened 
to  be  a  candidate  against  Cushing  in  the  caucus,  quit  and 
voted  for  the  Speaker  in  the  Republican  caucus. 

The  new  Governor,  David  I.  Walsh,  was  born  in  Leom- 
inster, November  11,  1872,  the  youngest  but  one  in  a  family 
of  ten  children.  He  received  his  early  education  in  the  pub- 
lic schools  of  Leominster  and  Clinton,  graduating  from  the 
Clinton  High  School  in  1890.  He  then  entered  Holy  Cross 
College,  from  which  he  was  graduated  in  1893,  completing 
the  four  year  course  in  three. 

By  the  death  of  his  father  in  1884,  he  was  obliged  to  work 
outside  of  school  hours  and  after  securing  his  college  degree, 
was  forced  to  go  to  work  in  order  to  secure  sufficient  funds 
to  enable  him  to  take  up  the  study  of  law,  which  he  had 
chosen  as  his  profession.  In  the  Fall  of  1894,  he  had  earned 
sufficient  money  to  pay  his  tuition  at  Boston  University  Law 
School,  from  which  he  was  graduated  in  1897.  In  the  law 
school  he  was  given  two  of  the  three  highest  honors  in  the 
class — president  and  orator. 

A  few  months  later  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and  be- 
gan to  practice  in  Fitchburg  and  Clinton.  In  1900  he  was 
elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives  from  that  strong  Re- 
publican district  and  in  1901  was  re-elected  by  an  increased 
plurality.  He  then  retired  from  political  life  until  1911,  when 
he  ran  for  Lieutenant  Governor  against  Robert  Luce.  He 
was  defeated  by  a  plurality  of  only  4151.  His  next  attempt 
was  successful,  defeating  Luce  for  second  place  on  the  State 
ticket  by  a  plurality  of  36.321. 

He  was  inaugurated  Governor  January  8,  1914.  The  cere- 
mony was  delayed  for  two  hours  because  of  the  quarrel  over 
adoption  of  the  rules  of  the  House,  growing  out  of  the 
spirited     Speakership     contest.       Sur^     that     they     had     the 

357 


votes  to  prevent  it,  the  Republicans  under  the  leadership  of 
Bothwell  of  Newton,  moved  a  reconsideration  of  the  vote 
whereby  the  House  defeated  the  Democratic  move  to  create 
a  committee  on  committees  similar  to  the  committee  of  the 
National  House,  taking  the  appointment  of  the  legislative 
committees  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Speaker.  By  a  vote  of 
118  to  110  the  motion  was  defeated. 

That  question  out  of  the  way,  the  decks  were  cleared 
for  the  inaugural  ceremonies.  The  Governor's  friends  filled 
the  chamber.  Many  dignitaries  were  on  hand  to  listen  to  the 
inaugural  address.  In  brief,  Gov  Walsh's  recommendations 
and  observations  were  as  follows : 

"The  loss  to  our  investors  resulting  from  a  decade  of  lawless- 
ness and  mismanagement  of  railroads  is  nothing  less  than  a  public 
calamity. 

"Nothing  is  clearer  than  that  the  present  condition  of  the  Bos- 
ton and  Maine  Railroad  is  found  in  the  form  of  its  financial  structure 
and  in  the  incompetence  and  unfaithfulness  of  its  past  management. 

"A  radical  and  immediate  reorganization  of  the  whole  system 
is  absolutely  essential. 

"Both  the  holders  of  the  stocks  of  the  leased  lines  and  the 
holders  of  Boston  &  Maine  stock  must  contribute  to  the  solution  of 
the  problem;  the  necessary  sacrifice  must  not  be  made  by  the  Boston 
and  Maine  stockholders. 

"If  we  are  not  to  have  a  great  financial  catastrophe  in  our  New 
England  railroads  we  must  now — immediately — avert  the  danger  by 
a  reorganization  which  will  re-establish  the  credit  of  the  corporation, 
slough  off  the  parasite  contracts  which  have  been  sapping  the  life- 
blood  of  the  system,  and  provide  hereafter  for  a  management  both 
faithful  and  competent. 

"Such  reorganization  as  will  reduce  the  proportion  of  fixed 
charges  and  put  the  railroad  into  the  control  of  a  management  com- 
petent and  faithful  to  the  interests  of  its  own  stockholders  and  to  the 
public  is  a  condition  precedent  to  legislative  help  and  to  public  favor 
of  any  sort. 

"Both  Nation  and  State  insist  upon  an  immediate  divorce  of  the 
Boston  and  Maine  from  the  New  Haven  and  a  contemporaneous  re- 
organization  of  the   Boston   and   Maine. 

"While  as  I  have  said,  it  is  for  the  owners  to  devise  a  just  and 
sound  form  of  reorganization,  it  may  be  found  expedient,  if  not 
necessary,  to  charter  a  new  corporation  in  which  the  stock  of  the 
leased  roads  should  be  merged  with  those  of  the  Boston  and  Miaine 
— the  bonds  of  all  the  consolidated  companies  being  assumed  by  the 
new  company — so  that  the  result  shall  be  a  railroad  corporation  or- 
ganized substantially  in  accordance  with  the  traditionally  sound 
theories   of  Massachusetts  railroad  finance. 

"If  those  who  ought  to  iead  in  the  task  of  rehabilitating  this 
railroad  do  not  rise  to  their  opportunity,  the  Commonwealth  is  not 
without  recourse. 

"If  the  Commonwealth  /s  obliged  to  save  a  necessary  public 
utility  because  those  who  are  primarily  interested  will  not  save  it, 
the   Commonwealth   will  do   so  under   circumstances   most   favorable 

358 


to  itself,  and  without  sentimental  compunction  for  those  who  would 
not  help  themselves. 

"If  the  parties  in  interest  will  avail  themselves  at  once  of  the 
opportunity  of  reorganization  on  just  and  fair  terms,  any  enabling 
legislation  reasonably  desired  I  shall  gladly  recommend;  but  if  they 
fail  in  the  prompt  and  efficient  performance  of  that  duty,  it  will  then 
be  the  plain  duty  of  the  Commonwealth  to  take  drastic  and  effective 
action  to  protect  itself,  its  industries,  its  savings  institutions  and  its 
citizens  from  further  loss  due  to  incompetent  or  unfaithful  railroad 
management." 

Before  recommending  any  legislation  for  the  Western  trolley 
system  Gov  Walsh  said  he  would  await  the  report  of  the  Public 
Service  Commission  as  to  the  financial  ability  of  the  New  Haven  to 
carry  out  the  provisions  of  the  act  of   1913. 

The  Legislature  should  provide,  he  said,  for  the  calling  of  a 
Constitutional  Convention  to  consider  especially  the  adoption  of  the 
initiative,  referendum  and  the  recall  of  elective  officers;  biennial  elec- 
tions; the  abolition  of  the  Executive  Council  and  enlarging  the  pow- 
ers of  the  Lieutenant  Governor;  woman  suffrage;  rights  of  cities  and 
towns  to  deal  in  necessaries  of  life  in  times  of  public  distress;  gov- 
ernment by  majority;  the  right  of  the  Governor  to  veto  special 
items  in  appropriation  bills;  homestead  legislation;  revision  of  the 
taxation  system,  and  the  making  of  workmen's  compensation  com- 
pulsory. 

Excise  tax  on  foreign  corporations  should  be  uniform  for  all 
classes. 

AH   franchise   taxes   should  be   retained   by   the   State. 
Party    enrollment    should    be    abolished. 
Woman  suflfrage  should  be  submitted  to  the  voters. 
The  corrupt  practices  act  should  be  strengthened. 
The  initiative  and   referendum   should   be    adopted. 
Election  of  State  officers  should  be  biennially. 
The   Supreme  Judicial   Court  should   be   a   court  of   appeal   and 
correction  in  matters  of  law  exclusively. 

The  commander-in-chief  should  have  the  right  to  select  his  own 
adjutant  general. 

State  armories  should  be  placed  at  the  service  of  the  public.  ^ 
The  scope  of  the  Workmen's  Compensation  act  should  be  wid- 
ened. 

Local  boards  of  arbitration  of  labor  disputes  should  have  the 
power  to  summon  witnesses,  take  testimony  and  compel  the  produc- 
tion of  books  and  papers. 

He  recommended  a   salaried   State   Board   of  Health. 
He  advised  a  central  purchasing  agency  for  all  State  departments 
and  institutions. 

The  Governor  should  have  the  power  of  veto  over  the  acts  of 
the  commissions. 

The  salary  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Directors  of  the  Port  of 
Boston  should  be  reduced. 

The  Fish  and  Game  commission  should  be  reduced  to  one  mem- 
ber. 

The  Harbor  and  Land  commission  should  be  consolidated  with 
the  Directors  of  the  Port  of  Boston. 

In  place  of  the  Metropolitan  Water  and  Sewerage  Board  and 
the  Metropolitan  Park  Commission  there  should  be  a  metropolitan 
department  of  public  works,  with  a  commission  of  three  members. 

The  Public  Service  Commission  of  five  should  be  reduced  to 
three  members. 

359 


The   State  should   encourage  agriculture. 

Advised  consideration  of  a  system  of  rural  credits  and  co-opera- 
tion. 

Supervision  of  the  telephone  companies  should  be  transferred 
from  the  Public  .Service  Commission  to  the  Gas  and  Electric  Light 
Commission. 

The  expense  of  maintaining  the  Public  Service  Commission 
should  be  met  by  a  special  tax  on  the  companies  supervised. 

It  was  an  ambitious  plan.  The  Legislature  declined  to 
follow  it  entirely  but  several  of  the  Governor's  propositions 
were  adopted.  Much  so-called  "progressive"  legislation  was 
passed  and  by  reorganizing  several  State  boards  the  Gov- 
ernor was  given  an  opportunity  to  reward  his  supporters. 

The  legislative  session  occupied  182  days  during  which 
785  acts  and  160  resolves  were  passed.  Eleven  acts  became 
laws  without  the  signature  of  the  Governor.  He  ,vetoed  8 
acts  and  6  resolves  sll  of  which  were  sustained. 

August  1  John  F.  Meany,  private  secretary  to  Gov  Walsh, 
took  his  place  as  a  member  of  the  Public  Service  Commission 
to  which  the  Governor  appointed  him.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Thomas  H.  Connelly,  the  assistant  secretary. 

What  he  was  able  to  accomplish  with  the  aid  of  the 
Legislature  is  best  summed  up  by  the  Governor  himself  in 
a  speech  at  the  Democratic  State  convention  in  Boston  Oc- 
tober 4,  over  which  Harvey  N.  Shepard  presided.  Later  Mr. 
Shepard  was  made  a  Civil  Service  Commissioner,  by  Governor 
Walsh. 


"I  rejoice  that  the  time  has  come  when  I  am  free  to  go  before 
the  public  who  have  confided  in  me  an  honorable  and  responsible 
trust  and  to  give  to  them  an  account  of  my  stewardship,"  said  Gov-- 
ernor  Walsh. 

"Let  me  briefly  state  what,  adhering  loyally  and  unflinchingly 
to  this  faith,  the  Democratic  administration,  of  this  year  has  accom- 
plished in  Massachusetts. 

"It  has  given  a  fair  and  just  increased  compensation  to  injured 
workingmen    and   workingwomen    of   the    Commonwealth. 

"It  has  extended  the  principles  of  home  rule  to  our  cities  and 
towns. 

"It  has  provided  for  the  strict  and  impartial  regulation  and  su- 
pervision of  certain  public  service  corporations,  many  of  which  until 
this  current  year  were  beyond  the  reach  of  supervising  authorities. 

"It  has  established  a  vigorous,  efficient  and  progressive  health 
department  to  safeguard  and  protect  the  public  health. 

"It  has  provided  paid  public  officials  to  study  the  problems  of 
the  helpless  and  insane  wards  of  the  State. 

"It  has  aided  in  forcing  a  dissolution  of  the  railroad  monopolj' 
which  has  nigh  throttled  the  very  life  and  future  of  New  England. 

360 


President   Wilson. 


"It  has  restored  to  the  people  the  right  to  determine  in  what 
manner  their  primary  elections  shall  be  conducted. 

"It  has  kept  the  cost  of  the  State  government,  which  always 
must  be  taken  from  the  earnings  of  the  people,  within  reasonable  and 
economical  limits. 

"It  has  made  it  easier  and  less  expensive  for  ou^  municipalities 
to  engage  in  municipal  lighting. 

"It  has  encouraged,  protected  and  promoted  the  agricultural  in- 
dustry of  the  Commonwealth. 

"It  has  sought  to  increase  the  usefulness  and  efficiency  of  th« 
administrative  boards  of  the  State  by  reorganization  of  the  depart- 
ments of  the  State  government  and  by  taking  preliminary  steps  for 
a  State-wide  policy  of  requiring  officials  Avho  are  paid  substantial 
salaries  to  give  their  entire  time  to  the  public  service. 

"It  has  provided  for  compulsory  investigation  of  labor  disputes 
and  giving  publicity  to  the  findings  made  by  arbitration  boards. 

"It  has  opened  to  a  wider  and  more  public  use  the  expensive 
armories  that  have  been  constructed  by  the  State  at  a  large  public 
expense. 

"It  has  increased  the  State  aid  to  poor  and  deserving  widows 
of  our  soldiers. 

"It  has  compelled  large  foreign  corporations  to  pay  a  fairei 
share  of  the  expense  of  the  Commonwealth,  whose  privileges  the> 
enjoy. 

"It  has  recommended  and  aided  the  people  of  small  means  tc' 
acquire  homes  of  their  own. 

"It  has  sought  to  obtain  just  and  fair  legislation  in  answer  to 
the  demands  of  labor. 

"It  has  provided  for  the  parole  and  pardon  of  prisoners  upon  a 
merit  system  rather  than  through  financial  or  political  influence. 

"It  has  recommended  and  aided  a  Constitutional  amendment  foi 
the  reform  of  our  taxation  system,  defeated  heretofore  by  successive 
Legislatures,  and  which  promises  to  relieve  the  injustice  and  inequal- 
ity existing  under  the  present  archaic  system. 

"It  has  given  the  Tax  Commissioner  increased  powers  to  en- 
force the  payment  of  inheritance  taxes. 

"It  has  for  the  first  time  given  special  attention  to  the  conser- 
vation of  our  natural  resources  by  providing  for  the  establishment 
and  maintenance  of  State  forests. 

"It  has  lessened  the  expenses  of  litigation  by  reducing  the  time 
in  which  settlements  might  be  made  of  estates  of  deceased  persons 

"Almost  without  exception  these  reforms  were  advocated  in  the 
Democratic  platform  of  last  year,  urged  upon  the  Legislature  in  my 
inaugural  address,  and  forced  to  enactment  by  a  united  Democratic 
membership  in  the   General  Court." 

March  11,  1914,  Governor  Walsh  removed  the  members 
of  the  State  Board  of  Labor  and  Industries.  Two  of  the 
Council,  Messrs  McGregor  and  Keith,  Republicans,  voted 
against  the  Governor,  but  the  others,  including  the  third  Re- 
publican, Mr.  Frothingham,  supported  him. 

Councillors  McGregor  and  Keith  tried  to  have  the  mat- 
ter laid  over  so  that  the  Board  of  Labor  and  Industries  might 
be  heard,  but  the  Governor,  who  had  been  through  a  long 
controversy  with  Chairman  Lowell  of  that  Board,  said  he  be- 

361 


lieved  immediate  removal  would  be  salutary  from  every  point 
of  view. 

Chief  among-  the  reasons  given  for  this  drastic  action  was 
that  the  Board  was  not  constituted  according  to  law,  inas- 
much as  the  membership  did  not  include  a  physician  or  sani- 
tary engineer.  The  chairman  of  the  Board,  James  A.  Lowell, 
replied  to  the  contention  of  the  Governor,  saying: 

"The  members  of  the  Board  have  had  differences  of  opinion 
necessarily  arising  from  the  fact  that  it  was  made  up  as  the  statute 
requires  of  persons  representing-  opposite  points  of  view.  Once 
more,  however,  I  venture  to  suggest  that  the  efficiency  of  the  work 
pc'.  formed  by  the  board,  rather  than  its  differences  of  opinion,  should 
have  been  the  issue  and  should  have  been  determined  by  the  Govern- 
or through  consultations  with  oersons  thoroughly  familiar  with  the 
work  of  the  Board 

"It  is  my  firm  conviction  that  the  work  of  the  board  has  been 
well  or.ganized,  and  as  those  conversant  with  it  have  attested,  has 
been  efficiently  carried  on.  It  is  my  sincere  hope  that  the  Governor 
will  be  able  to  select  a  board  which  will  carry  on  the  work  none  the 
less  effectively,  and  if  such  a  board  is  appointed  it  will  have  no 
stronger  supporter  than  I." 

Practically  an  entire  new  commission  was  named  with 
Alfred  S.  Donovan,  a  shoe  manufacturer,  as  chairman. 

A  new  and  smaller  Board  of  Port  Directors  of  the  Port 
of  Boston  was  authorized  and  after  the  Legislature  adjourned, 
the  Governor  named  Edward  F.  McSweeney  of  Boston,  chair- 
man, Joseph  A.  Conry  of  Boston  and  Lombard  Williams  of 
Dedham.  A  new  Board  of  Insanity  made  up  of  Dr.  Michael 
O'Meara  of  Worcester,  chairman,  Dr.  L.  Vernon  Briggs  of 
Boston  and  Charles  E.  Ward  of  Buckland  was  named.  The 
reorganized  Commission  of  Economy  and  Efficiency,  included 
Francis  X.  Tyrrell  of  Chelsea,  chairman,  Thomas  W.  White 
of  Newton  and  Russell  A.  Wood  of  Cambridge. 

Lieut  Gov  Barry  opposed  confirmation  of  Mr.  McSwee- 
ney as  chairman  of  the  Port  Board,  and  was  joined  in  this 
by  Councillor  Guy.  The  Lieutenant  Governor  was  also  rec- 
orded in  opposition  to  the  confirmation  of  Messrs.  Ward, 
White  and  Williams,  three  Republicans. 

Confirmation  of  Russell  A.  Wood,  for  the  Economy  and 
Efficiency  Board  was  unanimous.  Mr.  Wood  was  regarded 
as  a  very  useful  ally  by  the  Democrats.  His  candidacy  on  the 
Progressive  State  ticket  made  possible  the  election  of  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  Secretary  of  State.  The  latter  and 
the  Governor  felt  very  grateful  to  him.    Wood  was  named  to 

362 


succeed  John  N.  Cole  who  resigned  to  help  Mayor  Curley 
make  Boston  "bigger,  better  and  busier." 

Gov  Walsh  also  found  it  necessary  to  make  two  tempor- 
ary appointments  to  fill  important  berths  created  by  statutes 
of  that  year,  until  such  time  as  he  could  make  permanent  ap- 
pointments. He  named  Dr.  William  C.  Hanson,  who  had 
been  assistant  to  the  secretary  of  the  State  Board  of  Health, 
to  serve  as  acting  Health  Commissioner.  The  State  Board 
of  Health  went  out  of  existence  under  the  reorganization  act, 
and  this  included  Dr.  Mark  W.  Richardson,  secretary  of  the 
board.  As  Acting  Health  Commissioner,  Dr.  Hanson 
exercised  all  the  powers  conferred  on  the  office  by  the 
last  Legislature.  After  a  while  Dr.  Allan  McLaughlin,  a 
medical  expert,  of  the  Federal  Health  service,  whose  specialty 
was  the  Bubonic  plague,  was  named,  although  there  wasn't 
the  least  suspicion  that  Boston  was  threatened  with  such  a 
calamity.  There  was  a  lot  of  muttering  among  some  of  the 
Governor's  friends  over  this  appointment.  There  was  a  prece- 
dent, however,  for  the  Governor.  Hadn't  Gov.  Foss  gone 
West  for  the  prison  head?  Many  felt  that  the  Governor 
might  have  found  a  medical  man  in  Massachusetts  to  fill  the 
position. 

Two  Democrats  were  named  for  the  Superior  Court. 
Christopher  T.  Callahan  of  Holyoke,  who  was  promi- 
nent and  active  in  the  Bryan  days  and  had  always  maintained 
a  lively  interest  in  Democratic  politics,  was  one  of  the  ap- 
pointees. He  was  serving  a  term  as  District  Attorney  in  the 
Berkshire-Hampden  district  when  named. 

To  fill  another  vacancy  in  the  Superior  Court,  Gov  Walsh 
named  James  B.  Carroll,  Chairman  of  the  Industrial  Acci- 
dent Board.  A  little  later,  when  Justice  Sheldon  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  retired.  Judge  Carroll  was  appointed  to  the  Su- 
preme Judicial  Court.  Mr.  Carroll  was  eminently  qualified 
for  the  position.  He  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  at  the  bar  in 
the  Western  part  of  the  State.  He  had  what  the  lawyers  call, 
the  "judicial  temperament"  and  a  well  stocked  legal  mind. 
Mr.  Carroll  was  a  running  mate  of  Gov  Russell  after  Gen 
Corcoran  was  named  to  the  Superior  Court  bench  more  than 
twenty  years  ago.  In  Judge  Carroll's  place  on  the  Superior 
Court  Gov  Walsh  named  City  Solicitor  James  H.  Sisk  of 
Lynn,  prominent  in  local  politics  of  his  city  for  several  years. 

John  A.  O'Keefe,  a  well  known  Democratic  lawyer  of 

363 


Lynn  was  named  as  Fire  Prevention  Commissioner  of  the 
Metropolitan  District,  September  3,  1914il 

Lieut  Gov  Barry  set  up  a  sort  of  a  court  of  his  own  at 
the  State  House  and  made  the  most  of  the  ofifice,  sometimes  to 
the  discomfort  and  annoyance  of  his  chief  in  the  adjoining 
room.  Mr.  Barry  tried  to  dignify  the  second  office  in  the  Com- 
monwealth, wore  a  silk  hat  and  frock  coat  most  of  the  time 
and  took  the  job  a  little  more  seriously  than  most  of  his  pre- 
decessors in  recent  years. 

Ex-Gov  Draper  died  suddenly  April  9,  1914  at  a  Southern 
health  resort,  where  he  had  gone  for  rest.  The  State  took 
appropriate  action  and  was  repr'esented  at  his  fuiaeral. 


364 


CHAPTER  XLVIII 

SECOND  AND  LAST    TERM  OF  GOVERNOR  WALSH— FEDERAL,   AND 
STATE      APPOINTMENTS — GOVERNOR'S      INAUGURAL      RECOM- 
MENDATIONS—JUDICIAL   APPOINTMENTS— DEATH    OF    EX- 
GOVERNORS    GUILD    AND    LONG — BIGGEST    STATE    TAX 
IN      HISTORY— GOVERNOR      DISAPPOINTED 
WITH  LEGISLATURE. 

THE  last  day  of  the  year  1914,  Gov  Walsh  made  a  batch 
of  important  appointments.  He  named  Charles  R.  Gow 
for  License  Commissioner  of  Boston  to  succeed  Wil- 
liam P.  Fowler,  whom  the  Governor  did  not  consider  broad 
enough  in  his  views  for  the  position.  Mr.  Gow  was  a  good 
civil  engineer  and  a  successful  business  man,  but  he  had  no 
special  training  for  the  place  and  no  particular  views  on  the 
liquor  traffic. 

The  same  day  Joseph  B.  Eastman  was  named  as  the 
successor  of  Clinton  White  on  the  Public  Service  Commis- 
sion. Mr.  Eastman  had  for  several  years  represented  a 
small  but  select  body  of  men,  banded  together  under  the 
euphonious  title  of  the  "Public  Franchise  League,"  before 
legislative  committees  on  transportation  and  other  matters. 
Mr.  White  was  retired  under  the  superanuated  law.  Gradu- 
ally the  Governor  was  making  over  this  important  Commis- 
sion to  meet  his  views.  He  had  little  confidence  in  the  chair- 
man of  the  commission,  Frederick  J.  Macleod,  a  Foss  ap- 
pointee and  warm  supporter  of  the  "Old  Boy." 

When  Walsh  was  elected,  he  practically  ignored  Chair- 
man Macleod  on  railroad  matters  and  took  the  advice  and 
counsel  of  George  W.  Anderson  who  represented  the  anti- 
Mellen  or  Morgan  interests  in  New  England  railroading. 
Later  on  the  Governor  was  instrumental  in  forcing  Commis- 
sioner Anderson  out  by  insisting  on  a  law  which  compelled 
members  of  the  Commission  to  give  their  whole  time  to  their 
Commission  work.  Anderson,  a  high  priced  lawyer,  refused 
to  do  this,  resigned  his  place,  and  was  appointed  U  S  District 
Attorney. 

It  was  evident  for  some  time  that  Thomas  P.  Riley,  Chair- 
man of  the  Democratic  State  Committee,  was  not  going  to  be 

365 


appointed  U  S  District  Attorney,  a  place  he  desired.  Mr. 
Riley  had  strong  political  backing,  but  the  Attorney  General 
took  the  ground  that  the  incumbent  must  be  a  lawyer  of  rec- 
ognized ability  and  standing  in  the  Commonwealth.  When 
the  place  went  to  Anderson,  Governor  Walsh  named  Riley 
on  the  Gas  and  Electric  Light  Commission.  The  refusal  of 
the  Wilson  administration  to  name  Riley  U  S  District  At- 
torney was  another  rebuff  the  Six  O'Clock  Democrats  re- 
ceived from  Washington. 

The  Democratic  State  organization  had  taken  its  stand 
for  Speaker  Clark  in  the  presidential  primaries  in  1912  and 
the  White  House  evidently  remembered  the  scant  courtesy 
Gov  Wilson's  field  lieutenants  received  at  the  hands  of 
the  State  organization  headed  by  Riley. 

When  the  patronage  came  to  be  distributed,  it  was  found 
that  very  few  of  the  Champ  Clark  men  got  any  of  the  plums 
from  Washington.  Edmund  Billings,  secretary  of  the  Good 
Government  association,  was  made  Collector  of  the  Port,  John 
F.  Malley  of  Spring^eld,  a  Wilson  man,  was  made  Collector 
of  Internal  Revenue,  Charles  S.  Hamlin  was  appointed  Assis- 
tant Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  all  without  consultation  with 
any  of  the  so-called  State  leaders.  Billings'  appointment  was 
the  hardest  blow  the  Boston  Democrats  had  to  bear,  but  as  a 
salve  to  their  wounded  feelings  the  Treasury  department  con- 
sented to  the  appointment  of  President  Joseph  A.  Maynard  of 
the  Democratic  City  Committee  as  Surveyor,  to  succeed  Ed- 
ward G.  Graves,  Republican. 

While  the  organization  Democrats  were  quarreling  over 
who  should  have  the  Collectorship,  Col  Edward  M.  House  of 
Texas,  the  President's  closest  friend,  and  Dudley  Field  Malone 
of  New  York,  now  Collector  of  the  Port,  of  New  York, 
slipped  over  to  Boston,  looked  the  field  over  and  tendered  the 
collectorship  to  the  last  man  any  of  the  half  dozen  Democrats 
who  were  squabbling  for  the  place  would  pick  for  this  one- 
time important  representative  office. 

But  it  was  the  neat  way  in  which  several  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  Congress  managed  to  slip  into  good  Federal  berths 
that  amused  the  public  the  most  and  angered  and  disgusted 
some  of  their  political  associates.  When  Congressman  An- 
drew J.  Peters  found  he  would  have  to  make  a  hard  fight  for  a 
renomination,  Francis  J.  Horgan  having  announced  his  candi- 
dacy, he  decided  that  it  wasn't  worth  while  and  without  much 

366 


William    Shaw. 


Edmund    BiiiinKS- 


Daniel    H.    Coakk-v. 


Sidney    O.    Bigney. 


ado,  quietly  slipped  into  the  office  of  Assistant  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  as  the  successor  to  Charles  S,  Hamlin,  made 
Governor  of  the  new  Federal  Reserve  Board.  Then  Congress- 
man  Murray's  appointment  as  Postmaster  of  Boston  was  an- 
nounced to  succeed  EdAvard  C.  Mansfield.  Later  Congress- 
man John  J.  Mitchell  was  named  as  U  S  Marshal  and  still  later 
Congressman  Gilmore,  believing  that  a  bird  in  the  hand  is 
worth  two  in  the  bush,  decided  that  the  postmastership  of 
Brockton,  his  home  city,  was  a  great  deal  better  than  trying 
for  a  re-election  in  his  Congressional  district.  His  appoint- 
ment followed. 

All  the  Big  Federal  plums  in  Boston  were  thus  disposed 
of  including  the  Assistant  U  S  Treasurership  which  went  to 
Charles  B,  Strecker,  a  delegate  to  the  Baltimore  convention 
and  a  Wilson  shouter.  Gov  "VValsh  held  aloof  from  the  con- 
tests over  the  places.    He  had  patronage  troubles  of  his  own. 

A  few  days  before  his  second  inaugural,  the  Governor  re- 
moved from  office  Fred  H.  Walker,  State  Cattle  Commissioner 
and  E.  Gerry  Brown,  Supervisor  of  Small  Loans.  Both  were 
charged  with  irregularities  in  the  conduct  of  their  offices. 
Walker  was  a  Republican.  Brown  was  a  Foss  appointee.  Both 
put  up  a  determined  fight  against  removal  and  endeavored  to 
prove  that  the  charges  against  them  were  untrue  or  exag- 
gerated.    The  Council  backed  up  the  Governor  in  his  stand. 

Inauguration  was  January'  7.  The  day  before,  Channing 
Cox  had  been  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  and  Calvin  Cool- 
idge  had  been  chosen  President  of  the  Senate,  In  his  inaugu- 
ral address  the  Governor  called  attention  to  the  European 
War,  saying  that  already  its  effects  had  been  felt  here  by  the 
unrest  created.  He  asked  for  an  appropriation  of  $50,000  for 
the  unemployed,  to  be  used  to  reclaim  waste  lands,  swamps 
and  marshes.     Speaking  of  State  finances  Gov  Walsh  said : 

"The  estimated  expenses,  under  existing  laws,  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  Nov  30,  1915,  are  $19,469,095.  The  estimated  revenue  is 
$9,289,000.  The  cash  on  hand  Dec  i,  1913,  the  beginning  of  the  present 
fiscal  year  was  $2,862,884.  The  warrants  remaining  unpaid  at  that 
time  added  to  the  warrant  for  December  expense,  and  a  balance  of 
$2,000,000  unexpended  1914  appropriations,  which  are  available  for 
1915,  reduce  this  amount  to  $386,015.  This  leaves  in  sight  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  the  government  for  the  current  year  $9,675,015,  which, 
subtracted  from  the  estimated  expenses,  leaves  a  diflference,  unpro- 
vided for,  which  must  be  met  by  taxation  of  $9,794,079. 

"The  balance  unprovided  for  is  over  $2,000,000  more_  than  the 
figures  of  one  year  ago.  The  estimates  from  which  it  is  derived  cover 
only  such  appropriations  as  existing  legislation  requires.  In  de- 
termining  the    amount    of   the    State    tax    there    must    be    added    all 

367 


special  appropriations  of  the  present  session.  The  amounts  asked 
for  this  year  by  the  various  departments,  boards,  commissions  and 
trustees  for  special  purposes,  such  as  new  buildings  and  improve- 
ments total  $2,629,893. 

"Although  the  General  Court  of  1914  authorized  the  borrowing 
by  loans,  to  be  met  directly  by  the  State,  of  only  $1, 595,000,  the  di- 
rect debt  of  the  State  increased  almost  $4,000,000  during  the  year, 
due  to  the  issuance  of  bonds  authorized  in  former  years. 

'"The  net  direct  debt,  indebtedness  for  which  the  whole  State 
is  directly  liable,  increased  in  the  five  years  from  Nov.  30,  1909  to 
Nov  30,  1914,  from  $18,980,755  to  $28,259,906 — an  increase  mainly  due 
to  such  undertakings  as  the  development  of  the  Port  of  Boston,  State 
highway  construction,  the  extension  of  the  State  House,  and  the 
erection  and  equipment  of  armories.  The  interest  charges  alone 
upon  the  State  debt  now  amount  to  $1,664,303.58." 

He  advocated  the  budget  system  as  the  only  proper  and 
business  like  way  of  handling  the  State's  finances  and  he  made 
several  recommendations  looking  to  an  improvement  in  the 
tax  laws  and  tax  collections.  After  citing  many  instances 
of  the  necessity  of  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  tax  com- 
missioner, the  Governor  said : 

"I  cannot  emphasize  too  strongly  the  immediate  necessity  of 
giving  to  the  Tax  Commissioner  not  only  general  oversight  but 
actual  power  over  local  assessors.  This  is  not  a  violation  of  the 
principle  of  home  rule,  to  which  I  am  devoted.  Under  the  law  even 
private  individuals  are  not  allowed  so  to  handle  their  own  property 
as  to  injure  others. 

"Surely  a  town  cannot  be  allowed  to  manage  its  own  affairs  in 
such  a  way  as  to  injure  the  other  cities  and  towns  of  the  State  and 
the  general  interests  of  the  whole  Commonwealth.  Again  under 
present  conditions  the  temptations  are  so  overwhelming  that  local 
assessors  are  hardly  to  be  blamed  for  attempting  to  keep  persons 
of  great  wealth  and  industries  of  great  size  within  their  towns  by 
showing  them  partiality  in  assessing  their  property  for  the  purpose 
of  taxation.  In  many  instances  local  public  sentiment  clearly,  though 
mistakenly,  indorses  this  practice.  But  it  works  great  injustice  to  the 
rest  of  the  State  and  to  the  general  mass  of  tax  payers  of  moderate 
means,  and  it  can  only  be  rectified  by  giving  to  the  State  Tax  Com- 
missioner authority  to  inquire  directly  into  the  methods  of  making 
the  local  assessments,  to  correct  them  where  they  are  wrong,  and 
when  necessary  to  remove  an  incompetent  assessor." 

And  this  from  an  advocate  of  home  rule  for  cities  and 
towns,  but  the  Governor  was  confronted  with  a  condition, 
not  a  theory. 

He  again  demanded  that  the  transportation,  telegraph  and 
telephone  companies  be  compelled  to  bear  the  cost  of  the 
maintenance  of  the  Public  Service  Commission.  He  also  de- 
manded that  the  supervision  of  the  telephone  and  telegraph 
companies  be  returned  to  the  gas  and  electric  light  commis- 
sion but  both  requests  were  refused  by  the  Legislature. 

368 


"I  have  reason  to  believe  that  many  of  the  parties  directly 
interested  in  this  situation  realize  their  responsibility  and  are  now 
working  out  a  plan  of  reorganization  vvhich  may  put  this  railroad 
system  upon  firmer  ground.  The  five  Trustees  who  now  control  the 
Boston  and  Maine  may  confidently  be  expected  to  meet  the  situa- 
tion if  they  are  properly  supported  by  those  most  concerned  in  it. 
I  conceive  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  General  Court  this  year  to  help 
the  Boston  and  Maine  whenever  and  wherever  the  greater  public 
interest  will  permit  us  to  do  so.  It  is  peculiarly  a  New  England 
institution,  and  the  business  morale  and  prestige  of  New  England 
have  been  greatly  harmed  by  its  present  condition.  Its  real  interests 
are  not  dififerent  from  the  interests  of  the  New  England  public,  and 
recent  railroad  misfortunes  are  teaching  investors  that  when  those 
who  manage  their  property  propose  to  do  anything  harmful  to  the 
general  public  interests  they  are  proposing  something  that  is  also 
harmful  to  the  real  interests  of  the  railroad,''  said  he  on  the  railroad 
situation. 

On  the  calling  of  a  Constitutional  Convention  he  set  forth 
his  ideas  of  subjects  which  ought  to  be  dealt  with,  but  the  Leg- 
islature declined  to  favor  the  calling  of  one,  taking  the  ground 
that  there  was  already  a  sure,  safe  and  inexpensive  method 
of  changing  the  Constitution.  Gov  Walsh  also  urged  biennial 
elections.  He  recommended  the  submission  of  an  equal  suf- 
frage amendment,  but  neither  one  of  these  two  suggestions 
were  acted  favorably  upon,  although  the  Governor  and  his 
friends  fought  hard  for  them.  He  recommended  the  initiative 
and  referendum.  That,  too,  was  defeated.  Discussing  the 
need  of  amending  the  election  laws  the  Governor  said : 

"Commendable  progress  was  made  last  year  in  correcting  the 
effects  which  long  experience  has  disclosed  in  our  election  laws, 
notably  in  the  abolition  of  party  enrollment;  the  creation  of  an 
election  court  above  the  reach  of  local  politics;  the  adoption  of  the 
English  plan  of  unseating  the  disqualifying  candidates  when  corrupt 
practices  have  been  used  in  their  behalf;  and  the  prohibition  of  un- 
duly large  campaign  contributions  from  individuals,  whether  candi- 
dates or  their  supporters.  But  you  will  note  that  these  reforms  in 
no  way  lessen  the  demand  for  heavy  campaign  expenditures  by  par- 
ties and  candidates,  in  itself  a  serious  and  growing  evil,  however 
legitimate  the  object  for  which  the  expense  is  incurred,  and  that  as 
yet  no  progress  whatever  has  been  made  toward  the  ideal  of  provid- 
ing that  all  legitimate  election  expenses  should  be  borne  by  the 
public  in  whose  interest  they  are  really  incurred;  and  that  private  ex- 
penditures should  be  strictly  limited  to  the  reasonable  cost  of  enabling 
candidates  to  visit  and  address  constituencies." 

He  then  outlined  his  scheme  of  the  State  paying  certain 
campaign  expenses,  but  it  was  rejected.  He  recommended 
that  the  power  to  grant  and  regulate  liquor  licenses,  and  to 
control  their  police  force,  be  restored  to  the  people  of  Fall 
River. 

369 


On  similar  grounds,  and  in  accordance  with  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  he  recommended  the 
taking  away  from  that  commission  the  power  to  approve  or 
reject  appointees  of  the  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Boston.  The 
Legislature  declined  to  make  the  changes  urged.  Discuss- 
ing the  agricultural  situation  he  said : 

"The  reorganization  of  the  board  on  the  model  last  year 
adopted  for  the  Board  of  Health,  concentrating  executive  functions 
in  a  responsible  Commissioner  of  Agriculture  adequately  paid  for  his 
entire  time,  and  assisted  by  an  advisory  council  of  moderate  size 
compensated  fairly  but  not  extravagantly  for  the  time  actually  given 
to  the  vi^ork  of  the  department.  All  the  present  subsidiary  boards, 
such  as  the  Dairy  Bureau,  the  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry,  the  For- 
estry Commission,  the  State  Forester  and  the  Commission  of  Fish- 
eries and  Game,  should  be  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  Agriculture  as  analogous  departments  have  been  made 
responsible  to  the  Health  Commissioner." 

He  did  not  forget  the  milk  question  and  more  farmers' 
bait  was  put  out  in  dealing  with  the  subject.  The  needs  of 
the  Western  counties  were  then  discussed : 

"I  commend  to  your  careful  study  the  report  of  the  recess  com- 
mission created  to  consider  the  needs  of  the  Western  counties.  I 
especially  approve  the  advice  of  the  commission  as  to  the  changes 
that  should  be  made  in  the  'small  towns  act';  the  general  placing  of 
thoroughfares  under  the  expert  care  of  the  Highway  Commission; 
and  the  issue  of  $2,000,000  in  bonds  to  provide  for  the  immediate 
completion  to  the  main  arteries  of  travel  in  these  counties,  instead 
of  continuing  the  piecemeal  construction  of  unconnected  portions, 
which  while  the  missing  linlcs  are  unimproved,  give  the  farmers  little 
if  any  better  means  than  at  present  for  transporting  their  produce 
to  market. 

"If  you  thus  give  the  western  counties  an  adequate  system  of 
first-class  State  highways,  with  the  opportunity  which  would  then 
be  afforded  for  economical  and  rapid  transportation  by  motor  trucks, 
there  seems  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  hill  towns  would  receive 
more  benefit  than  from  any  extension  of  trolley  lines  that  could  be 
possible  within  a  reasonable  term  of  years;  and  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  such  lines  would  require  an  enormously  larger  initial  in- 
vestment, and  a  very  much  heavier  annual  charge  for  operation  and 
maintenance  than  the  most  complete  and  thoroughly  constructed 
system  of  State  highways  would  entail. 

"In  any  event  I  must  protest  against  obliging  the  Commonwealth 
to  begin  the  experiment  of  public  ownership  of  transportation  facili- 
ties by  building  and  operating  lines  which  private  capital  will  not 
undertake  because  of  the  certainty  that  they  cannot  pay.  Let  us  be- 
gin with  a  paying  proposition  if  we  are  to  venture  at  all  in  this  un- 
tried field." 

This  question  looked  to  the  practical  Republicans  as  hav- 

370 


ing  merit  as  well  as  votes  and  they  put  it  through,  hoping 
to  reap  some  of  the  political  benefits  themselves.  That  it 
helped  the  Governor  in  his  campaign  for  reelection  in  that 
section  there  isn't  any  doubt.  He  recommended  a  reorgani- 
zation of  the  Prison  Commission  with  a  single  commissioner 
having  power  to  appoint  two  or  more  deputies  and  the  parole 
board  of  five  members  to  be  reduced  to  three. 

Trial  justices,  he  said,  should  be  abolished  as  the  fee  sys- 
tem was  wrong.  They  were  unable  to  "place  cases  on  file  or 
probation  or  to  use  the  suspended  sentence,  and  their  ex- 
tremely limited  criminal  jurisdiction  are  all  conclusive  reasons 
why  the  office  should  no  longer  be  retained,"  said  he.  The 
Legislature  declined  to  follow  his  advice  on  this  matter. 

He  also  recommended  the  enactment  of  legislation  per- 
mitting each  savings  and  insurance  bank  to  issue  policies  of 
insurance  in  any  amount  up  to  but  not  exceeding  $1000  on 
any  one  life,  but  that,  too,  was  refused  by  the  Legislature. 
The  old  life  insurance  companies,  always  well  represented  on 
Beacon  Hill,  saw  to  that. 

He  urged  that  Wisconsin's  system  of  university  exten- 
sion be  copied,  or  improved  upon  if  possible,  and  that  a 
special  department  be  at  once  established,  with  adequate  pow- 
ers and  facilities  and  a  liberal  financial  provision,  for  this 
work. 

"Two  specific  measures  by  which  legislation  can  be 
greatly  improved,"  said  the  Governor,  "are : 

"i — The  establishment  of  a  legislative  reference  library  force 
to  furnish  to  the  legislators  all  kinds  of  information  relating  to  pro- 
posed measures. 

"2 — The  establishment  of  a  drafting  bureau  which  may  be  called 
upon  by  members  or  committees  of  the  Legislature  to  put  in  correct 
form  measures  that  are  desired,  so  that  they  may  be  drawn  with 
reference  to  previous  legislation  and  existing  decisions  of  the  courts.'' 

The  proposition  was  not  adopted.  A  few  days  after 
listening  to  the  Governor's  inaugural  the  Republicans  called 
a  caucus  and  solemnly  voted  to  oppose  all  salary  increases, 
the  creation  of  new  boards  and  commissions  and  to  saddle 
no  unnecessary  expense  on  the  tax  payers  that  year.  In  the 
main  they  lived  up  to  it  pretty  well. 

The  House,  on  January  23  voted  the  $50,000  appropriation 
asked  for  by  Gov  Walsh  for  the  unemployed.  Before  Albert 
P.  Langtry  assumed  his  duties  as  Secretary  of  State,  January 

371 


21,  he  offered  to  continue  his  work  as  Secretary  of  the  State 
House  Extension  Building  Commission  without  cost  to  the 
State,  relinquishing  his  salary  as  executive  head  of  that  com- 
mission to^  which  he  had  been  appointed  by  Gov  Foss,  but 
Gov  Walsh  declined  the  oft"er  with  thanks  and  named  Ex- 
Congressman  John  A.  Keliher  to  the  place.  The  Governor 
also  named  Edward  Fuller,  a  well  known,  competent  and  suc- 
cessful builder  to  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of 
Commissioner  Joseph  B.  Russell. 

An  appointment  v/hich  had  held  fire  for  several  months 
was  made  February  3.  A  big  protest  by  Boston  Democratic 
politicians  had  been  lodged  against  Medical  Examiner  George 
B.  Magrath  of  Suffolk  County.  Martin  M.  Lomasney,  it  was 
claimed,  objected  to  Magrath,  but  Dist  Atty  Pelletier  came 
forward  on  behalf  of  the  Medical  Examiner  and  he  was  finally 
reappointed. 

The  women  made  a  gallant  fight  this  year  for  equal  suf- 
frage and  the  Constitutional  amendment  striking  out  the  word 
"male"  from  the  Constitution  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of 
196  to  33.  The  women  threw  yellow  flowers  at  the  House 
members  from  the  balconies  and  there  was  a  great  demonstra- 
tion on  the  occasion,  but  their  rejoicing  was  soon  turned  to 
sorrow  for  the  Senate  killed  the  proposition. 

About  this  time  Speaker  Cox  was  married.  Both  houses 
made  substantial  presents  to  him  and  the  wheels  of  the  law- 
making branch  of  the  government  stood  still  while  the  Gen- 
eral Court  congratulated  and  felicitated  the  Speaker  on  his 
coming  happy  event. 

Philip  J.  O'Connell  of  Worcester,  a  capable  lawyer,  and  a 
Democrat,  was  appointed  to  the  Superior  Court.  He  was  con- 
firmed by  the  Council,  causing  no  little  woe  among  certain 
Worcester  Democrats  who  desired  another  named. 

The  Legislature  passed  a  bill  enabling  the  City  of  Bos- 
ton to  abolish  the  East  Boston  tunnel  tolls.  Inasmuch  as 
the  collection  of  the  tolls  was  nominated  in  the  bonds  on 
which  the  tunnel  was  built,  the  city  had  to  get  the  permission 
of  the  Legislature  to  enable  it  to  appropriate  an  amount  equal 
to  the  yearly  tolls  to  become  a  part  of  the  sinking  fund  to 
meet  the  bonds  when  they  matured. 

The  Sectarian  bill  was  bitterly  fought  this  year.  The  so- 
called  "Patriotic"  societies  had  for  a  long  time  insisted  that 
this  amendment  to  the  Constitution  was  necessary  to  prevent 

372 


private  schools  from  getting  public  funds.  It  was  aimed  at 
the  Catholic  Parochial  schools.  As  in  all  religious  contests 
the  feeling  ran  high  and  the  fight  was  bitter.  Leading  Re- 
publican members  of  the  Legislature  fought  the  proposition 
as  hard  as  the  Democrats  and  it  was  beaten  by  a  close 
vote  in  the  House,  115  to  107. 

In  April,  Ex-Gov  Guild  died.  The  entire  State  mourned 
his  passing.  His  popularity  with  the  people  had  not  dimin- 
ished since  he  left  public  ofTice.  He  had  interested  himself 
in  raising  funds  for  the  Russians  and  the  Poles  in  the  Euro- 
pean War  and  was  one  of  the  first  to  advocate  preparedness 
on  the  part  of  the  American  people,  as  an  iifsurance  against 
war.  His  diplomatic  experiences  abroad  had  given  him  an 
insight  into  the  military  preparedness  of  foreign  countries  and 
his  intense  Americanism  impelled  him  to  warn  his  country- 
men of  the  necessity  of  being  prepared  for  any  military  emer- 
gency, growing  out  of  the  European  war. 

Great  respect  wa»  shown  his  memory  by  all  classes  and 
races.  His  body  lay  in  state  in  the  Hall  of  Flags,  a  spot  so 
near  and  dear  to  him  in  life.  Thirty  thousand  people  passed 
in  silent  review  in  the  few  hours  his  remains  were  there 
guarded  by  a  detachment  of  the  First  Corps  of  Cadets.  Every 
honor  the  State  and  its  officials  could  pay  his  memory  was 
shown,  with  a  feeling  that  the  State  he  loved  and  served 
so  long  and  so  well,  in  peace  and  war,  had  lost  one  of  its  most 
brilliant  sons. 

His  friends  immediately  started  a  memorial  fund  which 
soon  reached  a  figure  large  enough  to  warrant  the  expectation 
that  ere  long  a  fitting  memorial  of  him  will  be  erected,  re- 
minding furture  generations  what  manner  of  man  Curtis 
Guild,  journalist,  statesman,  soldier  and  diplomat  was. 

A  film  play,  "The  Birth  of  a  Nation,"  shown  in  a  Boston 
Theatre  about  this  time  was  offensive  to  colored  citizens. 
They  protested  to  the  show  people  in  vain.  Appealing  to  the 
Legislature  and  the  Governor,  both  promptly  joined  in 
passing  a  law  which  satisfied  them  and  prevented  a  repetition 
of  such  a  play  in  this  State. 

Gov  Walsh  vetoed  the  law  demanded  by  temperance 
people  prohibiting  the  transportation  of  liquor  into  no  li- 
cense territory. 

The  Legislature  of  1915  authorized  the  appointment  of 
a  commission  of  seven  persons  to  be  known  as  the  Pilgrim 

373 


Tercentenary  Commission,  to  devise  a  plan  for  the  celebra- 
tion by  the  Commonwealth  of  the  300th  anniversary  of  the 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth. 

The  Governor  named  Ex-Gov  Curtis  Guild,  Sherman  L. 
Whipple  of  Brookline,  Rev.  Albert  E.  Dunning,  Ralph  Adams 
Cram,  Denis  A.  McCarthy  of  Winthrop,  Ex-Mayor  James  Lo- 
gan of  Worcester  and  Arthur  Lord  of  Plymouth  to  be  mem- 
bers of  the  Commission.  On  the  death  of  Mr.  Guild,  Governor 
Walsh  named  George  von  L  Meyer  to  succeed  him. 

The  State  tax  this  year  was  the  largest  in  the  history  of 
the  State— $9,750,000  a  $1,000,000  more  than  1914.  The  clos- 
ing session  of  the  Legislature,  June  4,  was  one  of  the  liveliest 
in  many  years.  For  some  time  Martin  M.  Lomasney,  the 
most  influential  Democrat  in  the  Legislature  and  the  Governor 
had  not  been  pulling  together.  Lomasney  more  than  once 
in  the  session  opposed  His  Excellency.  As  a  parting  shot, 
Lomasney  left  in  the  minds  of  the  members  his  not  exalted 
opinion  of  the  Governor,  charging  that  the  latter's  railroad 
bill  was  a  railroad  measure  in  the  interest  of  State  Street 
and  that  back  in  his  Legislative  days  Mr.  Walsh  was  a  rail- 
road representative. 

The  New  Haven  railroad  measure  was  up  for  passage. 
The  two  bills  the  New  Haven  wanted  went  through  the  Sen- 
ate without  serious  opposition.  The  fight  in  regard  to  the 
one  relating  to  the  issue  of  stocks  and  bonds  was  not  very 
long  in  the  House,  but  the  bill  validating  the  New  Haven 
securities  took  most  of  the  afternoon  and  evening  of  the  clos- 
ing session  of  the  lower  branch. 

After  a  long  debate  in  the  afternoon  the  House,  by  a 
vote  of  116  to  95  adopted  as  an  amendment  to  the  bill  the 
sections,  which  Atty  Gen  Atwill  had  recommended,  requiring 
the  New  Haven  to  absorb  the  switching  charges  on  freight 
from  the  Boston  and  Maine  terminals  to  the  Commonwealth 
Pier  in  South  Boston. 

The  bill  in  its  amended  form  was  sent  back  to  the  Senate, 
which  refused  to  concur  in  the  House  amendment,  but  at- 
tached an  amendment  of  its  own,  which  provided  that  the 
question  of  these  shifting  charges  should  be  referred  to  the 
Public  Service  Commission  and  the  Directors  of  the  Port  of 
Boston  sitting  jointly. 

Mr.  Lomasney  made  a  long  speech  in  which  he  vigorously 
opposed  concurrence.    He  said  that  the  attorney  of  the  Pub- 

374 


Military     I'.sci.irt,     Curtis     Guild's     Funeral 


(Photos    l>y    Huntingrton,    Boston    Post) 

lloflv     I'cin;^    TakcMi     into   Cliuroh. 


lie  Service  Commission,  U  S  Dist  Atty  George  W.  Anderson, 
was  attempting  to  dictate  to  the  Legislature,  and  that  his  con- 
duct was  a  gross  betrayal  of  a  public  trust.  Mr.  Lomasney 
spoke  in  the  most  complimentary  terms  of  Atty  Gen  Attwill 
and  said  that  no  wires  from  corporation  offices  ran  into  the 
latter's  house  or  ofifice. 

The  House  on  a  roll  call,  120  to  76,  voted  to  concur  in 
the  Senate  amendment  but  with  another  amendment,  that  the 
Attorney  General  be  added  to  the  joint  board  which  was  to 
sit  on  the  question  of  the  switching  charges.  Once  more  the 
bill  went  to  the  Senate  which  quickly  concurred  in  the  House 
amendment,  and  then  the  bill  was  sent  to  the  House,  this 
time  for  enactment.  There  was  a  long  delay  while  the  act 
was  being  engrossed,  but  it  was  finally  passed  by  the  House 
and  then  submitted  to  the  Senate  which  accepted  it.  Gov 
Walsh  signed  the  bill  as  soon  as  he  received  it  from  the 
Senate. 

With  the  exception  of  the  amendment  mentioned,  the 
validating  bill  was  passed  just  as  it  was  reported  by  the  Rail- 
road Committee  after  its  conference  with  the  Governor  and 
the  Public  Service  Commission.  The  bill  in  regard  to  the  is- 
sues of  stocks  and  bonds  was  not  changed  at  all.  The  Legis- 
lature did  not  act  at  all  on  the  vetoes  of  the  two  railroad 
bills  which  were  passed  a  week  before.  Gov.  Walsh  said  he 
did  not  care  to  have  action  taken  and  so  the  vetoes  were  al- 
lowed to  remain  on  the  Senate  table. 

Another  interesting  piece  of  legislation  was  passed  by  the 
Senate  in  its  closing  hours.  Senator  Langelier  of  Quincy  of- 
fered an  order  directing  the  Harbor  and  Land  Commission  to 
investigate  the  wisdom  and  feasibility  of  action  by  the  State 
which  would  enable  it  to  take  over  the  Cape  Cod  Canal;  the 
order  asked  the  Commission  to  consider  the  value  of  the  canal 
to  the  public  in  time  of  war,  and  any  other  matters  which 
might  bear  on  the  case.  All  the  rules  were  suspended  and  the 
order  was  adopted  by  the  Senate.  The  order  requested  the 
Commission  to  report  to  the  Senate  and  therefore  did  not  re- 
quire action  by  the  House  which,  earlier  in  the  session,  had 
rejected  a  similar  order. 

The  Legislature  decided  to  send  a  delegation  to  represent 
the  State  at  the  Panama-Pacific  Exposition.  The  delegation 
was  to  consist  of  the  Governor,  two  members  of  his  military 
staff,  the  President  of  the  Senate,  the  Speaker  of  the  House, 

375 


two  members  of  the  Senate,  four  members  of  the  House  and 
the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  The  amount  to  be  allowed  for  ex- 
penses was  fixed  at  $6000. 

The  Legislators  named  were :  Senator  Charles  W.  Eld- 
ridge  of  Somerville,  Senator  Redmond  S.  Fitzgerald  of  Boston, 
Representative  Henry  Achin  Jr  of  Lowell,  Representative 
Frederick  H.  Lucke  of  Worcester,  Representative  John  B. 
Hull  of  Great  Barrington  and  Representative  Edward  F.  Mc- 
Laughlin of  Boston. 

The  special  recess  commission  to  investigate  terminal 
facilities  in  the  Metropolitan  district  was  made  up  of  Senator 
James  F,  Cavanagh  of  Everett,  Senator  Martin  Hays  of  Bos- 
ton, Representative  Herbert  A.  Wilson  of  Boston,  Represen- 
tative Fred  P.  Greenwood  of  Everett  and  Representative  Rob- 
ert Robinson  of  Boston. 

The  special  committee  to  investigate  taxation  laws  in- 
cluded Senator  Nathan  A.  Tufts  of  Waltham,  Senator  Henry 
G.  Wells  of  Haverhill.  Representative  George  P.  Drury  of 
Waltham,  Representative  Frederick  B.  Felton  of  Greenfield, 
Representative  Allison  G.  Catheron  of  Beverly,  and  Rep- 
resentative William  M.  McMorrow  of  Boston. 

The  Legislature  was  then  ready  to  be  prorogued  and  Sec- 
retary Langtry  declared  that  during  the  session  304  general 
acts  and  384  special  acts  and  147  resolves  had  received  Execu- 
tive approval.  His  Excellency  returned  five  bills  and  one  re- 
solve with  his  objections  thereto  in  writing  in  each  of  which 
his  objections  were  sustained.  He  withheld  his  approval  from 
two  general  acts  and  five  special  acts  which  became  law 
without  his  signature.  At  11.28  P.  M.  the  Legislature  of  1915 
passed  into  history.  It  enacted  668  acts — general  and  special 
— against  796  last  year ;  147  resolves  against  160  last  year.  In 
1914  eight  acts  and  six  resolves  were  vetoed  by  Gov  Walsh, 
on  all  of  which  he  was  sustained. 

Gov.  Walsh  was  disappointed  in  the  Legislature  of  1915. 
The  enactment  of  the  bill  providing  for  the  reorganization  of 
the  Boston  and  Maine  Railroad  was  pleasing,  the  Governor 
said,  but  he  felt  that  he  could  fairly  claim  the  credit  of  it,  in- 
dependent of  the  Legislature,  inasmuch  as  he  had  advocated 
it  in  his  two  inaugural  messages.  The  rejection  of  several 
important  taxation  measures,  the  Governor  said,  was  a  serious 
omission  as  was  the  failure  for  the  passage  of  a  resolve  for 
an  investigation  of  the  telephone  rates  by  the  Public  Service 
Commission. 

176 


"I  must  confess  that  there  was  a  display  of  partisan  spirit  which 
was  most  unfortunate,"  said  he,  "and  that  some  matters  which  I 
urged  were  received  with  scant  courtesy.  This  fact  I  deplore  as  much 
as  anybody  but  apparently  there  was  no  help  for  it. 

"Even  in  the  matter  of  university  extension  and  correspondence 
courses  the  Legislature  went  only  part  way.  When  I  suggested  the 
plan  to  the  leading  educators  and  to  the  members  of  the  Committee 
on  Education  it  was  agreed  that  a  separate  board  should  handle 
the  new  system,  but  the  Legislature  saw  fit  to  place  the  work  upon 
the  State  Board  of  Education  which  already  has  many  duties. 

"The  rejection  of  the  insurance  bills  upon  which  the  special  com- 
mission spent  many  months  and  which  were  intended  to  benefit  the 
State  to  a  large  extent,  is  also  a  matter  of  deep  regret." 

August  28,  Ex-Gov  Long  died.  He  was  one  of  the 
noblest  and  ablest  of  the  Old  Guard.  He  graced  every  of- 
fice he  ever  filled,  public  and  private,  and  left  an  honored 
name.  His  good  nature  never  deserted  him.  He  was 
of  the  old  school  which  never  displays  its  riches  or  allows 
the  public  to  become  too  familiar  with  their  personal  aflFairs. 
He  was  kind  and  considerate  to  all ;  never  snobbish  or 
conceited.  He  was  scholarly,  poetic,  virile,  manly  and  up- 
right in  politics  and  in  his  profession.  He  never  intruded 
at  party  councils,  but  when  summoned  always  responded  and 
did  his  share  of  fighting  for  the  party  that  had  honored  him 
with  high  ofifice  in  State  and  Nation.  A  modest  man,  his 
obsequies  were  in  keeping  with  this  character.  He  was  one 
of  the  most  gifted  sons  the  State  of  Maine  sent  to  the  parent 
Commonwealth,  and  his  adopted  State  admired  and  appre- 
ciated his  splendid  talents. 


377 


CHAPTER  XLIX 

CONTEST   FOR   REPUBLICAN   NOMINATION,    1915 — CUSHING   BEGAN 

CAMPAIGN    FOR    GUBERNATORIAL.    NOMINATION    SOON    AFTER 

HIS     ELECTION    AS    LIEUTENANT    GOVERNOR— DEFEATED 

BY  McCALL  IN  THE  PRIMARIES — COOLIDGB  BEATS  HAM 

FOR    SECOND    PLACE— GOV    WALSH    AND    EX-LIEUT 

GOV     BARRY     HEAD     DEMOCRATIC     TICKET 

WITHOUT  OPPOSITION. 

BECAUSE  Lieut  Gov  Cushing  got  into  the  gubernatorial 
nomination  campaign  very  soon  after  his  election,  af- 
fecting to  believe  that  he  was  the  Republican  Moses  in 
the  year  1915,  owing  to  the  big  vote  he  received  in  November 
of  the  previous  year,  Mr.  MoCall  felt  the  necessity  of  an  early 
start  in  the  contest  for  renomination.  Cushing  as  candidate 
for  Lieutenant  Governor  received  almost  20,000  more  votes 
than  McCall  as  the  candidate  for  Governor.  Cushing  talk 
among  the  politicians  was  growing.  McCall's  fighting  blood 
was  up.  The  year  before  he  wouldn't  fight  for  the  nomina- 
tion. This  year  he  would  not  only  fight,  but  he  would  fight 
to  the  last  ditch. 

Ordinarily,  McCall  would  receive  the  second  nomination 
as  a  matter  of  course,  but  times  had  changed.  Party  custom 
no  longer  commanded  respect  in  certain  quarters.  With  an 
aggressive  in  the  field,  Mr.  McCall  saw  that  he  would  have 
to  busy  himself.  Late  in  January  he  issued  a  statement  to  the 
Republicans,  saying  that  personally  he  didn't  want  to  precipi- 
tate a  party  fight  so  soon  after  the  election,  but  because  of 
the  activities  of  the  other  aspirant  for  the  nomination,  he  felt 
obliged  to  do  so. 

Two  days  later,  Cushing  came  out  in  a  statement,  pointing 
to  his  own  flattering  vote  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  declared 
that  he  felt  that  a  younger  and  more  active  man  was  neces- 
sary to  make  a  successful  fight  for  the  party  and  that  he  in- 
tended to  test  his  strength  with  McCall  in  the  primaries.  The 
Cushing  candidacy  stirred  Republicans  all  over  the  State  and 
the  Legislature  was  divided  into  two  factions  over  the  ques- 
tion. 

Cushing  having  plenty  of  leisure  time,  managed  his  own 

378 


campaign.  His  services  as  Speaker  of  the  House  and  the 
campaign  he  made  for  the  Lieutenant  Governorship  had  in- 
creased his  acquaintance  in  the  State.  He  kept  moving  about, 
seeing  old  and  new  political  friends.  Ere  long  McCall  felt 
the  necessity  of  a  practical  campaign  manager.  Handling 
the  details  of  a  State-wide  campaign,  seeing  Tom,  Dick  and 
Harry  and  listening  to  their  schemes,  good,  bad  and  indiffer- 
ent, was  not  to  the  liking  of  a  man  of  Mr.  McCall's  tastes. 
Twenty  years  in  Congress  had  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
know  personally  every  little  politician  in  his  party  at  home. 
It  was  essential  that  somebody  be  taken  into  camp  who  did 
and  that  he  be  given  the  management  of  affairs.  Mr.  McCall 
selected  Charles  S.  Baxter  for  the  task.  Baxter  had  a  reputa- 
tion as  a  campaign  manager.  He  had  acted  in  that  capacity 
for  Louis  A.  Frothingham  in  the  latter's  candidacies  for  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  and  Governor. 

Baxter  was  installed  in  charge  of  the  McCall  boom  and 
began  to  lay  the  wires  for  the  nomination.  He  had  a  good 
working  knowledge  of  the  State  and  soon  the  situation  began 
to  shape  up.  For  weeks,  both  sides  jockeyed  for  place.  It 
was  not  until  after  the  Legislature  adjourned  that  the  work 
of  many  long  tedious  weeks  began  to  show  results. 

Congressman  Gardner,  an  old  friend  of  Gushing,  came 
out  for  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  because,  he  explained.  Gush- 
ing had  managed  his  campaign  when  he  ran  for  Governor  in 
1913.  Those  who  knew  about  the  conduct  of  that  campaign 
smiled.  They  knew  that  Captain  Gardner  was  unmanageable. 
Early  in  September,  Congressman  Gardner  arranged  a  meet- 
ing in  behalf  of  Gushing  on  his  farm  in  Hamilton,  announcing 
that  none  of  the  "Big  Wigs"  of  the  party  would  be  there — 
just  plain,  ordinary  Republicans,  would  be  on  hand,  he  said. 
At  this  time,  Mr.  Gushing  claimed  that  Ex-Senator  Crane  had 
passed  the  word  in  the  Western  part  of  the  State  to  be  for 
McCall.  He  made  a  flippant  reference  to  the  Ex-Senator  and 
cried  out  that  the  "interests"  were  against  his  nomination 
and  were  for  his  opponent. 

He  specifically  charged  that  one  of  the  newspapers  which 
had  not  supported  his  candidacy  was  owned  by  certain  cor- 
porate interests,  who  also  controlled  other  avenues  of  publi- 
city, and  he  aroused  considerable  interest  by  sending  to  the 
Federal  Trade  Commission  in  Washington  a  letter  calling  at- 
tention to  similar  charges  made  several  years  before  by  the 
Boston  American  and  repeated  in  the  House  by  the  Democra- 
tic Congressman  Thayer  of  Worcester,  asking  the  Trade  Com- 

379 


mission  to  enter  upon  an  investigation  of  Thayer's  assertions. 
The  appeal  was  so  evidently  actuated  by  personal  motives  that 
nothing  ever  resulted  from  it,  but  there  was  much  feeling 
among  Republicans  that  one  who  was  seeking  a  nomination  in 
Republican  party  primaries  should  thus  attempt  to  utilize  for 
campaign  material  unfounded  sensational  charges  originally 
printed  and  exploited  by  a  Democratic  Congressman.  It  was 
feared  that  this  method  of  campaigning  would  arouse  factional 
feehng  and  disseminate  charges  against  a  candidate  who  might 
win  in  the  primaries  and  against  whom  if  nominated  these 
charges  could  be  revived  by  the  democratic  opposition  after 
the  primaries,  even  though  they  happened  to  be  without  any 
foundation  in  fact. 

Mr.  Gushing  had  been  a  member  of  the  Legislature  sev- 
eral years  and  had  held  several  representative  offices  in  the 
party  and  the  party  organization.  It  was  the  first  time  he  had 
ever  rebelled  at  Senator  Crane's  political  activities  or  raised 
his  voice  in  public  protest  against  corporation  influence  in 
party  affairs.  Prominent  in  the  support  of  Mr.  Gushing  for 
the  nomination,  were  the  so-called  "Guardians  of  Liberty," 
"Minute  Men"  and  others  of  their  ilk,  who  were  fighting  for 
the  so-called  sectarian  amendment  to  the  constitution  which 
had  received  the  support  of  Mr.  Gushing  in  the  Legislature. 
Mr.  McGall  deplored  the  lugging  of  religion  into  a  political 
campaign  and  declared  at  a  meeting  in  Lynn,  that  he  would 
prefer  defeat  by  100,000  votes,  to  victory  under  the  black  flag 
of  bigotry.  Mr.  McCall  belonged  to  the  Senator  Hoar  school 
of  Republican  politics.  Old  timers  recalled  the  occasion  when 
the  A  P  A  defeated  the  venerable  statesman  as  a  candidate 
for  delegate  to  the  State  convention,  because  he  would  not  sub- 
scribe to  their  un-American  principles.  Senator  Hoar  gladly 
accepted  the  profifered  credential  of  a  young  American-Irish 
Republican,  who  had  been  elected  from  another  Worcester 
ward  and  he  participated  in  the  convention,  shaming  those 
who  had  tried  to  deny  him  the  right  to  represent  his  fellow 
citizens. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Franco-American  Club,  Sept.  5,  Mr. 
Gushing  explained  the  proposed  sectarian  amendment,  saying: 

"I  wish  to  state  plainly  my  position  in  regard  to  the  amendment 
to  the  constitution  which  has  for  its  object  to  prevent  the  appropria- 
tion of  public  money  for  schools,  universities  or  other  religious  in- 
stitutions. 

"For  political  reasons  some  will  try  to  make  you  believe  that  I 
.am  anti-Catholic.     On  the  contrary  I  have  the  greatest  /espect  for 

380 


Gov.   McCall   Greeting  a   Suffragist 
on  His  Way  to  the  Polls 


Senator  Weeks  Entering  the 
Capitol    at    Washington 


the  Catholic  Church.  Religion  must  not  mix  in  politics  and  politics 
must  not  mix  in  religion  and  it  is  indispensable,  especially  in  a  coun- 
try like  ours,  composed  of  so  many  races,  and  so  many  religions, 
that    the    government    should    avoid    all    religious    disputes. 

"Note  that  this  amendment  refers  only  to  public  funds.  Every- 
body has  in  the  United  States  perfect  liberty  to  worship  God  as  he 
likes,  and  churches  have  the  right  to  establish  schools  and  religious, 
institutions,  provided  that  they  do  not  demand  that  the  government 
come  to  their  aid.  No  one  wishes  to  take  away  these  privileges.  But 
education,  which  is  provided  for  by  taxes  imposed  upon  all  the  citizens 
or  by  public  funds,  must  be  under  the  direction  of  the  State  and 
must  be  kept  uniform. 

"Our  citizens  have  the  right  to  send  their  children  to  the  public 
schools,  to  private  schools  or  to  educate  them  at  home.  Only  if 
they  wish  an  education  other  than  that  which  the  public  schools  of- 
fer, they  must  pay  for  this  education  themselves  and  not  expect  that 
it  will  be  paid  for  by  the  State  .  The  same  applies  to  colleges  and 
other  institutions. 

"Although  by  the  constitution  money  raised  by  taxes  for  school 
purposes  cannot  be  spent  except  for  public  schools  there  is  appar- 
ently no  provision  which  prevents  the  appropriation  of  other  public 
funds    for    schools    and    religious    establishments. 

"Religious  liberty  is  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution;  the  separa- 
tion of  church  and  state  must  be  guaranteed  as  well.  The  Consti- 
tution will  operate  exactly  the  same  against  Protestants,  Catholics 
and  Jews,  if  by  any  chance  they  seek  to  maintain  their  institutions 
at  public  expense.  And  the  proper  time  to  amend  the  constitution 
is  before  anyone  makes  a  demand  upon  the  public  treasury. 

"This  is  not  a  religious  question,  my  friends.  It  is  a  matter  of 
sound  public  policy." 

Ex-Gov  Foss  added  gaiety  to  the  campaign  by  announcing 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  Republican  gubernatorial  nom- 
ination on  a  Prohibition  platform.  He  made  a  few  speeches 
and  issued  several  broadsides  of  Foss  literature,  but  few  took 
him  seriously.    Politically  he  was  dead. 

William  Shaw,  a  real,  simon  pure  Prohibitionist  threat- 
ened to  run  in  the  Republican  primaries  for  the  gubernatorial 
nomination,  unless  the  Republican  leaders  came  out  for  Na- 
tional Prohibition.  The  leaders  refused  to  comply  with  Mr. 
Shaw's  demand  and  he  started  to  get  into  the  fight,  but  some- 
thing happened  to  his  nomination  papers  and  he  had  to  content 
himself  with  riding  on  the  Water  Wagon  at  the  polls. 

Shortly  after  the  Legislature  adjourned.  President  Calvin 
Coolidge  of  the  Senate  announced  his  candidacy  for  second 
place  on  the  Republican  ticket.  Councillor  Guy  A.  Ham  of 
Boston  was  already  in  the  field.  Coolidge's  entrance  into  the 
contest  meant  that  he  would  have  the  Western  part  of  the 
State.  August  H.  Goetting  of  Springfield,  who  had  run  on 
the  State  ticket  and  was  defeated  by  Gushing  last  year,  de- 
clined to  enter  the  fight.     Coolidge  was  popular  and  had  in- 

381 


fluential  friends  who  helped  him.  Councillor  Ham  made  a 
splendid  campaign  practically  single  handed,  but  was  defeat- 
ed by  Coolidge. 

There  were  three  candidates  for  Auditor,  Cook  the  in- 
cumbent, Samuel  B.  George  of  Haverhill,  and  Senator  Ed- 
'ward  C.  R.  Bagley  of  East  Boston. 

The  Democrats  were  kept  in  doubt  for  some  weeks  about 
the  candidacy  of  Governor  Walsh.  First  he  would  and  then 
he  wouldn't  and  finally  he  put  off  a  definite  answer  until  his 
return  from  the  Panama  Exposition.  Ex-Lieut  Gov  Barry 
stood  ready  to  jump  into  the  breach  if  the  Governor  was  un- 
willing to  make  the  run  again.  There  was  a  lot  of  feeling 
among  the  party  leaders  against  Gov  Walsh,  but  he  didn't  in- 
tend to  bring  on  a  primary  fight  if  one  could  l^e  avoided  and 
he  held  off  until  August  7,  when  he  formally  announced  that 
he  would  run  for  a  third  term. 

The  Progressive  party  nomination  went  begging  and  it 
was  given  to  Nelson  B.  Clark  of  Beverly,  after  some  of  the 
leaders  had  expostulated  with  him  for  trying  to  steal  Cush- 
ing's  thunder  and  making  the  sectarian  constitutional  amend- 
ment his  paramount  issue. 

The  Democrats  had  a  little  diversion  on  the  side  in  their 
campaign  this  year.  Congressman  Dietrick  of  Cambridge 
was  a  candidate  for  the  Democratic  nomination  on  the  issue 
of  National  Prohibition,  announcing  that  he  would  campaign 
afoot  from  one  end  of  the  State  to  the  other.  He  made  a 
brave  attempt,  starting  at  the  New  York  State  line  in  Berk- 
shire county,  but  his  campaign  petered  out  and  he  learned 
that  preaching  Prohibition  among  Democrats  is  not  condu- 
cive to  great  enthusiasm  or  a  large  crop  of  primary  votes. 

The  vote  at  the  primary  was  as  follows : 

REPUBLICAN  GOVERNOR 

Samuel  W.   McCall    65,942 

Grafton    D.    Gushing    59.799 

Eugene    N.    Foss    9,775 

McCall's    plurality    6,143 

REPUBLICAN  LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOR 

Calvin    Coolidge    74,592 

Guy    Ham    50,401 

Coolidge's   plurality    24,191 

REPUBLICAN   AUDITOR 

Alonzo  B.   Cook   54.286 

Edward  C.  R.  Bagley   33,67i 

Samuel  W.   George    28,469 

Cook's   plurality    20,615 

382 


DEMOCRATIC  GOVERNOR 

Diavid   I.   Walsh    74,442 

Frederick   S.   Dietrick    3.255 

Walsh's   majority    71.187 

DEMOCRATIC   ATTORNEY    GENERAL 

Joseph   Joyce    Donahue    54,i43 

Harold  Williams  Jr 11,187 

Donahue's  majority    42,95^ 

The  returns  showed  that  Gushing  carried  the  counties 
of  Essex,  Plymouth,  and  Suffolk.  Middlesex  county,  the  home 
of  McCall,  where  the  heaviest  Republican  vote  is  cast,  was 
split  pretty  fairly,  the  vote  being  Gushing,  16,277;  McCall, 
18.879. 

In  the  Goolidge-Ham  fight  the  loser  carried  only  the 
Gounties  of  Norfolk  and  .Suffolk,  by  752  and  387  respectively. 

Gushing  accepted  the  result,  supported  McGall  and  pre- 
sided over  the  State  convention  at  Tremont  Temple,  Oct.  3, 
which  adopted  the  platform  on  which  the  party  was  to  appeal 
to  the  people  for  their  votes  in  November. 


383 


CHAPTER  L 

CAMPAIGN   OF   1915— McCAL,!.   DEFEATS   WALSH   FOR    GOVERNORi— 
WALSH'S      REMARKABLE      VOTE— FIRST      REPUBLICAN      GOV- 
ERNOR   ELECTED    IN    FIVE    YEARS — PROGRESSIVE    VOTE 
DROPS   TO    6000— EQUAL    SUFFRAGE   DEFEATED. 

MR.  McCALL  insisted  on  making  the  Republican  plat- 
form attractive  to  the  Progressives.  To  this  task  he 
gave  his  attention  after  the  primaries  and  it  required  all 
his  tact  and  diplomacy  to  bring  it  about.  The  "Old  Guard"  still 
refused  to  subscribe  to  many  of  the  tenets  of  the  Bull  Moose 
political  faith.  Ex-Senator  Burbank,  a  Progressive,  who  had 
returned  to  the  Republican  party  was  made  a  member  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions,  of  which  Congressman  Gillett,  of 
Springfield,  was  chairman.  Mr.  Burbank  insisted  on  the  so- 
called  social  welfare  planks  being  incorporated  in  the  resolu- 
tions. It  was  necessary  to  bring  all  kinds  of  influences  to  bear 
on  the  committee  to  consent  to  this.  The  Progressive  wing 
demanded  a  declaration  favoring  an  eight  hour  day  for  those 
who  were  employed  in  industries  running  24  hours  a  day.  A 
compromise  was  reached  by  agreeing  to  ask  legislation  for 
"reasonable  hours"  of  labor  for  those  so  employed. 

Mr.  McCall  and  his  friends  breathed  easier  after  they 
had  induced  all  elements  to  agree  on  the  platform,  but  there 
were  two  recalcitrants,  Ex-Gov  Foss,  who  wanted  his  Nation- 
al Prohibition  plank,  and  Ex-Senator  Seiberlich,  who  demanded 
another  declaring  against  a  loan  to  the  European  Allies  to 
help  finance  the  great  European  War.  Both  resolutions  were 
referred  to  the  committee  on  resolutions  under  the  rules  of  the 
convention. 

Congressman  Gillett,  for  the  Committee  on  Resolutions, 
quickly  reported  against  the  resolution  opposing  loans  to  for- 
eign countries.  Mr.  Seiberlich  spoke  for  five  minutes  in  be- 
half of  his  resolution.  Mr.  Gillett  said  the  committee  had  pre- 
yiously  considered  the  proposed  resolution  and  had  voted 
against  it.  The  delegates  to  the  convention  voted  almost  unan- 
imously against  the  proposition. 

Mr.  Gillett  also  reported  that  the  committee  disagreed  on 

384 


the  resolution  in  behalf  of  National  prohibition.  Mr.  Foss 
spoke  for  it,  saying;  "I  am  not  here  to  make  apologies  for 
my  political  conduct.  T  am  here  as  the  representative  of  more 
than  10,000  Republicans  who  voted  for  me  in  this  issue  in  the 
primaries. 

"This  issue  of  National  prohibition  is  the  compelling  is- 
sue today  and  the  sooner  we  recognize  it  the  better.  If  this 
State  is  to  have  the  greatest  efficiency  in  its  industrial  estab- 
lishments it  must  'cut  out'  the  liquor." 

Mr.  Foss  went  on  to  make  the  plea  in  behalf  of  National 
Prohibition  which  he  made  so  many  times  on  the  stump  in  the 
primary  campaign.  Mr.  Gillett  said  that  the  committee  had 
considered  the  prohibition  plank  also.  He  made  a  rather 
sharp  rap  at  Mr.  Foss,  saying  that  the  latter  had  underesti- 
mated the  strength  of  his  cause.  "Far  more  than  10,000  Re- 
publicans in  this  State  believe  in  National  prohibition,  but 
they  did  not  approve  of  the  candidate  who  appeared  as  spon- 
sor for  that  reform,"  said  he.  Mr.  Gillett  said  that  the 
great  majority  of  Republicans  believed  in  temperance,  but 
that  they  disagreed  about  the  way  in  which  to  bring  it  about. 
He  asked  the  convention  to  reject  the  resolution  and  by  a 
vote  of  1042  to  298  the  Mr.  Foss'  plank  was  rejected. 

"To  redeem  the  State  is  the  first  duty  of  Republicans,"  declared 
the   platform. 

"The  reunited  Republicans  are  resolved  that  in  preparation  for 
the  National  election  of  next  year  Massachusetts  shall  resume  her 
traditional  position  at  the  front  of  the  Republican  column.  Our  in- 
ternal dissensions,  now  happily  ended,  seem  light  compared  with 
the  calamity  they  have  produced,  and  with  mutual  respect  and  fore- 
bearance  we  unite  for  the  common  good.'' 

Faith  in  the  policy  of  protection  was  reaffirmed,  "strengthened 
by  what  we  are  witnessing  in  European  countries  and  by  our  pre- 
sent  experience   under  the   Democratic   system. 

"The  spasmodic  and  scattered  war  contracts  are  a  poor  substi- 
tute for  the  secure  and   steady  markets  under  protection. 

"We  demand  a  competent  and  independent  tariff  commission 
6uch  as  the  Democratic  party  has  abolished,  which  shall  furnish 
the  facts  necessary  for  an  equal,  impartial,  unsectional  law.  We 
want  protection  given  as  a  right  to  all,  not  sold  as  a  favor  to  some. 

"The  Democratic  tariff  is  a  failure  in  revenue  as  in  business  but 
this  has  not  prevented  unprecedented  raids  upon  the  Federal 
Treasury  and  a  vast  increase  of  National  expenditures.  Despite 
enormous  additional  revenue  derived  from  an  income  tax  and  mis- 
named war  tax  and  vexatious  stamp  taxes,  the  Treasury  has  run 
behind  $90,000  in  two  years." 

Wilson's  Mexican  and  European  policies  were  condemned.  On 
the  question  of  the  appointing  power  it  sai'^" 

"We  believe  that  the  Commonwealth  needs  a  return  to  the  Re- 


385 


publican  standard  of  appointments  to  office,  based  upon  fitness  and 
not  upon  political  influence.  We  believe  that  men  and  women  who 
have  rendered  splendid  public  service  should  be  continued  in  the  ser- 
vice and   not  be  removed  to  make  places  for  political  supporters. 

"It  does  not  make  for  efficient  management  when  important 
offices  are  left  vacant  for  months,  no  matter  how  seriously  the  filling 
of  those  positions  may  aflFect  the  political  fortunes  of  the  appointing 
power.  We  believe  that  when  a  public  servant  is  removed  and  grave 
causes  assigned  for  such  removal,  he  should  be  given  a  fair  and  full 
hearing.  The  Republicans  of  Massachusetts  condemn  star  chamber 
proceedings  in  all  tribunals,  and  especially  in  the  office  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the   Commonwealth." 

The  party  committed  itself  to  a  constitutional  convention  adding: 

"We  are,  however,  unalterably  opposed  to  any  change  in  the 
constitution  affecting  the  tenure  of  ofifice  of  the  judiciary  or  to 
any  change  in  the  Bill  of  Rights.  We  recommend  the  adoption  of 
the  short  ballot  and  executive  budget  system,  thus  co-ordinating 
the  powers  of  the  Executive  Department  and  creating  an  executive 
head  of  the  government,  responsive  and  responsible  to  the  voters 
of  the  State.'' 

It  favored  biennial  elections. 

The  progressive  welfare  planks  were  as  follows: 

"We  favor  further  extension  and  development  of  opportunity 
for  vocational,  technical  and  general  education  and  training;  health- 
ful housing  and  fire  protection;  reasonable  hours  and  conditions  of 
labor,  especially  in  those  industries  continuously  operating  for  24 
hours;  the  creation  of  labor  exchanges  and  the  development  of  such 
industrial  organizations  as  will  tend  to  minimize  unemployment  and 
to  distribute  its  effects  when  unavoidable  over  the  entire  industrial 
field. 

"We  call  to  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  the  subject  of  so- 
cial insurance  and  the  consideration  and  investigation  of  some  sys- 
tem which  will  protect  the  home  life  against  the  hazards  of  sickness, 
ifregular   employment   and   old   age. 

"But  we  do  not  believe  in  offering  public  aid  as  a  substitute  for 
industry  and   frugality. 

"We  favor  the  establishment  of  additional  free  State  scholar- 
ships for  needy  and  worthy  students  in  our  technical  schools  and 
colleges,  under  the  supervision  of  the  State  Board  of  Education." 

The  platform  concluded  with  a  tribute  to  the  candidate  for 
Governor,  Samuel  W.   McCall. 

Mr.  McCall  addressed  the  convention  outlininiy  the  re- 
forms he  favored — biennial  elections,  greater  executive  res- 
ponsibility and  the  short  ballot.  On  the  question  which  he  per- 
mitted his  opponent  for  the  nomination  to  have  a  monopoly 
of  in  the  primary  campaign,  Mr.  McCall  said: 

"Very  many  of  our  citizens  sincerely  believe  that  an  amendment 
of  our  constitution  is  necessary  in  order  more  definitely  to  prohibit 
the  union  of  church  and  State  and  the  granting  of  appropriations 
to  sectarian  institutions.  There  is  no  one  who  would  more  heartily 
than  myself  support  whatever  change  might  be  necessary  to  perfect 
what  for  generations  has  been  considered  the  fundamental  principle 
of  our  political  system,  the  absolute  divorce  of  church  and  State. 

"But  such  a  change  can  be  best  secured  by  taking  the  subject 

386 


entirely  outside  the  realm  of  ordinary  party  controversy.  Indeed  it 
is  doubtful  if  it  can  be  secured  in  any  other  way.  For  such  a  prob- 
lem a  constitutional  convention  would  be  really  fitted  to  provide  a. 
wise  solution  and  one  that  would  be  likely  to  give  satisfaction  to  all 
our  citizens." 

Concluding  Mr.  McCall  said: 

"You  have  this  day  adopted  a  forward-looking  platform  which 
meets  my  full  approval  and  upon  which  I  squarely  stand.  We  wel- 
come the  co-operation  of  that  splendid  body  of  men  who  have  as 
leaders  such  men  as  Charles  Sumner  Bird  and  Joseph  Walker,  Tro- 
jan or  Tyrian,  Progressive  or  Republican,  will  be  treated  by  us  with 
no  discrimination. 

"The  men  v/ho  think  alike  upon  the  great  questions  of  govern- 
ment will,  I  believe,  vote  alike  this  year,  and  with  no  side  issues  vre 
shall  triumphantly  carry  the  election  in  November.  Such  a  result 
will  be  big  with  Tate  to  our  Commonwealth;  it  will  be  a  glorious  har- 
binger and  a  good  omen  to  the  country  in  the  great  National  battle 
upon  which  we  are  about  to  enter." 

On  motion  of  Ex-Mayor  Howard  of  Brockton,  the  dele- 
gates arose  and  stood  in  silence  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  John 
D.  Long  and  Curtis  Guild,  two  Republicans  Governors  who 
died  during  the  year.  The  familiar  face  and  form  of  Sen- 
ator Lodge  was  missing  and  noted  at  the  gathering  owing  to 
the  recent  death  of  his  wife. 

The  Democrats  met  the  same  day  at  Faneuil  Hall.  Har- 
old Williams  Jr  of  Brookline,  who  had  been  defeated  by  Jos- 
eph J.  Donahue  of  Medford,  for  the  nomination  for  Attorney 
General,  was  the  temporary  chairman  of  the  convention. 
Mayor  Curley  of  Boston,  was  the  permanent  presiding  officer. 
Ex-Atty  Gen  Thomas  J.  Boynton,  chairman  of  the  committee 
on  resolutions,  reported  the  platform. 

The  first  plank  indorsed  the  administration  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Governor.  Other  planks  favored  strict  neutral- 
ity and  the  enforcement  of  American  rights  against  all  bellig- 
erents; "adequate  preparation  for  National  defense";  abolition 
of  the  poll  tax  and  other  sweeping  reforms  in  the  taxation 
system;  favoring  a  constitutional  convention;  favoring  the 
abolition  of  the  executive  council ;  reiterating  the  indorsement 
of  the  initiative  and  referendum ;  favoring  free  halls  for  poli- 
tical rallies  and  printing  by  the  State  for  free  distribution  cir- 
culars setting  forth  the  claims  of  political  candidates ;  home 
rule ;  opposing  the  prevention  of  roll  calls  "as  practiced  by  the 
Massachusetts  Senate  of  1915 ;"  a  thorough  investigation  of 
telephone  rates ;  no  increase  in  traffic  rates  of  public  service 
corporations  unless  the  companies  seeking  the  increase  have 
been    honestly    capitalized    and    honestly    and    economically 

387 


managed ;  reclamation  of  waste  lands ;  encouragement  and  as- 
sistance for  milk  producers;  favoring  savings  bank  life  in- 
surance; favoring  old  age  non-contributory  pensions  and  a 
reform  in  the  administration  of  the  Mother's  Aid  law ;  urging 
reforms  in  the  prison  system  and  favoring  the  extension  of 
popular  education. 

Governor  Walsh  and  Ex-Lieutenant  Governor  Barry  both 
addressed  the  convention. 

"Our  Governor,"  said  Mr.  Barry,  "is  the  knight-errant,  the  Sir 
Galahad  of  the  20th  century,  who  is  seeking  the  chalice  of  fraternity 
for  his  fellow  men.  His  holy  devotion  to  the  cause  of  mankind  is 
contagious;  it  has  spread  from  man  to  man  in  the  Democratic  ranks 
and  inspired  by  such  a  leader,  such  a  spirit,  such  a  cause,  our  zeal 
will  overcome  all  obstacles. 

"If  Governor  Walsh  and  his  Democratic  associates  tail  this 
year  there  will  be  written  a  chapter  in  Massachusetts  history  that 
will  deal  with  the  end  of  the  poor  man's  child  seeking  political  pre- 
ferment in  this  Commonwealth.  We  are  at  the  parting  of  the  ways. 
To  refuse  another  term  to  our  Governor  would  be  worse  than  a 
crime;  as  the  French  revolutionist  once  said,  it  would  be  a  blunder. 
Let  us  stand  together  then — all  for  victory." 

Governor  Walsh's  popularity  with  the  delegates  was 
demonstrated  by  the  loud  and  prolonged  cheering  which 
greeted  him.  In  his  speech  to  the  convention  he  drew  this 
indictment  of  the  Republican  Legislature,  saying: 

"Your  administration  tried  in  vain  to  bring  about  an  inquiry  in- 
to the  causes  of  the  depressed  condition  of  our  agriculture  with  a 
view  to  devising  proper  remedies. 

"Your  administration's  renewed  recommendations  for  a  consti- 
tutional convention  was  rejected  by  a  practically  solid  vote  of  the 
Republican  members. 

"The  Legislature  refused  also  to  adopt  the  election  reform  which 
I  urged  to  provide  for  oflicial  information  to  the  voters  upon  the 
merits  of  questions  referred  to  them  and  the  qualification  of  the 
candidates. 

"Suggestions  regarding  prison  reform,  including  the  taking  over 
of  county  jails  by  the  State,  were  summarily  rejected  although  the 
latter  reform  was  incorporated  in  the  Republican  platform  of  last 
year. 

"The  long  needed  budget  system  and  veto  power  vested  in  the 
Governor  over  separate  items  of  appropriation  bills,  without  which 
an  economical  administration  of  the  public  revenues  cannot  reason- 
ably be  expected,  were  also  rejected. 

"But  the  roll  of  legislation  in  the  interest  of  the  people  rejected 
does  not  end  here!  Let  us  see  what  explanation  our  opponents  will 
make  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts  for  the  rejection  of  the  fol- 
lowing proposed  legislation  which  your  administration  pressed  in  the 
interests  of  the  people  of  the  State. 

"The  Republican  majority  in  the  Legislature  refused  to  penalize 
bank  officials  for  collecting  bonuses  from  borrowers  for  making  loans 

388 


and  for  other  abuses  of  trust  in  cases  where  such  officials  are  in  col- 
lusion with  money  lenders  who  charge  exorbitant  rates  of  interest. 

"They  declined  to  abolish  the  trial  justice  courts  which  still 
maintain  the  obnoxious  fee  system,  thereby  denying  to  citizens  of 
our  Commonwealth  the  privileges  of  probation  and  suspended  sen- 
tence and  similar  ameliatory  methods  of  our  reformed  criminal  pro- 
cedure. 

"They  denied  the  people  an  inquiry  into  the  milk  situation,  an 
inquiry  into  all  the  facts  pertaining  to  the  decline  of  this  industry 
and  the  steady  increase  in  cost  of  this  wholesome  and  most  impor- 
tant food. 

"They  failed  to  provide  better  facilities  for  the  distribution  of 
farm  products  to  the  end  that  the  producing  farmer  as  well  r-s  the 
consuming  laborer  or  mechanic  might  obtain  advantages  that  can- 
not be  had  under  present  transportation  conditions. 

"They  refused,  while  professing  to  believe  in  home  rule,  to  grant 
local  self  government  to  the  city  of  Fall  River,  which  has  on  three 
different  occasions  petitioned  by  vote  of  a  substantial  majority  of 
its  citizens  that  it  be  given  the  right  to  control  its  local  police  force. 

"They  refused  to  provide  opportunities  at  the  public  expense  for 
the  discussion  of  political  principles  in  meeting  places  in  dififerent 
communities  of  the  Commonwealth. 

"They  denied  free  conveyance  to  the  polls  of  voters  physically 
incapacitated,  which,  if  done,  would  remove  from  politics  the  cor- 
rupting necessity  of  raising  large  campaign  funds  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  out  the  vote. 

"They  refused  to  permit  in  either  branch  of  the  Legislature  a 
roll  call  on  the  initiative  and  referendum,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  in  five  dififerent  Representative  districts,  where  a  test  was  made 
of  public  opinion,  the  people  by  a  vote  of  almost  three  to  one  ex- 
pressed themselves  in  favor  of  this  important  reform, 

"They  again  rejected  the  long-advocated  request  of  cities  and 
towns  to  be  allowed  to  deal  in  necessaries  of  life  in  times  of  public 
distress,  and  opposed  and  defeated  the  making  of  workmen's  com- 
pensation compulsory. 

"They  boldly  rejected  the  recommendations  of  the  Governor 
and  the  Public  Service  Commission  for  an  inquiry  as  to  telephone 
and  telegraph  rates  and  service  in  this  Commonwealth,  notwithrtand- 
ing  the  fact  that  there  has  never  been  a  public  governmental  in- 
quiry respecting  these  matters  in  the  several  cities  and  towns  ofthe 
State  except  one,  held  several  years  ago,  dealing  with  conditions 
in  the  Metropolitan  district. 

"They  again  rejected  the  plan  to  make  public  service  corpora- 
tions defray  the  cost  of  their  regulation,  thereby  refusing  to  save 
nearly  $200,000  annually  in   State  tax." 

On  motion  of  Prof  Edwin  A.  Grosvenor  of  Amherst,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  Secretary  of  State,  who  married  a 
cousin  of  Ex-President  Taft,  the  convention  adopted  resolu- 
tions expressing  sympathy  for  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
in  the  death  of  his  wife.  Prof  Grosvenor  made  a  brief  but 
exceedingly  eloquent  and  appropriate  speech  in  offering  this 
resolution  and  the  sentiment  was  cordially  indorsed. 

McCall  and  Walsh  immediately  began  their  tour  of  the 

389 


State  for  votes.  The  Progressives  flocked  back  to  the  Repub- 
lican party.  Few  paid  any  attention  to  Clark,  the  Progressive 
candidate  for  Governor.  The  National  Progressive  commit- 
tee looked  into  the  situation  here,  saw  that  Charles  S.  Bird 
and  others  were  supporting  McCall  and  shipped  Candidctte 
Clark  into  the  small  towns  in  the  Western  part  of  the  State 
when  the  campaign  was  well  under  way,  where  he  could  talk 
to  his  heart's  content  and  do  little  damage. 

The  campaign  was  waged  with  great  vigor  on  both  sides. 
No  part  of  the  State  was  neglected.  Senator  Lodge  was  pre- 
vented from  taking  his  usual  active  part  in  the  debate  owing 
to  a  deep  domestic  affliction  on  the  very  eve  oi  the  primaries. 
Senator  Weeks  contributed  his  wonderful  organizing  ability 
to  securing  McCall's  election,  rallying  his  friends  lo  McCall's 
support,  and  while  seeking  no  personal  advantage  himself 
cheerfully  performing  the  necessary  drudgery  of  a  campaign 
which  elicits  little  popular  applause.  He  had  been  urged  by 
leading  Republicans  all  over  the  United  States  as  the  most 
available  Republican  candidate  for  President,  and  some  of  his 
supporters  pointed  out  to  him  that  the  redemption  of  the  State 
with  Mr.  McCall  as  Governor  would  divide  national  attention 
between  the  two  and  perhaps  endanger  his  own  chances  in 
the  Republican  Convention ;  buf^he  responded  promptly  that 
his  own  political  fortunes  were  not  to  be  considered  at  such  a 
time;  that  his  first  duty  was  to  elect  a  Republican  Governor. 
His  future  must  take  care  of  itself.  Mr.  McCall  made  a  won- 
derfully active  canvass.  He  talked  horse  sense  to  Republi- 
cans, reasoned  with  the  vagabond  and  erring  brethren  of  the 
fold,  coaxed  a  lot  of  them  back,  succeeded  in  arousing  Repub- 
licans and  made  them  feel  that  at  heart  there  was  a  hope  of 
success  if  they  would  get  out  and  work.  Governor  Walsh, 
too,  put  up  a  splendid  campaign. 

The  result  showed  that  every  effort  was  needed,  that  the 
friends  of  Weeks,  Crane  and  McCall  could  not  have  left  a 
stone  unturned.  With  all  their  efforts  McCall  won  by  a  plur- 
ality of  only  6000,  while  Coolidge  exceeded  by  46,000  the  vote 
of  Barry  for  Lieutenant  Governor. 

William  Shaw,  the  Prohibition  candidate  for  Governor, 
received  almost  exactly  20,000  votes,  enough  to  establish  the 
Prohibitionists  as  a  political  party,  but  less  than  the  most  san- 
guine supporters  of  Mr.  Shaw  expected.  Last  year  the  Pro- 
hibition candidate  for  Governor  received  only  5000  votes. 

390 


Clark,  the  Progressive  candidate  for  Gc^vernor,  received 
6975  votes.  Joseph  Walker,  the  Progressive  candidate  bst 
year  had  about  32,000  votes.  Mr.  Clark's  vote  was  not  nenrly 
enough  to  retain  the  standing  of  the  Progressives  as  a  political 
party  and  the  Bull  Moose  was  legally  dead. 

The  total  vote  of  the  State  for  Governor,  including  the 
ballots  marked  for  the  candidates  of  the  omaller  political  i)ar- 
ties,  was  more  than  500,000.  by  far  the  largest  vote  ever  cast. 
The  vote  was  due  in  a  large  measure  to  the  interest  m  the 
equal  suffrage  amendment,  which  was  defeated  by  a  vote 
of  about  two  to  one.  The  majority  against  the  amendment 
was  overwhelming  almost  everywhere ;  two  or  three  small 
towns  in  Berkshire  county  were  the  only  ones  which  voted 
in  favor  of  it.  The  suffragists  were  beaten  by  over  127,000. 
The  entire  Republican  State  ticket  was  elected.  The  Repub- 
lican lead  in  the  Legislature  was  increased. 

Governor  Walsh  received  about  25,000  votes  more  than 
he  had  last  year.  Mr.  McCall  received  about  41,000  votes 
more  than  he  had  in  1914. 

After  five  years  of  wandering  in  the  political  desert,  fol- 
lowing false  prophets,  the  Republicans  had  arrived  once  more 
on  Beacon  Hill  and  had  come  unto  their  own.  The  record 
and  character  of  Samuel  W.  McCall  gave  them  hope  for  a  pro- 
longed stay. 


391 


CHAPTER  LI 

THE  PASSING  OP  GOVERNOR  WALSH — THE  STATE  "REDEEMED"— 

REPUBLICANS   COME   UNTO    THEIR   OWN— STATESMANSHIP 

AND   SANE   POLITICAL    LEADERSHIP   COMBINED   IN 

SAMUEL  W.   McCALL. 

AFTER  it  was  reasonably  certain  that  he  had  been  de- 
feated, Gov  Walsh  did  not  hesitate  a  minute  election 
night  to  congratulate  his  Republican  opponent.  In- 
deed, while  at  a  banquet,  where  it  was  rumored  that  the  elec- 
tion was  still  in  question,  the  Governor  arose,  dispelled  the 
doubt  and  called  for  three  cheers  for  the  victor. 

"I  wish  to  say  that  I  am  glad  that  I  am  to  have  so  worthy 
and  honorable  a  man  as  my  successor  in  office  next  year," 
said  the  Governor  to  the  diners.  '*I  congratulate  Massachu- 
setts. For  my  own  part  I  have  no  regrets.  I  made  the  best 
fight  I  could  and  in  my  heart  I  know  that  I  have  tried  to  be 
a  faithful  and  conscientious  Governor.  I  am,  indeed,  grateful 
for  the  magnificent  vote  I  received.  It  appears  that  Republi- 
can Massachusetts  prefers  to  have  a  Republican  Governor 
rather  than  a  good  Democrat."  The  remarkable  vote  of  Gov- 
ernor Walsh  demonstrated  his  popularity. 

In  a  statement  overflowing  with  gratitude  to  all  who  con- 
tributed to  the  victory,  Governor-elect  McCall  said,  while  the 
victorious  shouts  of  his  supporters  could  still  be  heard : 

"After  many  defeats  and  much  wandering  in  the  wilderness 
Mass:ir''usetts  has  been  redeemed.  This  i^  the  greatest  Republican 
victory  since  John  A.  Andrew.  It  wonH  have  been  enough  to  con- 
tend against  Governor  Walsh  alone,  for  with  thi  exception  of  Wil- 
liam E  Russell,  he  is  the  most  popular  Democrat  who  has  appeared 
in  our  State  politics  since  the  Civil  War.  But  there  were  two  other 
candidates  in   the  field  who  waged  very  energetic  campaigns. 

"The  victory  was  due  to  the  activity  and  enthusiasm  of  the  Re- 
publicans and  to  the  potent  aid  that  we  received  from  the  Progres- 
sives, with  Charles  Sumner  Bird  and  other  leaders  at  their  head.  I 
believe  the  result  means  very  much  to  the   Nation. 

"We  have  won  a  great  fight  and  the  responsibility  devolves  up- 
on us  to  make  it  of  benefit  to  the  Commonwealth.  In  order  to 
make  victories  possible  in  the  future  I  ask  the  co-operation  of  all 
Republicans  towards  giving  Massachusetts  the  best  possible  Gor- 
ernment." 

392 


Governor  McCall. 


The  one  discordant  note  was  uttered  by  Shaw,  the  Dry 
candidate,  who  declared: 

"The  organized  liquor  vote  of  Massachusetts  knifed  Gov- 
ernor Walsh  to  elect  Samuel  W.  McCall,  in  a  desperate  effort 
to  prevent  the  Republican  party  from  adopting  Prohibition. 
It  was  their  only  hope.  They  have  apparently  succeeded  in 
electing  Mr.  McCall  by  a  meagre  margin,  but  they  have  failed 
utterly  to  crush  Prohibition." 

Governor  Walsh  did  not  share  publicly,  at  least,  the  right- 
eous indignation  of  Mr.  Shaw.  In  a  few  days  the  political 
situation  settled  down  to  a  normal  condition,  the  Governor 
finding  plenty  to  do  in  clearing  up  his  appointment  list  and 
cleaning  out  his  desk  for  his  successor. 

The  Governor-elect  made  a  trip  West  for  rest  and  recre- 
ation, accompanied  by  his  campaign  manager,  and  was  gone 
three  weeks.  Election  night  Congressman  Gardner  declared 
that,  in  his  opinion,  McCall's  election  meant  that  he  must  be 
reckoned  with  in  the  list  of  Republican  presidential  possibili- 
ties and  this  opinion  was  shared  by  others  in  different  parts  of 
the  country.  On  his  return  from  his  Western  trip  Mr.  McCall 
called  on  Gov  Walsh  to  pay  his  respects.  The  Governor  of- 
fered his  successor  every  facility  at  his  command  for  the  pur- 
pose of  aiding  him  in  preparing  his  inaugural.  The  Governor- 
elect  accepted  the  offer  of  quarters  at  the  State  House  for 
office  purposes,  pending  his  inauguration. 

After  election  the  Executive  Council  showed  a  disposi- 
tion to  refuse  to  allow  Governor  Walsh  to  have  his  own  way 
on  certain  appointments.  They  declined  to  depose  David  T. 
Dickinson  of  the  Industrial  Accident  Board,  whose  term  had 
expired,  and  they  would  not  confirm  the  appointment  of 
Judge  O'Brien  of  Marblehead,  as  Judge  of  the  Boston  Ju- 
venile Court,  although  they  promptly  ratified  the  Gover- 
nor's selection  of  his  private  secretary,  Thomas  F.  Connolly, 
as  Judge  of  the  Brighton  District,  Municipal  Court. 

Jan.  6,  1916,  Governor  Walsh  officially  received  his  suc- 
cessor at  the  State  House  and  after  the  customary  formalities, 
turned  over  the  office  to  Mr.  McCall,  bade  the  attaches  of  the 
Executive  Department  good  bye  and  left  the  capitol.  When 
the  oath  of  office  had  been  administered  to  Mr.  McCall.  the 
customary  salute  of  21  guns  was  fired  on  the  Common  by 
a  battery  of  artillery  and  the  first  term  of  the  44th  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  under  the  Constitution  began. 

393 


In  Samuel  W.  McCall,  Massachusetts  got  a  different  kind 
of  a  Governor  than  it  had  been  accustomed  to  in  recent  years. 
Government  with  men  of  the  McCall  type  is  serious  business, 
not  a  vaudeville  show.  Back  of  Mr.  McCall's  dignity  was 
strength  of  character,  a  wide  knowledge  of  public  men  and 
affairs,  and  a  firm  determination  to  do  the  right  thing.  His 
independence  was  well  known  to  the  people  of  the  State.  He 
refused  to  follow  his  party  when  it  embarked  in  exploiting 
the  Philippines  and  holding  subject  races.  That  was  distaste- 
ful and  revolting  to  his  ideas  of  a  Republic,  nor  would  he 
tolerate  the  third  term  idea  for  a  President,  though  the  as- 
pirant was  of  his  own  party. 

He  has  the  habit  of  thinking  for  himself  and  keeping  his 
own  counsel.  Broad  and  liberal  minded,  tolerant,  versatile, 
eloquent,  amiable,  democratic,  Mr.  McCall's  great  talents  for 
public  service  may  yet  find  a  wider  field  for  their  activities. 

An  orator  of  recognized  ability,  Mr.  McCall  is  blessed 
with  the  ability  to  write  as  well  as  speak.  As  an  essayist  he 
attracted  attention  in  college  and  since  he  entered  politics  he 
has  made  a  name  for  himself  as  an  author  and  debater  of  high 
standing. 

For  many  years  he  has  been  in  great  demand  all  over 
the  country  as  a  speaker,  and  he  has  made  many  notable  ad- 
dresses. His  orations  and  books  deal  mostly  with  public  men 
and  questions  of  State. 

He  is  the  author  of  the  life  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,  the  radi- 
cal Republican  leader  in  Congress  during  the  Civil  War 
epoch.  Mr.  McCall's  life  of  Thomas  B.  Reed,  published  a  year 
ago,  was  a  labor  of  love,  as  he  was  one  of  Mr.  Reed's  warm 
personal  friends  and  enthusiastic  admirers. 

His  oration  on  the  occasion  of  the  centennial  celebration 
of  the  birth  of  Daniel  Webster,  delivered  at  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege, is  classed  among  the  greatest  eulogies  of  the  "Godlike" 
Daniel,  and  put  Mr.  McCall  in  the  front  ranks  of  American 
orators. 

While  Mr.  McCall  is  a  serious  minded  man  he  possesses 
a  degree  of  humor  which  he  sometimes  exhibits  not  only  in 
his  conversation  with  friends  but  in  his  speeches  and  writings. 

He  likes  a  clean  joke,  and  can  tell  one  as  effectively  as  a 
professional  rib  tickler.  His  laugh  is  hearty,  but  not  boister- 
ous.   His  wit  is  dry;  his  smile  captivating. 

Within  the  covers  of  his  book,  "The  Life  of  Thomas  B. 

394 


Reed,"  are  many  stories  illustrating  Tom  Reed's  wit  and 
wisdom  and  demonstrating  Mr.  McCall's  own  fund  of  whole- 
some humor.  A  few  examples  will  not  be  out  of  place  by  way 
of  illustration. 

"Mr  Reed,"  says  Mr  McCall,  "was  one  of  the  shining 
marks  for  the  Greenback  orators  in  the  campaign  of  1880. 
Reed  was  always  a  'hard  money'  man.  A  Greenback  orator 
followed  Mr  Reed  into  one  of  his  meetings  and  interrupted 
him  to  dispute  one  of  his  statements.      Reed  reaffirmed  it. 

"  'Well,'  said  the  Greenback  orator,  'I  want  to  state  that  I 
have  the  law  in  my  satchel,  which  says  that  the  banks  cannot 
bank  on  less  than  6  per  cent  bonds.' 

"'Law  in  his  satchel,'  replied  Reed,  'if  this  gentleman 
had  the  law  in  his  head,  he  would  be  a  much  more  useful  and 
reliable  citizen.'  " 

Mr,  McCall  relates  a  story  of  the  squelching  of  Sunset 
Cox,  a  famous  Democrat  and  wit  of  his  party  in  Congress. 
Cox  was  belittling  the  State  of  Maine,  and  referring  to 
liquor  drinking  in  that  State  in  a  speech  in  the  House. 

"  'The  Republican  party  drinks  a  good  deal  of  whisky 
clandestinely  that  we  do  not  know  anything  about,"  remarked 
Cox. 

Reed's  reply  to  Cox  was :  "  'When  my  friend  from  New 
York  drinks  it,  it  does  not  remain  clandestine  very  long.'  " 

On  another  occasion,  answering  Reed  in  the  House  in  a 
rough  and  tumble  political  debate,  Cox  sent  this  shot  across  to 
the  Republican  side  of  the  chamber:  "'If  ignorance  and 
iuipudence  would  make  a  statesman,  the  gentleman  from 
Maine  would  be  a  Bismarck.'  " 

Another  one  of  Mr  McCall's  friends  in  Congress  was 
Uncle  Joe  Cannon  of  Illinois.  In  his  life  of  Reed,  Mr  McCall 
tells  the  following  story  of  Reed  and  Cannon : 

"Mr.  Reed  was  not  greatly  addicted  to  cards,  although  he 
enjoyed  an  occasional  game. 

"On  going  out  for  an  evening's  gime  he  sometimes  de- 
lighted to  affect  a  ruse  to  explain  his  absence.  On  leaving 
home  one  evening,  he  said  to  Mrs  Reed :  *I  am  going  to  call 
on  the  Italian  Ambassador,  Guiseppe  Cannoni.'  A  few  even- 
ings later  he  repeated  the  same  thing  to  Mrs  Reed. 

"  'But,'  she  replied,  'T  thought  the  Italian  Ambassador's 

name  was  Count .' 

**  'No,'  said  Reed,  'it  is  Guiseppi  Cannoni,  vulgarly  known 
as  Joe  Cannon.'  " 

395 


In  the  campaign  against  the  Mills  tariff  bill,  Mr  Reed 
was  in  great  demand  at  Republican  meetings.  He  used  to 
claim  that  the  best  market  in  the  world  was  America,  and  then 
he  would  tell  the  following  story: 

"  'You  are  asked  to  give  up  such  a  market  for  the  mar- 
kets of  the  world.  Why,  the  history  of  such  transaction  was 
tcld  2400  years  ago.  It  is  a  classic.  You  will  find  it  in  the 
works  of  Aesop,  the  fabulist. 

"  'Once  there  was  a  dog.  He  was  a  nice  little  dog.  Noth- 
ing the  matter  with  him,  excepting  a  few  free  trade  ideas  in 
his  head.  He  was  trotting  along  happy  as  the  day,  for  he  had 
in  his  mouth  a  nice  shoulder  of  succulent  mutton. 

"  'By  and,  by  he  came  to  a  stream  bridged  with  a  plank. 
He  trotted  along  and  looked  over  the  side  of  the  plank  and  he 
saw  the  markets  of  the  world  and  dived  after  them. 

"  'A  mitmte  after,  he  was  crawling  up  the  bank  the  wet- 
test, the  slickest  nnd  slimiest  looking  dog  you  ever  saw.'  " 

The  Democrats  didn't  like  the  way  Reed  ran  the  House 
and  they  named  him  "Czar  Reed."  One  day  Speaker  Reed 
was  counting  a  quorum  of  the  House  under  his  own  rules, 
when  Joe  Blackburn  of  Kentucky  arose  with  much  dignity. 
Holding  a  large  book  in  his  hand,  Blackburn  said,  addressing 
the  chair: 

"I  deny  your  right,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  count  me  as  present, 
and  I  desire  to  read  from  the  parliamentary  law  on  the  sub- 
ject." 

Reed  raised  a  hearty  laugh  by  coolly  saying  in  reply, 
with  his  usual  drawl : 

"The  chair  is  making  a  statement  of  fact  that  the  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky  is  present.     Does  he  deny  it?" 

Mr.  McCall's  career  may  be  epitomized  as  follows : 

Born  in  East  Providence,  Pennsylvania,  February  28th, 
1851. 

Attended  New  Hampton,  New  Hampshire,  Academy  and 
Dartmouth  College,  graduating  from  the  latter  in  1874. 

Taught  country  school,  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to 
the  Bar,  practicing  in  Boston. 

Served  for  some  years  as  Editor  in  Chief  of  Boston  Ad- 
vertiser. 

Elected  to  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives 
in  1888,  1889  and  1892. 

Delegate  to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1888 
and  1892. 

396 


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Represented  the  Eighth  District  in  the  Fifty-Third,  Fifty- 
Fourth,  Fifty-Fifth,  Fifty-Sixth,  Fifty-Seventh,  Fifty-Eighth, 
Fifty-Ninth,  Sixtieth,  Sixty-First  and  Sixty-Second  Con- 
gresses. 

Author  of  biography  of  Thaddeus  Stevens  and  Thomas 
H.  Benton,  "The  Business  of  Congress,"  "The  Life  of  Thomas 
B.  Reed." 

When  he  retired  from  Congress  Mr  McCall's  neighbors 
and  friends  in  Massachusetts  tendered  him  a  banquet,  which 
vv^as  attended  by  representative  men  of  both  of  the  leading 
political  parties. 

The  future  of  the  Republican  party  in  Massachusetts  de- 
pends much  on  the  administration  of  Mr  McCall.  He  may 
make  it  possible  for  it  to  continue  in  power  or  he  may  blast 
the  hopes  of  its  friends.  In  all  probability,  Mr  McCall  will 
please  neither  the  extreme  Progressive  or  the  stalwart  Stand- 
patter of  his  party.  Happily,  Mr  McCall's  public  record  and 
leanings,  encourage  forward  looking  men  and  women  to  be- 
lieve that  he  will  treat  all  important  public  questions,  from 
a  broad  and  liberal  standpoint  and  that  no  act  of  his  will  set 
back  the  hands  of  the  political  clock.  He  realizes  that  if  the 
Republican  party  is  to  continue  as  a  vital  political  force  in 
public  affairs,  it  must  strive  to  lead  the  procession  of  sane 
progressiveness,  not  lag  behind. 

"Unawed  by  influence  and  unbribed  by  gain,"  Mr.  McCall 
has  shown  in  his  public  career  that  his  loyalty  to  the  political 
ideals  of  the  founders  of  his  party  has  not  suffered  at  his 
hands.  Never  an  extreme  partizan,  he  has  in  his  power  to 
g^ve  the  State  an  administration,  second  to  none  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Commonwealth  in  ability,  efficiency  and  saneness. 
That  this  will  be  his  aim,  those  who  know  him  feel  assured. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  government  Massachusetts 
has  stood  high  among  the  .States  in  the  character  of  its  repre- 
sentatives in  Washington  and  this  has  been  true  especially 
of  its  representation  in  the  United  States  Senate — Webster, 
Choate,  Everett,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Winthrop,  Sunmer, 
Wilson,  Hoar  come  easily  to  mind ;  and  it  is  a  boast  of  the 
State  that  during  the  great  crises  of  the  country's  history  her 
Senators  have  in  almost  every  instance  loomed  higher  than 
those  of  any  other  state.  It  has  been  her  fortune  to  h:ive 
Senators  who  supplemented  each  other's  qualities.  Webster, 
of  course,  was  the  greatest  of  all  Senators  and  with  him  dur- 


397 


ing  the  period  of  the  great  constitutional  debate  were  men 
noted  for  sanity  and  clearness  of  judgment  and  practical  effi- 
ciency. During  the  time  of  the  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
Sumner  was  indisputably  the\  greatest  intellectual  figure  'n 
the  Senate,  and  by  his  side  was  Henry  Wilson,  the  wisest  po- 
litical leader  in  Washington,  the  most  influential  in  the  tran- 
saction of  the  essential  public  business.  Hoar  and  Dawes 
supplemented  each  other:  Hoar  and  Lodge  formed  an  un- 
equalled combination ;  Lodge  and  Crane  when  they  served  to- 
gether gave  Massachusetts  an  influence  unapproached  by  any 
other  State ;  one  through  his  distinction  as  an  orator,  a  de- 
bater and  a  student  of  public  afifairs,  the  other  through  his 
wisdom,  his  sanity  and  his  marvellous  facility  in  the  handling 
of  men.  The  same  conditions  prevail  now  with  Lodge  and 
Weeks.  Though  members  of  a  minority  party,  they  have  an 
influence  on  legislation  far  out  of  proportion  to  that  enjoyed 
by  Senators  from  any  other  State. 

These  two  men  make  a  legislative  team  with  which  the 
Senators  from  no  other  State  dare  invite  comparison.  Lodge 
is  the  master  mind  of  Washington  in  all  matters  relating  to 
foreign  affairs,  Weeks  in  all  matters  relating  to  finance  and 
business.  Both  work  shoulder  to  shoulder  for  Military  and 
Naval  preparedness,  and  both  labor  with  complete  l-armony 
in  advocacy  of  all  political  measures.  So  long  as  they  remain 
in  the  Senate,  Massachusetts  will  rank  at  the  very  top  in  in- 
fluence in  national  affairs.  No  other  combination  can  rival 
them  in  usefulness  to  the  State. 


398 


